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John Knox's
History of the Reformation
in Scotland
Volume Two
K
John Knox's
History of the Reformation
in Scotland
Edited by
William Croft Dickinson D.Lit.
Volume Two
505503
15. 3 60
Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd
London Edinburgh Paris Melbourne Toronto and New York
THOMAS NELSON AND SONS LTD
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First published 1949
CONTENTS
VOLUME II
THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION OF RELIGION
WITHIN THE REALM OF SCOTLAND
THE FOURTH BOOK i
THE FIFTH BOOK (by Knox's continuator) 135
APPENDICES
I "PATRICK'S PLACES" 219
II ALEXANDER SETON'S LETTER TO KING JAMES V 230
III THE CONDEMNATION AND MARTYRDOM OF GEORGE
WISHART 233
IV THE LETTER OF JOHN HAMILTON, ARCHBISHOP OF ST.
ANDREWS, TO ARCHIBALD, EARL OF ARGYLL ; AND
ARGYLL'S ANSWERS THERETO 246
V THE "BEGGARS' SUMMONDS " 255
VI THE CONFESSION OF FAITH 257
VII THE FORM AND ORDER OF THE ELECTION OF SUPER-
INTENDENTS, ELDERS, AND DEACONS 273
VIII THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 280
IX ACTS OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL RELATING TO THE " THIRDS
OF THE BENEFICES" 326
X "ANE EPISTLE DIRECT FRA THE HOLYE ARMITE OF
ALLARIT, TO HIS BRETHEREN THE GRAY FREIRES " 333
GLOSSARY 337
A NOTE ON AUTHORITIES 343
GENEALOGICAL TABLES 351
GENERAL INDEX 353
THE FOURTH BOOK
OF THE PROGRESS AND CONTINUANCE OF TRUE RELIGION
WITHIN SCOTLAND
PREFATIO
In the former Books, gentle reader, thou may clearly see how potently
God hath performed in these our last and wicked days, as well as
in the ages that have passed before us, the promises that are made to
the servants of God, by the prophet Isaiah, in these words : " They
that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength ; they shall lift
up the wings as the eagles ; they shall run, and not be weary ; they
shall walk, and not faint." This promise, we say, such as Sathan hath
not utterly blinded may see performed in us, the professors of Christ
Jesus within this realm of Scotland, with no less evidence than it
was in any age that ever hath passed before us. For what was our
force ? What was our number ? Yea, what wisdom or worldly
policy was into us, to have brought to a good end so great an enter-
prise ? Our very enemies can bear witness. And yet in how great
purity God did establish amongst us his true religion, as well in
doctrine as in ceremonies ! To what confusion and fear were idolaters,
adulterers, and all public transgressors of God's commandments
within short time brought ? The public order of the Church, yet
by the mercy of God preserved, and the punishments executed against
malefactors, can testify unto the world. For, as touching the doctrine
taught by our ministers, and as touching the administration of
Sacraments used in our Churches, we are bold to affirm that there
is no realm this day upon the face of the earth, that hath them in
greater purity ; yea (we must speak the truth whomsoever we offend),
there is none (no realm, we mean) that hath them in the like purity.
For all others (how sincere that ever the doctrine be, that by some is
taught), retain in their Churches, and the ministers thereof, some
footsteps of Antichrist, and some dregs of papistry ; but we (all
praise to God alone) have nothing within our Churches that ever
flowed from that Man of Sin. ^ And this we acknowledge to be the
strength given unto us by God, because we esteemed not ourselves
wise in our own eyes, but understanding our whole wisdom to be but
mere foolishness before our God, laid it aside, and followed only that
which we found approved by himself
In this point could never our enemies cause us to faint, for our
first petition was, " That the reverent face of the primitive and
' Cf. infra, 266-267, in The Confession of Faith, c. xviii.
4 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
The first apostoHc Church should be reduced * again to the eyes and know-
the ^Pnt- ledge of men." ^ And in that point, we say, our God hath strengthened
estantsof ^g ^-jjj jj^g^f ^j^g work was finished, as the world may see. And as
Scotland . . i r i i i- i •
concernmg the suppressmg oi vice, yea, and or the abolishmg of all
such things as might nourish impiety within the realm, the acts and
statutes of the principal towns reformed will yet testify. For what
adulterer, what fornicator, what known mass-monger, or pestilent
Papist, durst have been seen in public, within any reformed town
within this realm, before that the Queen arrived ? And this victory
to his word, and terror to all filthy livers, did our God work by such
as yet live and remain witnesses (whether they will or not) of the
foresaid works of our God. We say, our God suffered none of those,
whom he first called to the battle, to perish or to fall till that he made
them victors of their enemies. For even as God suffered none of those
whom he called from Egypt to perish in the Red Sea, how fearful
that ever the danger appeared, so suffered he none of us to be
oppressed, nor yet to be taken from this life, till that more Pharaohs
than one were drowned, and we set at freedom without ^ all danger
of our enemies : to let both us and our posterity understand that such
as follow the conducting of God cannot perish, albeit that they
walked in the very shadow of death.
But from whence (alas) cometh this miserable dispersion of God's
people within this realm, this day, anno 1566, in May ? ■* And what
The cause is the cause that now the just are compelled to keep silence ; good men
troubles of are banished ; murderers, and such as are known unworthy of the
the Kirk common society (if just laws were put in due execution) bear the
Scotland wholc regiment and swing ^ within this realm ? We answer,
j'rorn'^the Bccausc that Suddenly the most part of us declined from the purity
courtiers of God's word, and began to follow the world ; and so again to shake
seemed to hands with the Devil, and with idolatry, as in this Fourth Book we
profess the ^[^ hg^r.
avangel
For while that Papists were so confounded that none within the
' brought back '' Cf supra, i, 151- 152
' outside, that is, " beyond all danger from. . . "
* That is, when, following the murder of Riccio (9 March 1566) and Mary's escape
with Darnley to Dunbar, Mary had summoned her forces in arms, the murderers had
been denounced as rebels, many of " the godly " had fled from Edinburgh, and Knox
himself had taken refuge in Kyle. According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (94) the Lords
" with dolorous hearts " left Edinburgh on 17 March at seven in the morning, and Knox
left the same day at two in the afternoon " with a great mourning of the godly of religion."
This date, coming in the body of the text, and in the text hand (folio 301 verso) shows
that at least the Preface to Book IV was written during Knox's retirement in the south-
west. ' sway
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 5
realm durst more avow the hearing or saying of Mass than the
thieves of Liddesdale durst avow their stowth ^ in presence of an
upright judge, there were Protestants found that ashamed not at
tables, and other open places, to ask, " Why may not the Queen
have her own Mass, and the form of her religion ? What can that
hurt us or our religion ? " And from these two, " Why " and
•' What," at length sprang out this affirmative, " The Queen's Mass
and her priests will we maintain : this hand and this rapier shall
fight in their defence, etc."
The inconvenients were shown, both by tongue and pen ; but
the advertisers were judged to be men of unquiet spirits. Their
credit was defaced at the hands of such as before were not ashamed
to have used their counsel in matters of greater importance than to
have resisted the Mass. But then, my Lord, my Master, may not
be thus used : he has that honour to be the Queen's brother ; and
therefore we will that all men shall understand that he must tender
her as his sister ; and whosoever will counsel him to displease her,
or the least that appertains unto her, shall not find him their friend ;
yea, they are worthy to be hanged that would so counsel him, etc.^
These and the like reasons took such deep root in flesh and blood
that the truth of God was almost foryett ^ ; and from this fountain
(to wit, that flesh and blood was, and yet, alas, is preferred to God,
and to his messengers rebuking vice and vanity) hath all our misery
proceeded. For as before, so even yet, although the ministers be set Thecor-
to beg, the guard and the men-of-war must be served.^ Though ^^f""
the blood of the ministers be spilled, it is the Queen's servant that entered
did it. Although Masses be multiplied in all quarters of the realm. Queen's
who can stop the Queen's subjects to live of the Queen's religion ? ^^^'•
Although innocent men be imprisoned, it is the Queen's pleasure : theology of
she is offended at such men. Although under pretence of justice ^^nd'ihlir
innocents be cruelly murdered ; the lords shall weep, but the reasons
Queen's mind must be satisfied. Nobles of the realm, barons and
councillors are banished, their escheats disponed, and their lives
most unjustly pursued ; the Queen has lost her trusty servant Davy ^ ;
he was dear unto her ; and therefore, for her honour's sake, she
' theft
^ The chief " advertiser " and " unquiet spirit " was, of course, Knox. " My Lord,
my Master " was the Lord James Stewart, Mary's half-brother. Knox had openly
broken with him at the end of May, 1 563 (infra, 78) , and in June 1 564 they were still so
estranged that " neither by word nor write was there any communication betwix
them." {Infra, 134)
" forgot * See the note mfra, 103, note 6 ' David Riccio
b THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
must show rigour to revenge his death. And yet further, albeit
that some know that she has plainly purposed to wreck the religion
within this realm ; that to that Roman Antichrist she hath made her
promise ; and that from him she hath taken money to uphold his
pomp within this realm ; yet will they let the people understand
that the Queen will establish religion, and provide all things orderly,
if she were once delivered.
This was If such dealings, which are common amongst our Protestants,
when the be not to prefer flesh and blood to God, to his truth, to justice, to
"'^°k^f religion, and unto the liberty of this oppressed realm, let the world
the Lords judge. The plagues have been, and in some part are present, that
Vanished ^ were before threatened ; the rest approach. And yet who from
the heart cries, " I have offended ; the Lord knows. In Thee only
is the trust of the oppressed ; for vain is the help of man." But now
return we to our History.
* See supra, 4, note 4
The nineteenth day of August, the year of God 1561, betwix
seven and eight hours before noon, arrived Marie Queen of
Scotland, then widow, with two galleys forth of France. In her
company (besides her gentlewomen called the Maries ^), were
her three uncles, the Duke d'Aumale,^ the Grand Prior,' and the
Marquis d'Elboeuf ^ There accompanied her also, Damville,^ son
to the Constable of France, with other gentlemen of inferior condi-
tion,® besides servants and officers. The very face of heaven, the
time of her arrival, did manifestly speak what comfort was brought The
unto this country with her, to wit, sorrow, dolour, darkness, and all /^jT"^
impiety. For, in the memory of man, that day of the year was never arrival m
seen a more dolorous face of the heaven than was at her arrival,
which two days after did so continue ; for besides the surface wet, and
corruption of the air, the mist was so thick and so dark that scarce
might any man espy another the length of two pair of boots. The
sun was not seen to shine two days before, nor two days after. That
fore-warning gave God unto us ; but alas, the most part were blind.
At the sound of the cannons which the galleys shot, the multitude
being advertised, happy was he and she that first might have the
presence of the Queen. The Protestants were not the slowest, and
thereinto they were not to be blamed. Because the Palace of Holy-
roodhouse was not thoroughly put in order (for her coming was more
sudden than many looked for^), she remained in Leith till towards
' That is, Mary Fleming, Mary Seton, Mary Beaton, and Mary Livingstone. (See
"The Queen's Maries" in Scot. Hist. Review, ii, 363-371) See also Lesley, Historie of
Scotland (Bannatyne Club), 209.
' Claude of Lorraine (1526-73), Marquis de Mayenne, Due d'Aumale.
" Francis of Lorraine (1534-63), Due de Guise (1550-63), Grand Prior of the Order
of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem (at Malta). ,
* Ren^ of Lorraine (1536-66), Marquis d'Elboeuf.
* Henry de Montmorency, Count of Damville, son of Anne de Montmorency, Marshal
and Constable of France.
* The " others " included Pierre de Bourdeille, better known as the Sieur de Brant6me.
' Mary's arrival had not been expected until the end of the month {Calendar of Scottish
Papers, i. No. looi ; Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 253, note 4). In July, 1561,
Elizabeth was of opinion that Mary's return would " alter many things for the worse,"
and the English Queen kept in touch with the Hamiltons {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i,
No. 992). Her refusal to grant a safe-conduct to Mary, and her patrolling fleet, may
have been intended to drive Mary to take the western route to Dumbarton, that is,
into Hamilton country. Knowledge of this might acoount for Mary's earlier return ;
certainly it was to her interest to return to Scotland as soon as possible and, once there,
to rely on her half-brother, the Lord James Stewart.
7
8 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
The ^ the evening, and then repaired thither.^ In the way betwixt Leith
fasT^Toce and the Abbey, met her the rebels of the crafts (of whom we spake
in despite before ^), to wit, those that had violated the authority of the maejis-
qf religion iiii- iin ni t rr- • ^
trates, and had besieged the rrovost. But because she was surhcientiy
instructed that all they did was done in despite of the religion, they
were easily pardoned. Fires of joy were set forth all night, and a
company of the most honest, with instruments of music and with
musicians, gave their salutations at her chamber window. The
melody (as she alleged) liked her well ; and she willed the same to
be continued some nights after.
With great diligence the lords repaired unto her from all quarters.
And so was nothing understood but mirth and quietness till the next
Sunday, which was the xxiv of August, when preparation began to
be made for that idol the Mass to be said in the Chapel ; which
pierced the hearts of all. The godly began to bolden ; and men began
openly to speak, " Shall that idol be suffered again to take place
within this realm ? It shall not." The Lord Lindsay (then but
Master^), with the gentlemen of Fife, and others, plainly cried in
"J^^ , the close, " The idolater priest should die the death," according to
first Mass God's law. One that carried in the candle was evil effrayed ; but
then began flesh and blood to show itself. There durst no Papist
Lord ^ neither yet any that came out of France whisper. But the Lord
fact James * (the man whom all the godly did most reverence) took upon
him to keep the Chapel door. His best excuse was, that he would
stop all Scottish men to enter in to the Mass. But it was, and is,
sufficiently known that the door was kept that none should have
entry to trouble the priest, who, after the Mass, was committed
Conveyers x.o the protection of Lord John of Coldingham ^ and Lord Robert
Priest of Holyroodhousc,^ who then were both Protestants, and had com-
municated at the Table of the Lord. Betwix them two was the priest
convoyed to his chamber.'
And sd the godly departed with great grief of heart, and at after-
noon repaired to the Abbey in great companies, and gave plain
signification that they could not abide that the land which God
by his power had purged from idolatry should in their eyes be
' Hay Fleming, op. cit., 253, note 2 ' Supra, 1, 355-359
' Patrick, eldest son of John, fifth Lord Lindsay of the Byres, became Patrick, sixth
Lord Lindsay, after the death of his father in December 1563.
* The Lord James Stewart, later Earl of Moray.
' The Lord John Stewart, a natural son of James V, and Commendator of Coldingham.
' The Lord Robert Stewart, a natural son of James V, and Commendator of Holyrood.
' See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 46-47, 257, notes 14 and 15
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 9
polluted again. Which understood, there began complaint upon
complaint. The old dountybours,i and others that long had served
in the Court and have no remission of sins but by virtue of the Mass,
cried, " They would to France without delay : they could not hve
without the Mass." The same affirmed the Queen's uncles. And
would to God that that menzie,^ together with the Mass, had taken
eood-niffht at this realm for ever ; for so had Scotland been rid of T^« «nd
an unprofitable burden of devourmg strangers, and ot the malediction yet seen
of God that has stricken and yet will strike for idolatry.
The Council assembled, disputation was had of the next remedy.
Politic heads were sent unto the gendemen with these and the like
persuasions, " Why, alas, will ye chase our Sovereign from us ? The per-
She will incontinent return to her galleys ; and what then shall all of the
realms say of us ? May we not suffer her a litde while ? We doubt ^o«mm
not but she shall leave it. If we were not assured that she might be
won, we should be as great enemies to her Mass as ye should be.
Her uncles will depart, and then shall we rule all at our pleasure.
Would not we be as sorry to hurt the Religion as any of you would
be?"
With these and the like persuasions (we say) was the fervency
of the Brethren quenched ; and an Act ^ was framed, the tenor
whereof folio weth :
Apud Edinburgh, xxv^o Augusti Anno &c. lxP
Forsamekle as the Qjueen's Majesty has understood the great
inconvenients that may come through the division presently standing
in this Realm for the difference in matters of religion, that her
Majesty is most desirous to see [it] pacified by a good order, to the
honour of God, and tranquillity of her Realm, and means to take the
same by advice of her Estates so soon as conveniently may be ; and
that her Majesty's godly resolution therein may be greatly hindered,
in case any tumult or sedition be raised amongst the lieges if any
sudden alteration or novation be pressed [at] or attempted before
that the order may be established : Therefore, for eschewing of the
' Later {infra, 87) the word seems to be used in the sense oi courtesans. A possible deriva-
tion would be from donte (the rounded belly of a musical instrument) and bourr^s (stuffed
or filled). '^ company
^ Laing thought that this Act had not survived in the extant Register of the Privy
Council (Laing's Knox, ii, 272, note) ; but the Act is contained in the Register, though not
in its proper place. (See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 266-67 ; and the important
editorial comment, ibid., Intro., xxxvi-xl)
10 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
said inconvenients, her Majesty ordains letters to be directed ^ to
charge all and sundry her lieges, by open proclamation at the
Market Cross of Edinburgh, and other places needful, that they and
every one of them, contain themselves in quietness, [and] keep peace
and civil society amongst themselves : And in the meantime, while ^
the Estates of this Realm may be assembled, and that her Majesty
have taken a final order by their advice and public consent, which
her Majesty hopes shall be to the contentment of the whole, that
none of them take upon hand, privately or openly, to make alteration
or innovation of the state of religion, or attempt anything against
the form which her Majesty found publicly and universally
standing at her Majesty's arrival in this her Realm, under the pain
of death : With certification, that if any subject of the Realm shall
come in the contrary hereof, he shall be esteemed and held a seditious
person and raiser of tumult, and the said pain shall be executed upon
him with all rigour, to the example of others. Attour,^ her Majesty
by the advice of the Lords of her Secret Council, commands and
charges all her lieges that none of them take upon hand to molest
or trouble any of her domestical servants, or persons whatsomever,
come forth of France in her Grace's company at this time, in word,
deed, or countenance, for any cause whatsomever, either within her
palace or without, or make any derision or invasion upon any of
them, under whatsomever colour or pretence, under the said pain
of death : Albeit her Majesty be sufficiently persuaded that her good
and loving subjects would do the same, for the reverence they bear
to her person and authority, notwithstanding that no such com-
mandment were published.
This Act and Proclamation, penned and put in form by such as
before professed Christ Jesus (for in the Council then had Papists
neither power nor vote), it was publicly proclaimed at the Market
Cross of Edinburgh, upon Monday foresaid. No man reclaimed,
nor made repugnance to it, except the Earl of'Arran only who, in
open audience of the Heralds and people protested, " That he dis-
sented that any protection or defence should be made to the Queen's
domestics, or to any that came from France, to offend God's Majesty,
and to violate the laws of the Realm, more than to any other subject.
For God's law had pronounced death against the idolater, and the
laws of the Realm had appointed punishment for sayers and hearers
of Mass ; which (said he), I here protest, be universally observed,
' For the issue of the Letters, see Accounts Lord High Treasurer, xi, 63, 64.
' until
(653)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND II
and that none be exempted, unto such time as a law, as pubHcly
made, and as consonant to the law of God, have disannulled the
former." And thereupon he took documents, as the tenor of this his
Protestation doth witness :
In so far as by this Proclamation it is understood to the Kirk of
God, and members thereof, that the Queen's Grace is minded that
the true religion and worshipping, else ^ established, proceed for-
ward, that it may daily increase, unto the Parliament, that order
then may be taken for extirpation of all idolatry within this Realm :
We render most heartly thanks to the Lord our God for her Grace's
good mind, earnestly praying that it may be increased in her High-
ness to the honour and glory of his name, and weal of his Kirk
within this Realm. And as touching the molestation of her Highness's
servants, we suppose that none dare be so bold as once to move their
finger at them, in doing of their lawful business ; and as for us, we have
learned at our master Christ's school, " to keep peace with all men " ;
and therefore, for our part, we will promise that obedience unto her
Majesty (as is our duty), that none of her servants shall be molested,
troubled, or once touched by the Kirk, or any member thereof, in
doing their lawful affairs. But, since that God has said, " The
idolater shall die the death," we Protest solemnly, in presence of
God, and in the ears of the whole people that hear this Proclamation,
and specially in presence of you, Lyon Herald, and of the rest of your
colleagues, &c., makers of this Proclamation, that if any of her
servants shall commit idolatry, specially say Mass, participate there-
with, or take the defence thereof, (which we were loth should be
in her Grace's company), in that case, that this Proclamation be not
extended to them in that behalf, nor be not a safeguard or gyrth ^
to them in that behalf, no more nor if they commit slaughter or
murder, seeing the one is mekle more abominable and odious in the
sight of God than is the other : But that it may be lawful to inflict
upon them the pains contained in God's word against idolaters,
wherever they may be apprehended, but ' favour. And this our
Protestation we desire you to notify unto her, and give her the copy
hereof, lest her Highness should suspect an uproar, if we should all
come and present the same. At Edinburgh, the day and year fore-
said.
This boldness did somewhat exasperate the Queen, and such as
favoured her in that point. As the Lords, called of the Congregation,
' already ' sanctuary ^ without
(653) VOL II 2
12
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Robert
Campbell
to the
Lord
Ochiltree
The
Queen^s
practices
at the
first
Thejudg-
ment of
John
Knox
upon the
suffering
of the
Queen's
Mass
The
courtiers
repaired unto the town, at the first coming they showed themselves
wondrously offended that the Mass was permitted ; so that every
man as he came accused them that were before him : but after that
they had remained a certain space, they were as quiet as were the
former. Which thing perceived, a zealous and godly man, Robert
Campbell of Kinzeancleuch, said unto the Lord Ochiltree, " My
Lord, now ye are come, and almost the last of all the rest ; and I
perceive, by your anger, that the fire-edge is not off you yet ; but I
fear, that after that the holy water of the Court be sprinkled upon
you, that ye shall become as temperate as the rest. For I have been
here now five days, and at the first I heard every man say, ' Let us
hang the priest ' ; but after that they had been twice or thrice in
the Abbey, all that fervency was past. I think there be some en-
chantment whereby men are bewitched." And in very deed so
it came to pass. For the Queen's flattering words, upon the one
part, ever still crying, " Conscience, conscience : it is a sore thing
to constrain the conscience " ; and the subtle persuasions of her
supposts ^ (we mean even of such as sometimes were judged most
fervent with us ^) upon the other part, blinded all men, and put them
in this opinion : she will be content to hear the preaching, and so no
doubt but she may be won. And thus of all it was concluded to
suffer her for a time.
The next Sunday,^ John Knox, inveighing against idolatry,
showed what terrible plagues God had taken upon realms and
nations for the same ; and added, " That one Mass (there was no
more suffered at the first) was more fearful to him than if ten thousand
armed enemies were landed in any part of the realm, of purpose
to suppress the whole religion. For (said he) in our God there is
strength to resist and confound multitudes if we unfeignedly depend
upon him ; whereof heretofore we have had experience ; but when
we join hands with idolatry, it is no doubt but that both God's
amicable presence and comfortable defence leaveth us, and what
shall then become of us ? Alas, I fear that experience shall teach
us, to the grief of many." At these words, the guiders of the Court
mocked, and plainly spake, " That such fear was no point of their
faith : it was beside his text, and was a very untimely admonition."
But we heard this same John Knox,"* in the audience of the same
' supporters
'' A reference to the Lord James and Maitland of Lethington, in particular.
' That is, Sunday 31 August 1561 ; though Knox had already " thundered " from
the pulpit on Sunday 24 August {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. loio).
' An attempt at impersonal narration.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 3
men, recite the same words again in the midst of troubles ; and, in the
audience of many, ask [of] God mercy that he was not more vehement
and upright in the suppressing of that idol in the beginning. ^ " For
(said he), albeit that I spake that which offended some (which this
day they see and feel to be true), yet did I not [that] which I might
have done ; for God had not only given unto me knowledge and
tongue to make the impiety of that idol known unto this realm, but
he had given unto me credit with many, who would have put in
execution God's judgments, if I would only have consented thereto.
But so careful was I of that common tranquillity, and so loth was I J?/'",
Til -I J •• linox s
to have offended those of whom 1 had conceived a good opmion, confession
that in secret conference with earnest and zealous men, I travailed
rather to mitigate, yea, to slaken, that fervency that God had
kindled in others, than to animate or encourage them to put their
hands to the Lord's work. Whereintill I unfeignedly acknowledge
myself to have done most wickedly ; and from the bottom of my
heart, ask of my God grace and pardon, for that I did not what
in me lay to have suppressed that idol in the beginning." These and
other words did many hear him speak in public place, in the month
of December, the year of God 1565, when such as at the Queen's
arrival only maintained the Mass, were exiled the realm, summoned
upon treason, and decreet of forfeiture intended against them.^
But to return from whence we have digressed.
Whether it was by counsel of others, or of the Queen's own
desire, we know not ; but the Queen spake with John Knox, and
had long reasoning with him, none being present except the Lord
James ^ (two gentlewomen stood in the other end of the house *).
The sum of their reasoning was this. The Queen accused him that The first
111-1 r ^ 1 • • 1 1 1 • reasoning
he had raised a part of her subjects against her mother, and against betwix
herself: That he had written a book against her just authority (she ^^^
meant the treatise against the Regiment of Women), which she had, John
and should cause the most learned in Europe to write against it : ""''
* Writing to Cecil on 7 October 1561, Knox laments that he " did not more zealously
gainstand that idol at the first erecting," though " men delighting to swim betwix two
waters have often complained upon my severity." (Laing's Knox, vi, 131)
^ That is, when, following the Roundabout or Chase-about Raid, Chatelherault,
Moray, Glencairn, Rothes, Boyd, Ochiltree and others were summoned to compear
before the next Parliament on a charge of treason. (Hay Fleming, Mary Qiieen of Scots,
ii3ff"; Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 355ff, 409 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, Soff, 85-86 ;
infra, i6iflF)
^ This " first reasoning betwix the Queen and John Knox " apparently took place
on Thursday, 4 September 1561. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1017)
* chamber
14 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
That he was the cause of great sedition and great slaughter in
England : and That it was said to her that all which he did was by
necromancy, &c.
To the which the said John answered, " Madam, it may please
your Majesty patiently to hear my simple answers . And first (said he)
if to teach the truth of God in sincerity, if to rebuke idolatry, and to
will a people to worship God according to his word, be to raise
subjects against their princes, then cannot I be excused ; for it has
pleased God of his mercy to make me one (amongst many) to disclose
unto this realm the vanity of the Papistical religion, and the deceit,
pride and tyranny of that Roman Antichrist. But, Madam, if the
true knowledge of God, and his right worshipping be the chief causes
that must move men from their heart to obey their just princes (as
it is most certain that they are) wherein can I be reprehended ? I
think, and am surely persuaded, that your Grace has had, and
presently has, a sunfeigned obedience of such as profess Jesus Christ
within this realm as ever your father or other progenitors had of
those that were called bishops. And touching that book which
seemeth so highly to offend your Majesty, it is most certain that I
wrote it, and am content that all the learned of the world judge of
it. I hear that an Englishman hath written against it, ^ but I have
not read him. If he have sufficiently improved my reasons, and
established his contrary proposition, with as evident testimonies as
I have done mine, I shall not be obstinate, but shall confess my error
and ignorance. But to this hour I have thought, and yet thinks,
myself alone to be more able to sustain the things affirmed in that
my work than any ten in Europe shall be able to confute it."
" Ye think then (quod she), that I have no just authority ? "
" Please your Majesty (said he) that learned men in all ages
have had their judgments free, and most commonly disagreeing from
the common judgment of the world ; such also have they published,
both with pen and tongue, and yet notwithstanding they themselves
have lived in the common society with others, and have borne
patiently with the errors and imperfections which they could not
amend. Plato, the philosopher, wrote his Books of the Common-
wealth, in the which he damneth many things that then were
maintained in the world, and required many things to have been
reformed ; and yet, notwithstanding, he hved even under such
policies as then were universally received without further troubling
of any estate. Even so, Madam, am I content to do, in uprightness
' That is, John Aylmer. (See supra, i, 290, note 3 ; and Laing's Knox, iv, 354-355)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 5
of heart, and with a testimony of a good conscience. I have com-
municated my judgment to the world. If the realm finds no incon-
venience from the regiment of a woman, that which they approve
shall I not further disallow than within my own breast, but shall be
as well content to live under your Grace as Paul was to live under
Nero ; and my hope is, that so long as that ye defile not your hands
with the blood of the saints of God, that neither I nor that book shall
either hurt you or your authority : for in very deed, Madam, that
book was written most especially against that wicked Jezebel of
England." ^
" But (said she), ye speak of women in general."
" Most true it is. Madam (said the other), and yet it appeareth
to me that wisdom should persuade your Grace never to raise trouble
for that which to this day hath not troubled your Majesty, neither
in person nor yet in authority. For of late years many things which
before were held stable have been called in doubt ; yea they have
been plainly impugned. But yet. Madam (said he), I am assured
that neither Protestant nor Papist shall be able to prove that any
such question was at any time moved in public or in secret. Now,
Madam (said he), if I had intended to have troubled your estate,
because ye are a woman, I might have chosen a time more convenient
for that purpose than I can do now, when your own presence is
within the realm.
" But now. Madam, shortly to answer to the other two accusations.
I heartly praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that Sathan, the
enemy of mankind, and the wicked of the world, hath no other
crimes to lay to my charge than such as the very world itself knoweth
to be most false and vain. For in England I was resident only the
space of five years. The places were Berwick, where I abode two
years ; so long in the New Castle ; and a year in London. ^ Now,
Madam, if in any of these places, during the time that I was there,
any man shall be able to prove that there was either battle, sedition
or mutiny I shall confess that I myself was the malefactor and the
shedder of the blood. I ashame not. Madam, further to affirm that
God so blessed my weak labours that in Berwick (where commonly
before there used to be slaughter by reason of quarrels that used to
arise amongst soldiers) there was as great quietness all the time that
I remained there as there is this day in Edinburgh. And where they
slander me of magic, necromancy, or of any other art forbidden of
God, I have witnesses (besides my own conscience) all [the] congrega-
> That is, Mary Tudor, Queen of England ^ See supra, i, 1 1 o
1 6 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
tions that ever heard me, what I spake both against such arts,
and against those that use such impiety. But, seeing the wicked of
the world said. That my Master, the Lord Jesus, was possessed
with Beelzebub, I must patiently bear, albeit that I, wretched
sinner, be unjustly accused of those that never delighted in the
verity."
The ^ " But yet (said she), ye have taught the people to receive another
mond religion than their princes can allow. And how can that doctrine
objection j^g ^f Qod, seeing that God commands subjects to obey their princes ? "
[Answer] " Madam (said he), as right religion took neither original
strength nor authority from worldly princes but from the Eternal
God alone, so are not subjects bound to frame their religion according
to the appetites of their princes. For oft it is that princes are the
most ignorant of all others in God's true religion, as we may read
in the histories as well before the death of Christ Jesus, as after. If
all the seed of Abraham should have been of the religion of Pharaoh,
whom to they were long subjects, I pray you. Madam, what religion
should there have been in the world? Or, if all men in the days of
the Apostles should have been of the religion of the Roman Emperors,
what religion should there have been upon the face of the earth ?
Daniel and his fellows were subjects to Nebuchadnezzar, and unto
Darius, and yet, Madam, they would not be of their religion, neither
of the one or of the other. For the three children said, ' We make
it known unto thee, O King, that we will not worship thy gods ' ;
and Daniel did pray publicly unto his God against the expressed
commandment of the King. And so. Madam, ye may perceive that
subjects are not bound to the religion of their princes, albeit they
are commanded to give them obedience."
The third " Yea (quod she), but none of those men raised the sword against
objection , • . ,,
their prmces.
[Answer] "Yet Madam (quod he), ye cannot deny but that they resisted :
for those that obey not the commandments that are given, in some
sort resist."
Question '<■ But yet (said she), they resisted not by the sword ? "
[Answer] " Qod (said he). Madam, had not given unto them the power and
the means."
" Think ye (quod she), that subjects having power may resist their
princes ? "
" If their princes exceed their bounds (quod he). Madam, and
do against that wherefore they should be obeyed, it is no doubt but
they may be resisted, even by power. For there is neither greater
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 7
honour nor greater obedience to be given to kings or princes, than
God has commanded to be given unto father and mother. But so Question
it is, Madam, that the father may be stricken with a frenzy, in the the
which he would slay his own children. Now, Madam, if the children Z*"^"'*'
arise, join themselves together, apprehend the father, take the sword
or other weapons from him, and finally bind his hands, and keep
him in prison till that his frenzy be overpast ; think ye. Madam,
that the children do any wrong ? Or, think ye, Madam, that God
will be offended with them that have stayed their father to commit
wickedness ? It is even so (said he). Madam, with princes that
would murder the children of God that are subject unto them.
Their blind zeal is nothing but a very mad frenzy ; and therefore, ^'^"^
to take the sword from them, to bind their hands, and to cast them- "
selves in prison till that they be brought to a more sober mind, is no ^hen thu
disobedience against princes, but just obedience, because that it written
agreeth with the will of God." ^^''\'"'^
o , no appear-
At these words, the Queen stood as it were amazed, more than anceof
the quarter of an hour. Her countenance altered, so that Lord i^Zl^J^,
James began to entreat her, and to demand, " What has offended ment '
you, Madam ? "
At length, she said, " Well, then, I perceive that my subjects shall
obey you, 2 and not me; and shall do what they list, and not what I P^ ,
, Queen s
command : and so must I be subject to them, and not they to me." conclusion
" God forbid (answered he), that ever I take upon me to command
any to obey me, or yet to set subjects at liberty to do what pleaseth
them. But my travail is that both princes and subjects obey God.
And think not (said he). Madam, that wrong is done unto you when
ye are willed to be subject unto God : for it is He that subjects people
under princes, and causes obedience to be given unto them ; yea,
God craves of kings That they be as it were foster-fathers to his
Church, and commands queens to be nurses unto his people. And
this subjection. Madam, unto God, and unto his troubled Church,
is the greatest dignity that flesh can get upon the face of the earth,
for it shall carry them to everlasting glory."
"Yea (quod she), but ye are not the Kirk that I will nourish. P^ ,
Queens
I will defend the Kirk of Rome for I think it is the true Kirk of God." Kirk
"Your will (quod he). Madam, is no reason ; neither doth your
thought make that Roman harlot to be the true and immaculate
' In the manuscript (folio 307 recto) , this marginal note is in the same hand as that of
the text. The reference is evidently to the imprisonment of Queen Mary in Lochleven
Castle, June 1567, and thus this part of the History must have been transcribed between
16 June 1567 and 2 May 1568 (see supra, i, ciii). * Namely, John Knox
1 8 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
spouse of Jesus Christ. And wonder not, Madam, that I call Rome
a harlot ; for that Church is altogether polluted with all kind of
spiritual fornication, as well in doctrine as in manners. Yea, Madam,
I offer myself further to prove that the Church of the Jews that
crucified Christ Jesus was not so far degenerated from the ordinances
and statutes which God gave by Moses and Aaron unto his people
when that they manifestly denied the Son of God, as that the Church
of Rome is declined, and more than five hundred years hath declined,
from the purity of that religion which the Apostles taught and
planted,"
" My conscience (said she), is not so."
" Conscience, Madam (said he), requires knowledge ; and I fear
that right knowlege ye have none."
" But (said she), I have both heard and read."
"So (said he), Madam, did the Jews that crucified Christ Jesus
read both the Law and the Prophets, and heard the same interpreted
after their manner. Have ye heard (said he), any teach but such as
the Pope and his Cardinals have allowed ? And ye may be assured
that such will speak nothing to offend their own estate."
Question "Ye interpret the Scriptures (said she), in one manner, and they
interpret in another. Whom shall I believe ? And who shall be
judge ? "
Answer " Ye shall believe (said he), God that plainly speaketh in his word :
and further than the word teaches you, ye neither shall believe the
one or the other. The word of God is plain in the self ; and if there
appear any obscurity in one place, the Holy Ghost, which is never
contrarious to himself, explains the same more clearly in other places :
so that there can remain no doubt but unto such as obstinately
remain ignorant.^ And now (said he), Madam, to take one of the
chief points which this day is in controversy betwix the Papists and
us : for example, the Papists allege, and boldly have affirmed, That
Mass the Mass is the ordinance of God, and the institution of Jesus Christ,
and a sacrifice for the sins of the quick and the dead. We deny both
the one and the other, and affirm that the Mass as it is now used is
nothing but the invention of man ; and, therefore, is an abomination
before God, and no sacrifice that ever God commanded. Now,
Madam, who shall judge betwix us two thus contending ? It is no
reason that either of the parties be further believed than they are
able to prove by unsuspect witnessing. Let them lay down the book
of God, and by the plain words thereof prove their affirmatives, and
* Compare the Confession of Faith, c. xviii {infra, 267).
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 9
we shall give unto them the plea granted. But so long as they are
bold to affirm, and yet do prove nothing, we must say that, albeit
all the world beheved them, yet believe they not God, but receive
the Hes of men for the truth of God. What our Master Jesus Christ
did, we know by his Evangehsts : what the priest doth at his Mass,
the world seeth. Now, doth not the Word of God plainly assure us
that Christ Jesus neither said, nor yet commanded Mass to be said
at his Last Supper, seeing that no such thing as their Mass is made
mention of within the whole Scriptures ? "
" Ye are oure sair ^ for me (said the Queen), but and if they
were here that I have heard, they would answer you." ^
"Madam (quod the other), would to God that the learnedest
Papist in Europe, and he that ye would best believe, were present
with your Grace to sustain the argument ; and that ye would
patiently abide to hear the matter reasoned to the end. For then
I doubt not. Madam, but that ye should hear the vanity of the
Papistical religion and how small ground it hath within the word of
God."
" Well (said she), ye may perchance get that sooner than ye
believe."
"Assuredly (said the other), if ever I get that in my life, I get it
sooner than I beheve. For the ignorant Papists cannot patiently
reason, and the learned and crafty Papist will never come in your
audience. Madam, to have the ground of their religion searched out ;
for they know that they are never able to sustain an argument, except
fire and sword and their own laws be judges."
" So say ye, " (quod the Queen).
" But I can believe that it has been so to this day, (quod he). For
how oft have the Papists in this and other realms been required to
come to conference, and yet could it never be obtained, unless that
themselves were admitted for judges. And therefore. Madam,
I must yet say again that they dare never dispute but where them-
selves are both judge and party. And whensoever that ye shall let
me see the contrary, I shall grant mys6lf to have been deceived in
that point."
And with this the Queen was called upon to dinner, for it was
after noon. ^ At departing, John Knox said unto her, " I pray God,
' too hard
" It is to be noted, however, that Mary's library included many books relating to the
religious revolution of her time. (See Irwentaires de la Royne Descosse, Bannatyne Club,
Preface, cxi-cxiii)
° The Queen apparently dined at noon {cf. Diurnal of Occurrents, 67).
20
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
John
Knox's
judgment
of the
Queen at
the first,
and ever
since
Madam, that ye may be as blessed within the Commonwealth of
Scotland, if it be the pleasure of God, as ever Deborah was in the
Commonwealth of Israel."
Of this long Conference, whereof we only touch a part, were
divers opinions. The Papists grudged, and feared that which they
needed not. The godly, thinking at least that she would have
heard the preaching, rejoiced ; but they were allutterly ^ deceived,
for she continued in her Massing ; and despised and quietly mocked
all exhortations.
John Knox's own judgment being by some of his familiars
demanded, What he thought of the Queen ? " If there be not in her
(said he), a proud mind, a crafty wit, and an indurate heart against
God and his truth, my judgment faileth me." ^
When the whole Nobility were convened, the Lords of Privy
Council were chosen : who were appointed, the Duke's Grace, ^
the Earls of Huntly,* Argyll,^ Atholl,« Morton,' Glencairn,^
Marischal,» BothwelP" ; Lords Erskine,^^ &c., Lordjames,^^ &c.i=^ Of
these were a certain [number] appointed to wait upon [the] Court by
course ^* ; but that order continued not long.
[The] Duke d'Aumale ^^ returned with the galleys to France. The
Queen entered in her progresses, ^^ and in the month of September
travelled from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, Stirling, Saint Johnston,
Dundee, [and] Saint Andrews ; which all parts she polluted with her
idolatry. Fire followed her very commonly in that journey.^' The
towns propined ^^ her liberally, and thereof were the French enriched.
' utterly
^ Writing to Cecil on 7 October 1561, Knox says " In commuriication with her,
I espied such craft as I have not found in such age." (Laing's Knox, vi, 132)
' James, second Earl of Arran, Duke of Chatelherault
* George, fourth Earl of Huntly ' Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll
' John Stewart, fourth Earl of Atholl
' James Douglas, fourth Earl of Morton -'
' Alexander, fourth Earl of Glencairn " William, fourth Earl Marischal
'" James Hepburn, fourth Earl of Bothwell
' ' John, sixth Lord Erskine, later Earl of Mar
'^ Lord James Stewart, later Earl of Moray
" The sederunt and choice of the Privy Council was at Holyrood, 6 September 1561.
{Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 157-158) '^ in turn
'' See supra, 7, note 2. According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (67), he left on i September
1 56 1 with the two galleys which had brought the Queen home.
^* See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 51-52 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, 69
" But apparently only at Stirling, where a candle set the curtains and tester of her bed
on fire while she was asleep. (Randolph to Cecil, 24 September 1 56 1 , in Calendar of Scottish
Papers, i. No. 1023) '* ^nade presents to
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 21
In the beginning of October, ^ she returned to Edinburgh, and
at the day appointed she was received in the Castle. Great pre-
parations were made for her entry in the town. In farces, in masking,
and in other prodigahties, fain would fools have counterfeited
France."^ Whatsoever might set forth her glory, that she heard, and
gladly beheld. The keys were delivered unto her by a pretty boy,
descending as it were from a cloud. The verses of her own praise
she heard, and smiled. But when the Bible was presented, ^ and the
praise thereof declared, she began to frown : for shame she could not
refuse it. But she did no better, for immediately she gave it to the
most pestilent Papist within the realm, to wit, to Arthur Erskine.'*
Edinburgh since that day has reaped as they sowed. They gave her
some taste of their prodigahty ; and because the hquor was sweet,
she has hcked of that buist ^ ofter than twice since. All men know Balfour's
doctrine "
what we mean : the Queen can not lack, and the subjects have.
In Edinburgh it hath been an ancient and laudable custom that
the Provost, Bailies, and Council after their election, which useth
to be at Michaelmas, caused pubhcly proclaim the Statutes and
Ordinances of the town.' And therefore Archibald Douglas, Provost,
Edward Hope, Adam Fullarton [John Preston and David Somer],^
Bailies, caused proclaim, according to the former Statutes of the
town, that no adulterer [no fornicator], no noted drunkard, no mass-
' Knox has here confused the date and the order of events. Mary had returned to
Edinburgh from her " progresses " by the end of September, but the " entry " and
reception Knox now describes took place on Tuesday, 2 September. (See the detailed
account in Diurnal of Occurrents, 67-69, and Robertson's note in Inventaires de la Royne
Descosse, Preface, Ixxiv, note i)
^ But in July 1572 Knox himself attended a mask or " play " at the marriage of Mr.
John Davidson, one of the Regents at the University of St. Andrews, wherein " the Castle
of Edinburgh was besieged, taken, and the Captain, with one or two with him, hanged
in effigy." {Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James Melvill, Wodrow Society, 27)
^ A Bible and a Psalm Book were presented to her. " If, as Lord Herries alleges
[Historical Memoirs, 56], the Psalm Book was in ' Scots vers,' it may have been Wedder-
burn's version ; but his statement that the Bible was in the ' Scots languadge ' is altogether
incredible." (Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 255, note 10)
* Arthur Erskine of Blackgrange, son of John, fifth Lord Erskine. He is said to have
been Mary's favourite equerry and on his horse she is said to have escaped from Holyrood
after the murder of Riccio. But see Pollen, Papal Negotiations with Mary Queen of Scots,
271, note 4.
' chest or coffer ; here used in the sense of a container for food or drink
° That is, Sir James Balfour
' This was the usual practice in the Scottish burghs.
' In the manuscript (folio 308 verso), a blank space is left for these names. They
have been supplied from the list given in Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 301. But these men
were the officers for the year 1559-60, and the officers who were discharged by order
of the Queen were Archibald Douglas, provost, and David Forster, Robert Ker,
Alexander Home, and Allan Dickson, bailies. {Ibid., iii, 126)
22 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
monger, no obstinate Papists that corrupted the people, such as
priests, friars, and others of that sort, should be found within the
town within forty-eight hours thereafter, under the pains contained
in the statutes.^ Which blown in the Queen's ears, there began
pride and maliciousness to show the self ; for without further
cognition of the cause, were the Provost and Bailies charged to ward
in the Castle ; and immediately was commandment given, that other
Provost and Bailies should be elected. ^
TTi« Some gainstood for a while the new election,^ alleging, that the
Otl€€Tl^ S • •
first pride Provost and Bailies whom they had chosen, and to whom they had
after her giyen their oath, had committed no offence wherefore that justly
they ought to be deprived. But while charge was doubled upon
charge, and no man was found to oppose themselves to iniquity,
Jezebel's letter and wicked will is obeyed as a law. And so was Mr.
Thomas McCalzean chosen for the other. * The man, no doubt, was
both discreet and sufficient for that charge ; but the deposition of the
other was against all law. God be merciful to some of our own ;
for they were not all blameless that her wicked will was so far
obeyed.^
A contrary proclamation was publicly made that the town should
Jh^ , be patent unto all the Queen's lieges ; and so murderers, adulterers,
true lieges, thicvcs, whorcs, drunkards, idolaters, and all malefactors got protec-
"''"' ■ tion under the Queen's wings, under that colour, because they were
* The proclamation was made on 2 October 1561 and was against " monks, friars,
priests, nuns, adulterers, fornicators, and all such filthy persons " {Edinburgh Burgh Records,
iii, 125). On 20 September 1560 the Council had proclaimed the Act of Parliament
against hearing or saying Mass {ibid., iii, 82), and on 24 March 1561 a proclamation had
been made against priests, monks, friars, canons, nuns, and others of the ungodly sects
and opinions, and against sayers and maintainers of the Mass, whoremongers, adulterers
and fornicators {ibid., iii, 101-102). The October 1561 proclamation, with its reference
to the Roman Catholic priesthood as " filthy persons " was naturally resented by the
Queen.
- There is no reference in the Burgh Records that the provost and bailies were charged
to enter themselves in ward in the Castle. In a letter to Cecil pf 7 October 1561 Knox
writes : " At this very instant are the Provost of Edinburgh and Baillies thereof, com-
manded to ward in their Tolbooth, by reason of their proclamation against Papists and
whoremongers. The whole blame lieth upon the necks of the two forenamed," viz. Lord
James Stewart and Lethington. (Laing's Knox, vi, 132) The Queen's letters charging
the burgh to deprive the provost and bailies of their oflSces, and to choose others, were
read in presence of the bailies and council on 5 October. {Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 125)
' A protestation appears in the records on behalf of the Council and community.
{Ibid., iii, 126)
* On 8 October effect was given to the Queen's letters ; Mr Thomas McCalzean was
elected provost, and James Thomson, John Adamson, Mr John Marjoriebanks, and
Alexander Acheson, bailies. {Ibid., iii, 126)
' A reference to Lord James Stewart and Maitland of Lethington. (See note 2 above)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 23
of her religion.^ And so got the Devil freedom again, where that
before he durst not have been seen in the dayhght upon the common
streets. " Lord dehver us from that bondage."
The Devil finding his reins loose, ran forwards in his course ; The Devil
and the Queen took upon her greater boldness than she and Baal's entry with
bleating priests durst have attempted before. For upon All Hallows ^^/"ff;
Day 2 they blended up their Mass with all mischievous solemnity. The forth his
ministers thereat offended, in plain and public place declared the ^^
inconvenients that thereupon should ensue. The nobility were
sufficiently admonished of their duties. But affection caused men to
call that in doubt wherein shortly before they seemed to be most
resolute, to wit, " Whether that subjects might put to their hand to
suppress the idolatry of their Prince ? " And upon this question
convened in the house of Mr. James M'Gill,^ the Lord James,
the Earl of Morton, the Earl Marischal, Secretary Lethington, the
Justice-Clerk,^ and Clerk of Register ^ ; who all reasoned for the
part of the Queen, affirming, " That the subjects might not lawfully
take her Mass from her," In the contrary judgment were the prin-
cipal ministers, Mr. John Row, Master George Hay, Master Robert
Hamilton, and John Knox. The reasons of both parties we will omit
because they will be explained after, where the same question, and
others concerning the obedience due unto Princes, were long reasoned
in open assembly. The conclusion of that first reasoning was, " That
the question should be formed, and letters directed to Geneva for the
resolution of that Church," wherein John Knox offered his labours.^
But Secretary Lethington (alleging that there stood mekle in the
' Here Knox is guilty of exaggeration, though possibly he would have argued that
" murderers " and " thieves " were but synonyms for Papists. The Queen's contrary
proclamation is not inserted in the MS. Burgh Records, but, writing to Cecil on 7 October,
Knox says that Mary " set forth proclamations contrary." (Laing's Knox, vi, 131)
■'' All Hallows, or All Saints' Day, i November
' Sir James M'Gill of Nether Rankeillor, the Clerk Register
* Sir John Bellenden of Auchnoull
^ Sir James M'Gill of Nether Rankeillor
• This meeting was apparently held after All Hallows (i November), and if that is ,
so, Knox deliberately conceals the fact that he had already written. His letter to Calvin,
dated 24 October 1561, is printed with a facsimile and a translation in Laing's Knox,
vi, 133-135, and with a facsimile in Teulet, Papiers d'Etat, ii, 12-14. Laing later noticed
this point (Laing's Knox, vi, 687-688) and observes that Knox had nothing to gain by
his concealment of what he may have considered to be a private letter as opposed to a
formal letter to be sent in the name of those present at the meeting. But, three years
later, when the question again arose, Knox does not openly admit his letter to Calvin
but, refusing to write, contents himself with saying that he has already had letters of
many on this same question, and has heard the opinions of the most godly and learned
in Europe. {Infra, 134)
The
Queen's
first fray '
in Holy-
roodhouse
24 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
information ^), said that he should write. But that was only to drive
time, as the truth declared its self. The Queen's party urged,
" That the Queen should have her religion free in her own chapel,
to do, she and her household, what they list." The ministers both
affirmed and voted the contrary, adding, " That her liberty should be
their thraldom ere it was long." But neither could reason nor
threatening move the affections of such as were creeping in credit.
And so did the votes of the lords prevail against the ministers.
For the punishment of theft and of reif, which had increased
upon the Borders and in the South, from the Queen's arrival, was the
Lord James made Lieutenant.^ Some suspected that such honour
and charge proceeded from the same heart and counsel that Saul
made David captain against the Philistines. But God assisted him,
and bowed the hearts of men both to fear and obey him. Yea, the
Lord Bothwell himself ^ at that time assisted him (but he had re-
mission for Liddesdale). Sharp execution was made in Jedburgh,
for twenty-eight of one clan and others were hanged at that Justice
Court. ^ Bribes, budds,^ nor solicitation saved not the guilty, if he
might be apprehended ; and therefore God prospered him in that
his integrity.
That same time the said Lord James spake the Lord Grey of
England ^ at Kelso, for good rule to be kept upon both the Borders,
and agreed in all things.
Before his returning, the Queen upon a night took a fray ^ in
her bed, as if horsemen had been in the close and the Palace had
been enclosed about. Whether it proceeded of her own womanly
fantasy, or if men put her in fear for displeasure of the Earl of Arran,
and for other purposes, as for the erecting of the guard, we know not.
But the fear was so great that the town was called to the watch.
Lords Robert of Holyroodhouse, and John of Goldingham ^ kept the
watch by course.^ Scouts were sent forth, and sentinels were com-
manded under the pain of death to keep their stations. And yet
' This might mean either that the question was of great importance, or, and more
significantly, that much depended upon the way the question was put. (See infra, 133)
' The arrangements for this Justice Court and the instructions given to the Lord
James are printed in Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 163-64, 184-87.
' James Hepburn, fourth Earl of Bothwell
• Randolph, writing to Cecil, 7 December 1561, says the Lord James burned many
houses, hanged twenty-two or twenty-three [men], and " brought in " forty or fifty.
{Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1049) ^ gifts intended as bribes
" William, Lord Grey de Wilton, then Warden of the East Marches of England.
' fright
• The Lords Robert Stewart and John Stewart, natural brothers of the Queen.
• in turn
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 25
they feared where there was no fear : neither yet could ever any
appearance or suspicion of such things be tried. ^
Short after the returning of the Lord James, there came from the
Queen of England, Sir Peter Mewtas,^ with commission to require
the ratification of the Peace made at Leith. His answer was even
such as we have heard before : that she behoved to advise, and then
she should send answer.^
In presence of her Council she kept herself [very] grave, (for
under the dule weed, * she could play the hypocrite in full perfection) ;
but how soon that ever her French fillocks,^ fiddlers, and others of
that band got the house alone there might be seen skipping not very
comely for honest women, ^ Her common talk was, in secret, she
saw nothing in Scotland but gravity, which repugned altogether to
her nature, for she was brought up in joyousity ' ; so termed she her
dancing and other things thereto belonging.
The General Assembly of the Church approached, held in
December after the Queen's anival ; in the which began the rulers
of the Court to draw themselves apart from the society of their
brethren, and began to stir and grudge that anything should be
consulted upon without their advice. Master John Wood, who
before had shown himself very fervent in the cause of God, and
forward in giving of his counsel in all doubtful matters, plainly
refused ever to assist the Assembly again, whereof many did wonder.
The courtiers drew unto them some of the lords, who would not Division
convene with their brethren, as before they were accustomed, but Lords
kept them in the Abbey. The principal commissioners of the ^J}^-''^^
churches, the superintendents, and some ministers passed unto ters
' Buchanan says that the whole affair was arranged by the Queen herself in order to
secure a bodyguard without arousing the suspicions of the people (Aikman's Buchanan,
ii, 450-51). Randolph says the "hurly-burly" took place about 9 p.m. on Sunday,
16 November, and gives a full account of it, indicating that the Queen seized the oppor-
tunity to put Arran in disgrace {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1049). Later, he inclines
to the opinion that there were grounds for the " trouble," and that " unadvised " words
had passed Arran {ibid., i. No. 1058). Certainly the affair led to the establishment of
a small bodyguard for the Queen of which James Stewart [of Cardonald] was captain
{ibid., \, No. 1058). See also Hay Fleming, Mary Qiteen of Scots, 271, note 66, and Pollen,
Papal Negotiations with Mary Queen of Scots, 271, note 4.
^ The commission to Sir Peter Mewtas is dated 1 7 September 1 56 1 . {Foreign Calendar,
Elizabeth, iv, No. 506)
' Mary apparently answered that as there were divers matters in the Treaty which
touched her late husband, it would be better to have a new meeting for such matters as
touched her only. Therein she was almost certainly thinking of her succession to the
English throne. (See Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. No. 648)
■* mourning ' fillies ; wanton young women * See infra, 68
' See infra, 36
26 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
them, where they were convened in the Abbot's lodging within
Holyroodhouse. Both the parties began to open their grief. The
lords complained that the ministers drew the gentlemen into secret,
and held councils without their knowledge. The ministers denied
that they had done anything in secret, or otherwise than the common
order commanded them ; and accused the lords (the flatterers of the
Queen we mean) that they kept not the Convention with their
brethren, considering that they knew the order, and that the same
was appointed by their own advice, as the Book of Discipline, sub-
scribed with the most part of their own hands, would witness. Some
began to deny that ever they knew such a thing as the Book of
Discipline ; and called also in doubt, whether it was expedient that
such conventions should be or not ; for gladly would the Queen
and her Secret Council have had all assemblies of the godly dis-
charged.
The reasoning was sharp and quick on either part. The Queen's
faction alleged that it was suspicious to princes that subjects should
assemble themselves and keep conventions without their knowledge.
It was answered. That without knowledge of the Prince, the Church
did nothing. For the Prince perfectly understood that within this
realm there was a Reformed Church, and that they had their orders
and appointed times of convention ; and so without knowledge of the
Prince they did nothing. " Yea," said Lethington, " the Queen
knew and knowest it well enough ; but the question is. Whether
that the Queen allows such conventions ? " It was answered, " If
the liberty of the Church should stand upon the Queen's allowance
or disallowance, we are assured not only to lack assemblies, but also
to lack the pubHc preaching of the Evangel." That affirmative was
mocked, and the contrary affirmed. " Well (said the other), ^ time
will try the truth ; but to my former words this will I add, take from
us the freedom of Assemblies, and take from us the Evangel "^ ; for
without Assemblies, how shall good order and^ unity in doctrine be
kept? It is not to be supposed that all ministers shall be so perfect
but that they shall need admonition, as well concerning manners as
doctrine, as it may be that some be so stiff-necked that they will not
admit the admonition of the simple ; as also it may be that fault may
be found with ministers without just offence committed : and yet if
order be not taken both with the complainer and the persons com-
' Certainly Knox
^ Or, in the ultimate resort, the lieges must be able to convocate to protect the religion
they have secured.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 27
plained upon, it cannot be avoided but that many grievous offences
shall arise. For remedy whereof, of necessity it is that General
Assemblies must be, in the which the judgment and the gravity
of many may concur to correct or to repress the follies or errors of
a few." Hereunto consented the most part, as well of the nobility
as of the barons, and willed the reasoners for the part of the Queen
to will her Grace, if that she stood in any suspicion of anything that
was to be entreated in their Assemblies, that it would please her
Grace to send such as she would appoint to hear whatsoever was
proponed or reasoned.
Hereafter was the Book of Discipline proponed, and desired to
have been ratified by the Queen's Majesty. That was scripped at,^ Lethington
and the question was demanded, " How many of those that had him to the
subscribed that Book would be subject unto it ? " It was answered, ^9°^? ."/ ,
*' All the godly." " Will the Duke ? " « said Lethington. " If he ^
will not," answered the Lord Ochiltree,* " I would that he were
scraped out, not only of that book, but also out of our number and
company. For to what purpose shall labours be taken to put the
Kirk in order, and to what end shall men subscribe, and then never
mean to keep word of that which they promise ? " Lethington
answered, " Many subscribed there in fide parentum, as the bairns
are baptized." One, to wit John Knox,^ answered, " Albeit ye think
that scoff proper, yet as it is most untrue so is it most improper.
That Book was read in public audience, and by the space of divers
days the heads thereof were reasoned, as all that here sit know well
enough, and ye yourself cannot deny ; so that no man was required
to subscribe that which he understood not." " Stand content (said
one), that Book will not be obtained." " Let God (said the other),
require the lack which this poor commonwealth shall have of the
things therein contained, from the hands of such as stop the same."
The barons perceiving that the Book of Discipline was refused,
presented unto the Council certain articles requiring idolatry to be
suppressed, their churches to be planted with true ministers, and
some certain provision to be made for them, according to equity and
conscience ; for unto that time the most part of the ministers had
^ mocked
' In the manuscript (folio 312 recto) this marginal note is not in the text hand.
^ Chatelherault * Andrew Stewart, second Lord Ochiltree
' In the manuscript (folio 312 recto) after " One " there is a caret and the words " to
wit Jone Knox " are added above the line ; there is a second caret after " ansuered "
and the words " to wit Jo" Knox " are added in the margin, in Knox's own hand. A
facsimile of this page is given in National Manuscripts of Scotland, iii, No. 60.
(653) VOL n 3
28 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
lived upon the benevolence of men. For many held into their own
hands the fruits that the Bishops and others of that sect had before
abused ; and so some part was bestowed upon the ministers. But
then the Bishops began to grip again to that which most unjustly
they called their own ; for the Earl of Arran was discharged of
Saint Andrews and Dunfermline, wherewith before, by virtue of a
factory, he had intromitted ^ : and so were many others. And there-
fore the barons required that order might be taken for their ministers,
or else they would no more obey the Bishops, neither yet suffer any
thing to be lifted up to their use after the Queen's arrival, than that
they did before ; for they verily supposed that the Queen's Majesty
would keep promise made unto them, which was, not to alter their
religion, which could not remain without ministers, and ministers
could not live without provision : and therefore they heartly desired
the Council to provide some convenient order in that head.
That somewhat moved the Queen's flatterers ; for the rod of
impiety was not then strengthened in her and their hands. And so
began they to practise how they should please the Queen and yet
seem somewhat to satisfy the faithful ; and so devised they that the
church men ^ should have intromission with the two parts of their
benefices, and that the third part should be lifted up by such men
as thereto should be appointed, for such uses, as in the Acts [of Secret
Council] is more fully expressed.^
The names of the Nobility and Lords that were present at the
making of the foresaid Acts * hereafter follow :
James, Duke of Chatelherault James, Commendator of Saint Andrews
George, Earl Huntly and Pittenweem
Archibald, Earl Argyll John, Lord Erskine
William, Earl Marischal John Bellenden of Auchnoull, knight,
John, Earl AthoU Justice Clerk ^
* With which he had intermeddled by virtue of letters under authority of the Privy
Council authorizing the appointment of a factor or chamberlain to ingather the revenues
{infra, 330). ^ That is, the old hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church.
^ In the manuscript, " as in these subsequent Acts are more fully expressed " ; and
Knox then inserts the relevant Acts of the Privy Council, under which the old church was
to be allowed to retain two-thirds of the rents of all benefices, and the remaining one-
third of the rents was to be ingathered, by Collectors appointed by the Queen, to meet
" the charges to be borne for the common weal of the realm," and also " the sustentation
of the Preachers " of the Reformed Kirk. These are printed infra, Appendix IX
* See infra, Appendix IX
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 2Q
William, Earl Montrose The Treasurer
James, Earl Morton The Clerk of Register, and
Alex'., Earl of Glencairn The Secretary ^
After the first Act, the Earl of Huntly said, jestingly, " Good day,
my Lords of the Two part."
The whole Rentals being gathered, the sum of the Third, accord-
ing to their own calculation, was found to extend to. . . .^
The Ministers, even in the beginning, in public sermons opposed
themselves to such corruption, for they foresaw the purpose of the
Devil, and clearly understood the butt whereat the Queen and her John
flatterers shot ; and so m the stool of Edmburgh, John Knox said : judgment
" Well, if the end of this order, pretended to be taken for sustentation ^^^'!jj^.
of the ministers, be happy, my judgment faileth me ; for I am
assured that the Spirit of God is not the author of it ; for, first, I
see two parts freely given to the Devil, and the third must be
divided betwix God and the Devil. Well, bear witness to me that
this day I say it, ere it be long the Devil shall have three parts of the
Third ; and judge you then what God's portion shall be." ^ This
* These names are those of the sederunt of the Privy Council at its meeting on 22
December 1561 {infra, 326) ; the sederunt differed at each of the subsequent meetings of
the Council when the arrangement was under consideration. In the manuscript this
sederunt is repeated on the immediately following page (folio 317 verso) with the addition
of the Comptroller who, however, does not appear in the sederunt in the Register of the
Privy Council. The officials whose names are not given were : Mr. Robert Richardson,
Treasurer ; Mr. James McGill of Nether Rankeillor, Clerk of Register ; William Maitland
of Lethington, Secretary ; and Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, Comptroller.
^ In the manuscript (folio 317 verso), a space of two lines has been left blank for the
sum to be inserted. The Accounts of the Collectors of the Thirds of the Benefices are now
being edited by Dr. Gordon Donaldson, for the Scottish History Society, from the records
still extant in the General Register House, and I have had the advantage of reading
the draft of Dr. Donaldson's introduction to the forthcoming volume. Exact figures are
impossible, because of exceptions, deductions, remissions, and variations from year to year ;
but it would appear that the amount of the " Thirds " in 1562 was well over ^^76,000,
of which about £,T2,^oo came in and of which ;{^26,ooo went in stipends to the ministers.
But in succeeding years, as the History shows, there were more and more remissions, the
difficulties of collection increased, and more and more the ministers were " frustrated of
their stipends." A number of the records were earlier examined by Bishop Keith in the
first half of the eighteenth century, and his extracts and calculations will be found in
History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland (Spottiswoode Society), iii, 370-387.
According to Keith, the total sum of the " Thirds " came to ^^72,491, of which the
Reformed Kirk received ^{^24,231.
^ In a supplication to the Queen, of July 1562, the ministers state that they are all
" so cruelly entreated by this last pretended Order taken for sustentation of ministers, that
their latter misery far surmounteth the former. For now the poor labourers of the ground
are so oppressed by the cruelty of those that pay their Third, [in] that they for the most part
advance upon the poor whatosever they pay to the Queen, or to any other." {Infra, 49 ;
Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 22)
30 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
was an unsavoury saying in the ears of many. Some ashamed not
to affirm, " The ministers being sustained, the Queen will not get
at the year's end to buy her a pair of new shoes." And this was
Secretary Lethington.
There were appointed to modify ^ the ministers' stipends, the
Earls Argyll, Moray, and Morton, Lethington, the Justice Clerk,
and Clerk of Register. The Laird of Pittarrow was appointed to pay
the ministers' stipends according to their modification. ^ Who would
Let this have thought that when Joseph ruled Egypt that his brethren should
have travelled for victuals, and have returned with empty sacks unto
their families ? Men would rather have thought that Pharaoh's pose,^
treasure, and garnalls * should have been diminished, ere that
the household of Jacob should stand in danger to starve for
hunger.
But so busy and circumspect were the Modificators (because
it was a new office, the term must also be new), that the ministers
should not be over wanton,^ that a hundred marks ^ was sufficient
to a single man, being a common minister. Three hundred marks
was the highest that was appointed to any, except unto the Super-
intendents, and unto a few others. Shortly, whether it was the
niggardness of their own hearts, or the care that they had to enrich
the Queen, we know not, but the poor Ministers, Readers, and
Exhorters cried out to the heaven (as their complaints in all Assemblies
do witness) that neither were they able to live upon the stipends
appointed, neither could they get payment of that small thing that
was appointed. So fain would the Comptroller ' have played the
good valet, and have satisfied the Queen, or else his own profit in
A proverb every point, that he got this dicton ^ and proverb, " The good Laird
of Pittarrow was an earnest professor of Christ ; but the mekle Devil
receive the Comptroller, for he and his Collectors are become greedy
factors." "^
^ assess, or determine the amount of
^ Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, who had been appointed as Comptroller on 16
February 1562, was appointed as Collector General of the " Thirds " on i March
1562. (MS. Register of the Privy Seal, xxxi, 3, 5)
• hoard ^ granaries ' extravagant
• The mark was not a coin ; it was a reckoning of two-thirds of a pound, that is,
thirteen shillings and fourpence. One hundred marks was thus ;^66, 13s. 4d. It should
be noted that these amounts were not greatly different from those recommended in the
Book of Discipline {infra, 289) ; and it is therefore difficult to understand Knox's petulance
' Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow
' saying. (More usually ditton ; but from French dicton)
• But when Wishart relinquished office he was about ;^5,ooo out of pocket.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 3 1
To put an end to this unpleasing matter : when the Brethren
complained of their poverty, it was disdainfully answered of some,
" There are many Lords have not so much to spend." When men
did reason that the vocation of Ministers craved of them books,
quietness, study, and travel, to edify the Kirk of Jesus Christ, when
that many Lairds were waiting upon their worldly business, and
therefore, that the stipends of ministers, who had none other industry,
but to live upon that which was appointed, ought not to be modified
according to the livings of common men, who might, and did daily
augment their rents by some other industry ; when such reasons
were laid before them, they got none other answer, but " The Queen
can spare no greater sums." Oft was it cried into their ears, " O
happy servants of the Devil, and miserable servants of Jesus Christ,
if that after this life there were not hell and heaven." For to the
servants of the devil, to your dumb dogs and horned bishops, to one
of those idle bellies (I say) ten thousand was not enough ; but to
the servants of Christ that painfully preach his evangel, a thousand
pounds ; how can that be sustained ?
One day, in reasoning of this matter, the Secretary burst out in
a piece of his choler, and said, " The ministers have this much paid
unto them by year, and who yet ever bade the Queen ' grand-
mercies ' for it ? Was there ever a minister that gave thanks to God
for her Majesty's liberality towards them ? " One ^ smiled and
answered, " Assuredly, I think, that such as receive anything gratis
of the Queen, are unthankful if they acknowledge it not, both in
heart and mouth. But whether that the ministers be of that rank or
not, I greatly doubt. Gratis, I am assured, they receive nothing ;
and whether they receive anything at all from the Queen, wise men
may reason. ^ I am assured that neither third nor two part ever
appertained to any of her predecessors within this realm these
thousand years bypast, neither yet has the Queen better title to that
which she usurps, by giving it to others, or in taking [it] to herself,
than such as crucified Christ Jesus had to divide his garments amongst
them. And if the truth may be spoken, she has not so good title
as they had ; for such spoil used to be the reward of such men.
And in that point those soldiers were more gentle than the Queen
and her flatterers, for they parted not the garments of our Master
till that he himself was hung upon the cross ; but she and her
flatterers do part the spoil while as ^ poor Christ is yet preaching
* Undoubtedly Knox ^ question
' In the manuscript (folio 319 recto) " till that " has been corrected to " while as."
32 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
amongst you. But the wisdom of our God takes trial of us by these
means, knowing well enough what she and her faction have purposed
to do. Let the Papists, who have the two parts, some that have
their thirds free,^ and some that have got Abbacies and feu lands
thank the Queen, and sing, Placebo Domince. The poor preachers
will not yet flatter for feeding of their bellies." These words were
judged proud and intolerable, and engendered no small displeasure
to the speaker.
This we put in memory, that the posterities to come may know
that God once made his truth to triumph ; but because that some of
ourselves delighted more in darkness than in light, God hath restrained
our freedom, and put the whole body in bondage. Yea, the greatest
flatterers have not escaped so free as they supposed ; yea, the latter
plagues appear yet to be worse than the first. " Be merciful to us,
O Lord, and entreat us not according to our deservings ; but look
thou to the equity of the cause which thou hast put into our hands,
and suffer not iniquity to oppress thy truth, for thy own name's sake,
O Lord."
In this meantime, to wit in February, the year of God 1561,^ was
the Lord James first made Earl of Mar, ^ and then married upon Agnes
Marriage Keith, daughter to the Earl Marischal. The marriage was public
Earl of in the church of Edinburgh.^ In the marriage they both got an
^"'^ admonition to behave themselves moderately in all things : " For,
(said the preacher ^ to him), unto this day the Kirk of God hath
received comfort by you, and by your labours ; in the which, if
hereafter ye shall be found fainter than that ye were before, it will be
said that your wife hath changed your nature." The greatness of
the banquet, and the vanity used thereat, offended many godly.
There began the masking which from year to year hath continued
^ That is, those to whom remissions had been granted ^
^ That is, February 1562
^ The Lord James Stewart was created Earl of Mar on 7 February 1562 {Antiquities
of Aberdeen and Banff, Spalding Club, iv, 743) ; he resigned the earldom a few months later
(Scots Peerage, vi, 314), and by February 1 563 he had assumed the title of Earl of Moray,
that earldom having been granted to him by charter as early as January 1562.
* According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (70), the marriage of the Lord James Stewart
with Agnes Keith, eldest daughter of William, fourth Earl Marischal, was celebrated on
8 February 1562, " with sik solemnitie as the lyk hes not bene sein befoir ; the haill
nobilitie of this realrne being thair present, and convoyit ihame doun to the Abbay of
Halyrudhous, quhair the banket wes maid, and the Quenis Grace thairat." Randolph,
however, dates the banquet as 10 February [infra, 33, note 2). 8 February was a Sunday.
* The preacher was John Knox.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 33
since, ^ Master Randolph, agent for the Queen of England, was
then, and sometime after, in no small conceit with our Queen ; for
his Mistress's sake, she drank to him [in] a cup of gold, which he
possessed with greater joy, for the favour of the giver, than of the gift
and value thereof ; and yet it was honourable. ^
The things that then were in handling betwix the two Queens,
whereof Lethington, Secretary Cecil, and Master Randolph were
ministers, were of great weight, as we will after hear.
This winter, the Earl Both well, the Marquis d'Elboeuf, and
Lord John of Coldingham, played the riot in Edinburgh, mJsordered
the whole town, broke Cuthbert Ramsay's yetts^ and doors, [and]
sought his house for his good-daughter * Alison Craik. And this was
done in despite of the Earl of Arran, whose whore the said Alison was
suspected to have been.^ The horror of this fact, and the rarity of it,
highly commoved all godly hearts. The Assembly, and also the
nobility, for the most part were in the town ; and so they concluded
to crave justice, as that they did, as by this subsequent Supplication
doth appear :
To THE Queen's Majesty and her Secret and Great Council,
Her Grace's faithful and obedient Subjects, the Professors
OF Christ Jesus his holy Evangel, wish the spirit of
righteous judgment.^
The fear of God conceived of his holy word, the natural and
unfeigned love we bear unto your Grace, the duty which we owe to
the quietness of our country, and the terrible threatenings which
our God pronounces against every realm and city in the which
horrible crimes are openly committed, and then by the committers
obstinately defended, compel us, a great part of your subjects, humbly
' Knox is here unjust to the Lord James Stewart with whom he had recently differed
witli regard to the Queen's Mass {supra, 5, 8). Masking did not begin with this marriage ;
there had been masking at Holyrood as early as October 1561. (Robertson, Inventaires
de la Royne Descosse, Preface, Ixxv)
^ This is reported by Randolph in a letter of 12 February to Cecil, where he says that
Mary drank to Elizabeth and then sent him the cup of gold which weighed eighteen or
twenty ounces. Randolph speaks of the banquet being held on " Shrove Tuesday at
night," tliat is, on 10 February. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1077)
' gates * daughter-in-law, but in the modern sense oi^ step-daughter
' According to Randolph, writing to Cecil on 27 December 1561, Arran was " known
to have had company of a good handsome wench, a merchant's daughter." (See his account
of the " disorder " in Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1056)
° Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 11 -12. The Supplication is prefaced with a particular
recitation of the " horrible fact and impiety committed . . . under silence of night by
the Marquis d'Elboeuf and his colleagues in breaking up of Cuthbert Ramsay's yets and
doors, and searching and seeking his daughter-in-law to oppress her."
34 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
to crave of your Grace upright and true judgment against such persons
as have done what in them hes to kindle God's wrath against this
whole realm. The impiety by them committed is so heinous and
so horrible, that as it is a fact most vile and rare to be heard of within
this realm, and principally within the bowels of this city, so should
we think ourselves guilty in the same, if negligently, or yet for worldly
fear we pass it over with silence. And therefore your Grace may not
think that we require anything (while that we crave open malefactors
condignly to be punished) but that which God has commanded us to
crave, and has also commanded your Grace to give to every one of
your subjects ; for by this link has God knit together the prince and
the people, that as he commands honour, fear, and obedience to be
given to the powers established by him, so does he in expressed words
command and declare what the prince oweth unto the subjects, to
wit, that as he is the Minister of God, bearing his sword for vengeance
to be taken on evil doers, and for the defence of peaceable and quiet
men, so ought he to draw the same without all partiality so oft as in
God's name he is required thereto. Seeing so it is (Madam), that
this crime so recently committed, and that in the eyes of your whole
realm now presently assembled, is so heinous, for who heretofore
have heard within the bowels of Edinburgh, yetts and doors under
silence of night burst up, houses ryped ^ (and that with hostility),
seeking a woman as [it] appeared to oppress her ; seeing, we say, that
this crime is so heinous, that all godly men fear not only God's sore
displeasure to fall upon you and your whole realm, but also that
such liberty breed contempt, and in the end sedition, if remedy
in time be not provided, which in our judgment is impossible,
if severe punishment be not executed for the crime committed ;
Therefore, we most humbly beseech your Grace, that all affection
set aside, ye declare yourself so upright in this case that ye may give
evident demonstration to all your subjects that the fear of God,
joined with the love of the common tranquillity, have principal seat
and dominion in your Grace's heart. This further. Madam, of
conscience we speak, that as your Grace in God's name does crave
of us obedience (which to render in all things lawful we are most
willing) so in the same name do we, the whole Professors of Christ's
Evangel within this your Grace's Realm, crave of you and of your
Council sharp punishment of this crime ; and for performance
thereof, that without all delay the principal actors of this most heinous
crime, and the pursuers of this pretended - villainy, may be called
' searched " attempted
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 35
before the Chief Justice of this Realm, to suffer an assize, and to be
punished according to the laws of the same : And your Grace's
answer most humbly we beseech.
This Supplication was presented by divers gentlemen. The
flatterers of the Court at the first stormed, and asked, " Who durst
avow it ? " To whom the Master, now Lord Lindsay ^ answered,
" A thousand gentlemen within Edinburgh." Others were ashamed
to oppose themselves thereto in pubhc ; but they suborned the Queen
to give a gentle answer unto such time as the Convention was dis-
solved. And so she did ; for she lacks no craft, both to cloak and to
maintain impiety (and whoredom in especial). She alleged, " That
her Uncle ^ was a stranger, and he had a young company ; but she
should put such order unto him, and unto all others, that hereafter
they should have no occasion to complain," And so deluded she
the just petition of her subjects ; and no wonder, for how shall she
punish in others that vice which in France is free without punishment,
and which Kings and Cardinals use most commonly, as the mask
and dancing of Orleans can witness, wherein virgins and men's "^^^^ '"^^
wives were made as common to King Harry ^ and Charles, the
Cardinal,* [and] unto their Court and pages, as common harlots of
the bordel ^ are unto their companions. The manner was thus :
At the entry of King Harry of France in the town of Orleans,
the matrons, virgins, and men's wives, were commanded to present
themselves in the King's palace at night, to dance : and they obeyed ;
for commonly the French nation is not hard to be entreated to vanity.
After fiddling and flinging, and when the Cardinal of Lorraine had
espied his prey, he said to the King, " Sire, la primiere est vostre, etfaut
que je suis le second." That is to say, " Sire, the first choice is yours,
and I must be the second." And so the King got the pre-eminence,
that he had his first election. But because Cardinals are companions
to Kings, the Cardinal of Lorraine had the next : And thereafter
the torches were put out, and every man commanded to provide for
himself the best he might. What cry was there of husbands for their
wives ; of wives, for their husbands ; of ancient matrons for their
daughters ; and of virgins for their friends, or for some honest man
to defend their pudicity, Orleans will remember more king's days
than one.
This horrible villainy, a fruit of the Cardinal of Lorraine's religion,
' Patrick, later sixth Lord Lindsay of the Byres
^ That is, Ren^, Marquis d'Elboeuf = Henry II, King of France
' Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, another of Mary's uncles ' brothel
Our
Queen's
education
[G]od
has now
[d]orie it,
1567 -
The
Hamiltons
against
Bothwell
and the
Marquis
36 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
we shortly touch to let all the world understand what subjects may
look of such magistrates ; for such pastime to them is but joyousity,
wherein our Queen was brought up.^ We call her not a whore
(albeit her dame heard more than we will write), but she was brought
up in the company of the wildest whoremongers (yea, of such as
no more regarded incest than honest men regard the company of
their lawful wives) ; in the company of such men (we say), was our |
Queen brought up. What she was, and is, herself best knows, and
God (we doubt not), will further declare.
But punishment of that enormity and fearful attemptat ^ we
could get none : but more and more they presumed to do violence,
and frequented nightly masking. Some, as Robin Craig's house,
because his daughter was fair, delighted therein : others lamented,
and began to bear the matter very heavily. At length the Lord
Duke's friends assembled upon a night upon the calsey.^ The Abbot
of Kilwinning ^ (who then was joined to the Church, and so, as we
understand, yet abideth) was the principal man at the beginning.
To him repaired many faithful ; and amongst others came Andrew
Stewart, Lord Ochiltree, a man rather born to make peace than to
brag upon the calsey, and demanded the quarrel ; and being
informed of the former enormity said, " Nay, such impiety shall not
be sufTered so long as God shall assist us. The victory that God in
his mercy hath given us, we will by his grace maintain." And so
he commanded his son, Andrew Stewart, then Master,^ and his
servants to put themselves in order, and to bring forth their spears
and long weapons ; and so did others. The word came to the Earl
Bothwell and his, that the Hamiltons were upon the gait.' Vows
were made, " That the Hamiltons should be doung,^ not only out
of the town, but also out of the country." Lord John of Coldingham
had married the said Earl Bothwell's sister (a sufficient woman for
such a man ^) — allia ^^ drew the Lord Robert ^^ ; and so they joined
1 Cf. supra, i, 103 ; ii, 25
^ This marginal note must have been added subsequently. It is not in the hand of
the text (Hand A), and may be compared with the marginal note, supra, i, 103.
' unlawfid enterprise
* A brief account of this further " incident " is given in Diurnal of Occurrents (70) under
the date 1 9 December 1 56 1 .
' Gavin Hamilton, Commendator of Kilwinning
° Andrew Stewart, eldest son of Andrew Stewart, second Lord Ochiltree, predeceased
his father. ' That is, were waiting to attack them in the street. * driven
' The Lord John Stewart, Commendator of Coldingham, a natural son of James V,
married Jean Hepburn, daughter of Patrick, third Earl of Bothwell, in January 1562.
'" alliance
" Lord Robert Stewart, Commendator of Holyrood, also a natural son of James V.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 37
both with the said Earl Bothwell. But the stoutness of the Marquis
Le Boeuf (d'Elboeuf they call him) is most to be commended ; for in
his chamber, within the Abbey, he started to a halberd, and ten men
were scarce able to hold him ; but as hap was ^ the inner yett of the
Abbey kept him that night ; and the danger was betwix the Cross
and the Salt Trone ^ ; and so he was a large quarter of [a] mile from
the shot and sklenting ^ of bolts. The Master of Maxwell -• gave
declaration to the Earl Bothwell, " That if he stirred forth of his
lodging, he, and all that would assist him, should resist him in the
face " ; whose words did somewhat beat down that blast. The
Earls of Huntly and Moray, being in the Abbey where the Marquis
was, came with their companies, sent from the Queen to stay that
tumult, as that they did ; for Bothwell and his were commanded,
under pain of treason, to keep their lodgings.^
It was whispered of many that the Earl of Moray's displeasure
was as much sought as any haitterent that the Hamiltons bare
against the Earl Bothwell, or yet he against them. And in very
deed, either had the Duke very false servants, or else by Huntly and
the Hamiltons the Earl of Moray's death was ofter conspired than
once : the suspicion whereof burst forth so far that, upon a day, the
said Earl, being upon horse to have come to the sermon, was charged
by one of the Duke's own servants to return and abide with the
Queen. The bruit thereof spread over all. What ground it had
we cannot say ; but short thereafter the Duke and some of the Lords
convened at Glasgow ; their conclusion was not known. The Earl
of Arran came to Edinburgh, where the Earl Bothwell lay. The
Queen and the Court were departed to Fife, and remained sometimes
in Saint Andrews and sometimes in Falkland.^
The Earl Bothwell, by the means of James Barron, burgess,
and then merchant of Edinburgh, desired to speak with John Knox
secretly ; which the said John gladly granted, and spake him upon
a night, first in the said James's lodging, and thereafter in his own
study. The sum of all their communication and conference was :
^ as it happened
^ That would be in the present High Street, between the Market Cross and the
Tron Church. ^ the crossfire
* John, second son of Robert, fifth Lord Maxwell ; later Lord Herries.
' Randolph, writing to Cecil on 27 December 1561, says that to avoid trouble Bothwell
was to leave the town until 8 January {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1056) ; the Diurnal
of Occurrents (70) says that Bothwell " departed with his friends furth of Edinburgh at the
Queen's command " on 21 December.
« Apparently from early in March until early in May, 1562. (See the Itinerary in
Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 518)
38 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
The Earl The said Earl lamented his former inordinate life, and especially that
His Zm- he was provoked by the enticements of the Queen Regent to do that
muning vvhich he sore repented, as well against the Laird of Ormiston,^
Knox whose blood was spilt, albeit not in his default. But his chief dolour
was that he had misbehaved himself against the Earl of Arran,^
whose favours he was most willing to redeem, if possible it were that
so he might ; and desired the said John to give him his best counsel,
" For (said he), if I might have my Lord of Arran's favours, I would
await upon the Court with a page and few servants, to spare my
expenses, where now I am compelled to keep, for my own saftey, a
number of wicked and unprofitable men, to the utter destruction
of my living that is left."
To the which the said John answered, " My Lord, would to
God that in me were counsel or judgment that might comfort and
relieve you. For albeit that to this hour it hath not chanced me to
speak with your Lordship face to face, yet have I borne a good mind
to your house ; and have been sorry at my heart of the troubles
that I have heard you to be involved in. For, my Lord, my grand-
father, goodsire, and father,^ have served your Lordship's prede-
cessors, and some of them have died under their standards * ; and
this is a part of the obligation of our Scottish kindness ^ : but this is
not the chief. But as God has made me his public messenger of glad
tidings, so is my will earnest that all men may embrace it, which
perfectly they cannot, so long as that there remaineth in them
rancour, malice, or envy. I am very sorry that ye have given
occasion unto men to be offended with you ; but I am more sorry
that ye have offended the Majesty of God, who by such means oft
punishes the other sins of man. And therefore my counsel is, that
ye begin at God, with whom if ye will enter in perfect reconciliation,
I doubt not but he shall bow the hearts of men to forget all offences.
And as for me, if ye will continue in godliness, your Lordship shall
command me as boldly as any that serves your Lordship."
^ See supra, i, 258-259. But as recently as March 1562, Bothwell and eight companions
had " lain again in wait for the Laird of Ormiston." {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i,
No. 1089) ^ See Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1089 ; Laing's Knox, vi, 140
' That is, Knox's great-grandfather, his grandfather, and his father. This terminology
is even used in the Glasgow MS. (See Laing's Knox, vi, 688)
* This statement is interesting and important. It is our only reliable information
with regard to Knox's family.
' Kindness is here used in the sense of kinship. Earlier Knox has referred to Hailes
as being "the principal place that then [1546] the Earl Bothwell had in Lothian"
{supra, i, 71). Hailes is in the parish of Prestonkirk, East Lothian. Did the Knox family
hold lands in that neighbourhood ?
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 39
The said Lord desired him that he would tempt ^ the Earl of
Arran's mind, if he would be content to accept him in his favours,
which he promised to do ; and so earnestly travailed in that matter,
that it was once ^ brought to such an end as all the faithful praised
God for that agreement. The greatest stay ^ stood upon the satisfaction
of the Laird of Ormiston, who, beside his former hurt, as is before
declared,* was even in that same time of the communing, pursued
by the said Lord Both well, his son Master Alexander Cockburn
taken by him, and carried with him to Borthwick ; but gently
enough sent back again, ^
That new trouble so greatly displeased John Knox that he almost
gave over further travailing for amity. But yet, upon the excuse of
the said Earl, and upon the declaration of his mind, he re-entered
in labours, and so brought it to pass that the Laird of Ormiston
referred his satisfaction in all things to the judgment of the Earls of
Arran and Moray, whom to the said Earl Bothwell submitted himself
in that head, and thereupon delivered his hand write. And so was
convoyed by certain of his friends to the lodging of the Kirk-of-Field,
where the Earl of Arran was with his friends, and the said John Knox
with him, to bear witness and testification of the end of the agreement.^
As the said Earl Bothwell entered at the chamber door, and would Recomili-
have done those honours that friends had appointed (Master Gavin twix the
Hamilton and the Laird of Riccarton,'' were the chief friends that ^"-^^ °-^ ,
' _ Arran and
communed), the said Earl of Arran gently passed unto him, embraced Earl
him, and said, " If the hearts be upright, few ceremonies may serve ^^^ ^^ '
and content me."
The said John Knox, in audience of them both, and of their
friends, said, " Now, my Lords, God hath brought you together by
the labours of simple men, in respect of such as would have travailed
therein. I know my labours are already taken in an evil part ; but
because I have the testimony of a good conscience before my God,
that whatsoever I have done, I have done it in his fear, for the profit
of you both, for the hurt of none and for the tranquillity of this
Realm ; seeing (I say), that my conscience beareth witness to me
what I have sought and continually seek, I the more patiently bear
the misreports and wrangous judgments of men. And now I leave
' test ^ at one time ^ obstacle * Supra, i, 258-259
' See the account of this incident in Randolph's letter to Cecil of 31 March 1562.
There Randolph says the son was " led away till near Crichton, where the neighbours
of the country (the Laird's friends) rescued him, driving Bothwell into his own house."
{Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1089) ' That is, the reaching of the agreement
' Alexander Hepburn of Whitsome and Riccarton
4.0 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
you in peace, and desire you that are the friends to study that amity
may increase, all former offences being forgot." The friends on
either party embraced other, and the two Earls departed to a
window, and talked by themselves famiharly a reasonable space.
And thereafter the Earl Bothwell departed for that night ; and
upon the next day in the morning returned, with some of his honest
friends, and came to the sermon with the Earl foresaid ; whereat
many rejoiced. But God had another work to work than the eyes
of men could espy.
The Thursday next ^ they dined together ; and thereafter the
said Earl Bothwell and Master Gavin Hamilton rode to my Lord
Duke's Grace, who then was in Kinneil.'^ What communication
was betwix them it is not certainly known, but by the report which
the said Earl of Arran made to the Queen's Grace, and unto the Earl
of Moray, by his writings.^ For upon Friday,^ the fourth day after
their reconciliation, the sermon being ended, the said Earl of Arran
came to the house of the said John Knox, and brought with him
Master Richard Strang and Alexander Guthrie, to whom he opened
the grief of his mind before that John Knox was called ; for he was
occupied (as commonly he used to be after his sermons) in directing
of writings. Which ended, the said Earl called the three together,
and said, " I am treasonably betrayed " ; and with these words
began to weep. John Knox demanded, " My Lord, who has betrayed
you ? " "A Judas, or other (said he) ; but I know it is but my life
that is sought : I regard it not." The other said, " My Lord, I
understand not such dark manner of speaking : if I shall give you
any answer, ye must speak more plain." " Well (said he), I take
you three to witness that I open this unto you, and I will write it
unto the Queen. An act of treason is laid to my charge ; the Earl
Bothwell has shown to me in council, that he shall take the Queen,
and put her in my hands in the Castle of Dumbarton ; and that he
shall slay the Earl of Moray, Lethington, and^ others that now
misguide her : and so shall I and he rule all. But I know that this is
devised to accuse me of treason ; for I know that he will inform the
Queen of it : But I take you to witness, that I open it here unto you ;
and I will pass incontinent and write to the Queen's Majesty, and
unto my brother the Earl of Moray."
John Knox demanded, " Did ye consent, my Lord, to any part
' 26 March 1562 ^ Kinneil House, West Lothian
' For further accounts of the subsequent strange story see Randolph's letters {Calendar of
Scottish Papers, i, Nos. 1089, 1090, 1091, 1095) and Diurnal of Occurrents, 71.
* Good Friday, 27 March 1562
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 4 1
of that treason ? " He answered, " Nay." " Then (said he), in my
judgment, his words, albeit they were spoken, can never be treason
unto you ; for the performance of the fact depends upon your will,
whereto ye say ye have dissented ; and so shall that purpose evanish
and die by the self, unless that ye waken it ; for it is not to be
supposed that he will accuse you of that which he himself [has]
devised, and whereto ye would not consent." " O (said he), ye
understand not what craft is used against me : It is treason to
conceal treason." "My Lord (said he), Treason must import
consent and determination, which I hear upon neither of your
parts. And therefore, my Lord, in my judgment it shall be more
sure and more honourable to you to depend upon your [own] inno-
cence, and to abide the unjust accusation of another (if any follow
thereof, as I think there shall not), than ye to accuse (especially
after so late reconciliation) and have none other witnesses but your
own affirmation." " I know (said he) that he will offer the combat
unto me ; but that would not be suffered in France ; but I will do
that which I have purposed." And so he departed, and took with
him to his lodging the said Alexander Guthrie and Mr. Richard
Strang ; from whence was dited and written a letter to the Queen's
Majesty, according to the former purpose, which letter was directed
with all diligence to the Queen's Majesty, who then was in Falkland.
The Earl himself rode after to Kinneil, to his father, the Duke's
Grace. How he was entreated, we have but the common bruit ;
but from thence he wrote another letter with his own hand, in
cipher, to the Earl of Moray, complaining upon his rigorous handling
and entreatment by his own father, and by his friends ; and affirmed
further, that he feared his life, in case that he got not sudden rescue.
But thereupon he remained not, but broke the chamber wherein he
was put, and with great pain passed to Stirling, and from thence
he was convoyed to the Hallyards,^ where he was kept till that the
Earl of Moray came unto him, and convoyed him to the Queen,
then being in Falkland, who then was sufficiently instructed of the
whole matter ; and upon suspicion conceived, had caused apprehend
Master Gavin Hamilton and the Earl Bothwell foresaid ; who know-
ing nothing of the former advertisements, came to Falkland, which
augmented the former suspicion.
But yet the letters of John Knox made all things to be used more
circumspectly ; for he did plainly forewarn the Earl of Moray that
he espied the Earl of Arran to be stricken with frenzy, and therefore
^ Hallyards, Auchtertool, Fife. At that time a seat of Kirkcaldy of Grange.
42 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
willed not over great credit to be given unto his words and inventions.
And as he advertised, so it came to pass ; for within few days his
sickness increased ; he devised of wondrous signs that he saw in the
heavens ; he alleged that he was bewitched ; he would have been
in the Queen's bed, and affirmed that he was her husband ; and
finally, he behaved himself in all things so foolishly, that his frenzy
could not be hid. And yet were the said Earl Bothwell and Abbot
of Kilwinning ^ kept in the Castle of Saint Andrews, and convened
before the Council, with the said Earl of Arran, who ever stood firm
that the Earl Bothwell proponed to him such things as he advertised
the Queen's Grace of; but stiffly denied that his father, the said
Abbot, or friends, knew anything thereof, either yet that they
intended any violence against him ; but alleged that he was en-
chanted 2 so to think and write. Whereat the Queen, highly offended,
committed him to prison, with the other two, first in the Castle of
Saint Andrews, and thereafter caused them to be convoyed to the
Castle of Edinburgh.^ James Stewart of Cardonald, called Captain
James,* was evil bruited [of] for the rigorous entreatment that he
showed to the said Earl in his sickness, being appointed keeper unto him.
To consult upon these accusations, the whole Council was
assembled at Saint Andrews, the i8 day of April, ^ in the year of
God 1562 ; in which it was concluded that, in consideration of the
former suspicion, the Duke's Grace should render to the Queen the
Castle of Dumbarton, the custody whereof was granted unto him
by appointment, till that lawful succession should be seen of the
Queen's body. But will prevailed against reason and promises,
and so was the said Castle delivered to Captain Anstruther, as
having power from the Queen and Council to receive it.*'
Things ordered in Fife, the Queen returned to Edinburgh, and
then began dancing to grow hot ; for her friends began to triumph
* Gavin Hamilton * bewitched
' On 4 May 1562, according to the Diurnal of Occurrenti (72). According to the
Collector's Accounts of the Thirds of the Benefices (from which the Earl of Arran was
allowed £2. a day for his upkeep in the castle of Edinburgh), Arran's second year of
confinement began on 3 May 1563. He was released i May 1566.
* He was Captain of the Queen's bodyguard. (See supra, 25, note 1)
' On Monday 20 April 1562, according to Randolph. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i,
No. 1095)
' Apparently Captain Robert Anstruther, and in April 1562. {Accounts Lord High
Treasurer, xi, 161, 162, 198) See also Diurnal of Occurrents, 72. It should be noted that
Buchanan gives a different version of this strange story. According to Buchanan Bothwell
first endeavoured to embroil the Earl of Moray against the Hamiltons and, that
failing, then endeavoured to embroil the Hamiltons in a plot to murder Moray. (See
Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 453-456 ; Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland, ii, 177-179)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 43
in France. ^ The certainty hereof came to the ears of John Knox,
for there were some that showed to him, from time to time, the estate
of things 2 ; and, amongst others, he was assured that the Queen had
danced excessively ^ till after midnight, because that she had received
letters that persecution was begun again in France, and that her
uncles were beginning to stir their tails,* and to trouble the whole
Realm of France. Upon occasion of this text, " And now under- ^^"1- 2
stand, O ye Kings, and be learned, ye that judge the earth," he began
to tax the ignorance, the vanity, and the despite of Princes against
all virtue, and against all those in whom haitterent of vice and love
of virtue appeared.
The report hereof made unto the Queen, the said John Knox
was sent for.^ Mr. Alexander Cockburn, who before had been his
scholar,^ and then was very familiar with him, was the messenger,
who gave him some knowledge both of the report and of the reporters.
The Queen was in her bedchamber, and with her, besides the ladies
and the common servants, were the Lord James, the Earl of Morton,
Secretary Lethington, and some of the guard that had made the
report. He was called and accused, as one that had irreverently '^^^ ,
•! 1 I • 1 • 1 • second
spoken of the Queen, and that travailed to brmg her m haitterent commm-
and contempt of the people, and that he had exceeded the bounds ^f^^^"^"
of his text : And upon these three heads, made the Queen herself a with the
long harangue or orison ^ ; whereto the said John answered as follows : '^"
" Madam, this is oftentimes the just recompense which God
giveth to the stubborn of the world, that because they will not hear
God speaking to the comfort of the penitent, and for amendment of
the wicked, they are oft compelled to hear the false report of others
to their greater displeasure. I doubt not but that it came to the ears
1 Queen Mary had returned to Edinburgh before 12 May 1562 (Hay Fleming,
Mary Queen of Scots, 518) ; but the " massacre at Vassy " had already taken place on
I March 1562, there had been a " massacre " at Sens, and Orleans had been seized
by the Huguenots. Certainly war between the Huguenots and the Catholics had become
inevitable, but there was as yet no " triumph " for Mary's " friends." According to
Randolph, writing to Cecil on 29 May 1562, Mary regretted the " unadvised enterprise "
of the Guises and feared their overthrow. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1107)
'- Cf supra, i, 351
^ According to Sir James Melville, Mary did not dance " so high and disposedly "
as Elizabeth. {Memoirs, Bannatyne Club, 125) * bestir themselves
' Knox has here confused the order of events. Mary was back in Edinburgh before
12 May 1562, but Knox delivered his sermon in which " he inveighed sore against the
Queen's dancing" on Sunday 13 December 1562, and the interview with Mary took
place on Tuesday 15 December 1562 — that is, after the Queen's " progress " in the North
in the autumn of 1562, and not after her stay in Fife in the spring. (See Randolph's
letter to Cecil of 16 December 1562, in Laing's Knox, vi, 147 and Calendar of Scottish Papers,
i, No. 1 155) ' Supra, i, 82 ' oration
(053) • VOL II 4
44 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
of proud Herod, that our Master Christ Jesus called him a fox ; but
they told him not how odious a thing it was before God to murder
an innocent, as he had lately done before, causing to behead John
the Baptist, to reward the dancing of a harlot's daughter. Madam,
if the reporters of my words had been honest men, they would have
reported my words, and the circumstances of the same. But because
they would have credit in Court, and lacking virtue worthy thereof,
they must have somewhat to please your Majesty, if it were but
flattery and lies. But such pleasure (if any your Grace take in such
persons) will turn to your everlasting displeasure. For, Madam,
if your own ears had heard the whole matter that I entreated ; if
there be into you any sparkle of the Spirit of God, yea, of honesty
or wisdom, ye could not justly have been offended with anything
that I spake. And because that ye have heard their report, please
your Grace to hear myself rehearse the same, so near as memory will
serve." (It was even upon the next day after that the sermon was
made).^ " My text (said he). Madam, was this, ' And now, O Kings,
understand ; be learned, ye judges of the earth.' After, Madam
(said he), that I had declared the dignity of kings and rulers, the
honour whereinto God has placed them, the obedience that is due
unto them, being God's lieutenants, I demanded this question, — But,
O alas ! what compte ^ shall the most part of princes make before
that Supreme Judge, whose throne and authority so manifestly and
shamefully they abuse ? That the complaint of Solomon is this day
most true, to wit, ' That violence and oppression do occupy the throne
of God here in this earth ' : for while that murderers, bloodthirsty
men, oppressors, and malefactors dare be bold to present themselves
before kings and princes, and the poor saints of God are banished and
exiled, what shall we say but that the devil hath taken possession
in the throne of God, which ought to be fearful to all wicked doers,
and a refuge to the innocent oppressed. And how can it otherwise
be ? For princes will not understand ; they will not be learned as
God commands them. But God's law they despise ; his statutes and
holy ordinances they will not understand ; for in fiddling and flinging
they are more exercised than in reading or hearing of God's most
blessed word ; and fiddlers and flatterers (which commonly corrupt
the youth) are more precious in their eyes than men of wisdom and
gravity, who by wholesome admonition might beat down into them
some part of that vanity and pride whereinto all are born, but in
' According to Randolph the inter\'iew was on the Tuesday following the sermon
on the Sunday. {Supra 43, note 5) ''^ account
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 45
princes take deep root and strength by wicked education. And of
dancing, Madam, I said, that albeit in Scriptures I found no praise
of it, and in profane writers that it is termed the gesture rather of
those that are mad and in frenzy than of sober men ; yet do I not
utterly damn it, providing that two vices be avoided : the former,
That the principal vocation of those that use that exercise be not
neglected for the pleasure of dancing ; Secondly, That they dance
not, as the Philistines their fathers, for the pleasure that they take in
the displeasure of God's people. For if any of both they do, so they
shall receive the reward of dancers, and that will be drink in hell, ^
unless they speedily repent, so shall God turn their mirth in sudden
sorrow : for God will not always afflict his people, neither yet will
he always wink at the tyranny of tyrants. If any man. Madam (said
he), will say that I spake more, let him presently ^ accuse me ; for
I think I have not only touched the sum, but the very words as I spake
them." Many that stood by bare witness with him, that he had
recited the very words that publicly he spake.
The Queen looked about to some of the reporters, and said,
" Your words are sharp enough as ye have spoken them ; but yet
they were told to me in another manner. I know (said she) that my
uncles and ye are not of one religion, and therefore I cannot blame
you albeit you have no good opinion of them. But if ye hear any
thing of myself that mislikes you, come to myself and tell me, and I
shall hear you."
" Madam," quod he, " I am assured that your uncles are
enemies to God, and unto his Son Jesus Christ ; and that for main-
tenance of their own pomp and worldly glory that they spare not
to spill the blood of many innocents ; and therefore I am assured
that their enterprises shall have no better success than others have
had that before them have done that [which] they do now. But as
to your own personage. Madam, I would be glad to do all that I
could to your Grace's contentment, provided that I exceed not the
bounds of my vocation. I am called. Madam, to a public function
within the Kirk of God, and am appointed by God to rebuke the
sins and vices of all. I am not appointed to come to every man in
particular to show him his offence ; for that labour were infinite.^
' The meaning is obvious ; but there may also be reference to the custom of drinking
at dances, referred to in an old musical MS. : ' The tune is to be played even through
once over every time : so the first couple has time to take their drink.' (Dauney's
Ancient Scottish Melodies, Bannatyne Club, 260, cited Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 275)
^ now, at this present time
^ It should be noted, however, that private admonition, in certain cases, had been
prescribed by the Book of Discipline. {Infra, 306)
46 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
If your Grace please to frequent the public sermons, then doubt I
not but that ye shall fully understand both what I like and mislike,
as well in your Majesty as in all others. Or if your Grace will assign
unto me a certain day and hour when it will please you to hear the
form and substance of doctrine which is proponed in public to the
churches of this Realm, I will most gladly await upon your Grace's
pleasure, time and place. But to wait upon your chamber-door, or
elsewhere, and then to have no further liberty but to whisper my
mind in your Grace's ear, or to tell to you what others think and
speak of you, neither will my conscience nor the vocation whereto
God hath called me suffer it. For albeit at your Grace's command-
ment I am here now, yet cannot I tell what other men shall judge
of me, that at this time of day am absent from my book and waiting
upon the Court."
" You will not always," said she, "be at your book," and so
turned her back. And the said John Knox departed with a reason-
able merry countenance ; whereat some Papists, offended, said, " He
is not afraid." Which, heard of him, he answered, " Why should
the pleasing face of a gentlewoman effray me ? I have looked in
the faces of many angry men, and yet have not been afraid above
measure." And so left he the Queen and the Court for that time.
In this meantime, the negotiation and credit was great betwix
the Queen of England and our Sovereign : letters, couriers, and
posts ran very frequent. Great bruit there was of the interview and
meeting of the two Queens at York, and some preparation was made
therefor in both the Realms. But that failed upon the part of
England, and that by occasion of the troubles moved in France (as
was alleged), which caused the Queen and her Council attend upon
the south parts of England, for avoiding of inconvenients. ^
That summer, there came an Ambassador from the King of
Sweden, requiring marriage of our Sovereign to his Master the King.^
His entertainment was honourable ; but his petition liked our
Queen nothing ; for such a man was too base' for her estate ; for
had not she been great Queen of France ? Fye of Sweden ! What
' For these negotiations and the proposed " interview and meeting of the two Queens "
see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 70-73 and supporting notes.
" According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (72, 73) the Swedish ambassador " Here
Petir Groif " arrived on 24 April 1562 and departed with his [negative] answer on i June
1562. Randolph speaks of the news of his arrival on 25 April, says he is called the Earl
of Wismar, and reports his departure early in the morning of Tuesday 2 June, after leaving
a picture of his king to be presented to the Queen. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, Nos. 1095,
1097, nil) Erik XIV of Sweden married Catharine Jagello in the following October.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 47
is it ? But happy was the man that of such a one was forsaken.
And yet she refused not one far inferior to a virtuous King.
The Earl of Lennox and his wife were committed to the Tower
of London for trafficking with Papists.^ The young Laird of Barr ^
was a travailer in that business, and was apprehended with some
letters, which were the cause of his and their trouble.
The Earl of Moray made a privy raid to Hawick upon the fair- ffawkk
day thereof, and apprehended fifty thieves ; of which number were
seventeen drowned ; others were executed in Jedburgh. The
principals were brought to Edinburgh and there suffered, according
to their merits upon the Burgh Muir. ^ The Queen was nothing con-
tent of the prosperity and good success that God gave to the Earl
of Moray in all his enterprises, for she hated his upright dealing, and
the image of God which evidently did appear into him ; but at that
time she could not well have been served without him.
The Assembly of the Kirk at Midsummer, the [29] * of June,
anno 1562, approached, in the which were many notable heads Sharp
entreated concerning good order to be kept in the Church ; for the preaching
Papists and the idolatry of the Qjaeen began to trouble the former ««^ (°°^
good order. Some ministers, such as Master John Sharp, had left law
their charges, and entered into other vocations more profitable for
the belly ; against whom were acts made, although to this day they Anm
have not been put in execution. ^j^ I"
The tenor of the Supplication read in open audience, and
approved by the whole Assembly to be presented to the Queen's
Majesty, was this :
To THE Queen's Majesty, and Her Most Honourable Privy
Council, the Superintendents and Ministers of the Evangel
OF Jesus Christ within this Realm, together with the
Commissioners of the whole Churches, desire Grace and
Peace from God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ,
WITH the Spirit of Righteous Judgment.^
* Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, and his wife, Lady Margaret Douglas, daughter
of Archibald, sixth Earl of Angus. Their son was Henry Lord Darnley, who later married
Mary Queen of Scots. Randolph, writing to Cecil on 31 March 1562, reports that " it is
not lamented here [in Scotland] that Lennox is in the Tower." {Calendar of Scottish Papers,
i, No. 1089) - John Lockhart, younger, of Barr
' An account of this " raid " on the thieves of Teviotdale and Liddesdale is given by
Randolph in a letter to Cecil of 8 July 1562. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1 123)
* In the manuscript (folio 329 recto) the date is given, erroneously, as " the 24 of June " ;
but see Booke of the Universall Kirk (Bannatyne Club) i, 13-24.
' This marginal note (folio 329 recto) is in the text hand.
' Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 20-24
48 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Having in mind that fearful sentence pronounced by the Eternal
God against the watchmen that see the sword of God's punishment
approach, and do not in plain words forewarn the people, yea, the
princes and rulers, that they may repent, we cannot but signify
unto your Highness, and unto your Council, that the estate of this
Realm is such for this present, that unless redress and remedy be
shortly provided, that God's hand can not long spare in his anger,
to strike the head and the tail, the inobedient Prince and sinful
people : For as God is unchangeable and true, so must he punish
in these our days, the grievous sins that before we read he has
punished in all ages, after that he has long called for repentance, and
none is shown.
And that your Grace and Council may understand what be the
things we desire to be reformed, we will begin at that which we
assuredly know to be the fountain and spring of all other evils that
now abound in this Realm, to wit, that idol and bastard service of
God, the Mass ; the fountain, we call it, of all impiety, not only
because that many take boldness to sin by reason of the opinion which
they have conceived of that idol, to wit, that by the virtue of it,
they get remission of their sins ; but also because that under the
colour of the Mass, are whores, adulterers, drunkards, blasphemers
of God, of his holy Word and Sacraments, and such other manifest
malefactors, maintained and defended : for let any Mass-sayer, or
earnest maintainer thereof be deprehended ^ in any of the fore-
This named crimes, no execution can be had, for all is done in haiterent
Queeri's of his religion ; and so are wicked men permitted to live wickedly,
religion to cloaked and defended by that odious idol. But supposing that the
have many _ ^ _ _ ....
favourers Mass wcrc occasion of no such evils, yet in the self it is so odious in
God's presence, that we cannot cease with all instance to desire the
removing of the same, as well from yourself as from all others within
this Realm, taking heaven and earth, yea, and your own conscience
to record, that the obstinate maintenance of that idol shall in the
end be to you destruction of soul and body.
If your Majesty demand, why that now we are more earnest
than we have been heretofore ; we answer (our former silence nowise
excused), because we find us frustrate of our hope and expectation ;
which was, that in process of time, your Grace's heart should have
been mollified, so far as that ye would have heard the public doctrine
taught within this Realm ; by the which, our further hope was, that
God's Holy Spirit should so have moved your heart, that ye should
' apprehended
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 49
have suffered your religion (which before God is nothing but abomi-
nation and vanity) to have been tried by the true touchstone, the
written word of God ^ ; and that your Grace finding it to have no
ground nor foundation in the same, should have given that glory
unto God, that ye would have preferred his truth unto your own
preconceived vain opinion, of what antiquity that ever it has been.
Whereof we in a part now discouraged can no longer keep silence,
unless we would make ourselves criminal before God of your blood,
perishing in your own iniquity ; for we plainly admonish you of the
dangers to come.
The second that we require, is punishment of horrible vices, such
as are adultery, fornication, open whoredom, blasphemy, contempt
of God, of his Word and Sacraments ; which in this Realm, for
lack of punishment, do even now so abound that sin is reputed to be
no sin. And therefore, as that we see the present signs of God's
wrath now manifestly appear, so do we forewarn that he will strike,
ere it be long, if his law without punishment be permitted thus mani-
festly to be contemned. If any object that punishments cannot be
commanded to be executed without a Parliament, we answer that
the eternal God in his Parhament has pronounced death to be the
punishment for adultery and for blasphemy ; whose acts if ye put
not to execution (seeing that kings are but his heutenants, having
no power to give hfe, where he commands death), as that he will
repute you, and all others that foster vice, patrons of impiety, so
will he not fail to punish you for neglecting of his judgments.
Our third request concerneth the poor, who be of three sorts :
the poor labourers of the ground ; the poor desolate beggars, orphans,
widows, and strangers ; and the poor ministers of Christ Jesus his
holy evangel, which are all so cruelly entreated by this last pretended
Order taken for sustentation of Ministers, that their latter misery
far surmounteth the former. For now the poor labourers of the
ground are so oppressed by the cruelty of those that pay their Third,
[in] that they for the most part advance upon the poor whatsoever
they pay to the Queen, or to any other. ^ As for the very indigent Grudging
and poor, to whom God commands a sustentation to be provided nobility
of the Teinds, they are so despised that it is a wonder that the sun °"^^^^
giveth heat and light to the earth where God's name is so frequently the other
called upon and no mercy (according to his commandment) shown
to his creatures. And also for the Ministers, their livings are so
appointed that the most part shall live but a beggar's life. And all
* See supra, 12 * See also the Book of Diicipline, infra, 303
50 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Cometh of that impiety, that the idle bellies of Christ's enemies must
be fed in their former delicacy.
We dare not conceal from your Grace and Honours our con-
science, which is this, that neither by the law of God, neither yet
by any just law of man, is anything due unto them who now most
cruelly do exact of the poor and rich the Two parts of their Benefices,
as they call them : and therefore we most humbly require, that some
other Order may be taken with them, nor that they be set up again
to empire above the people of God, either yet above any subject
within this Realm. For we fear that such usurpation to their former
estate be neither in the end pleasing to themselves, nor profitable to
them that would place them in that tyranny. If any think that a
competent living is to be assigned to them, we repugn not, provided
that the labourers of the ground be not oppressed, the poor be not
utterly neglected, and the Ministers of the word so sharply entreated
as now they are. And, finally, that those idle bellies, who by law can
crave nothing, shall confess that they receive their sustentation, not
of debt, but as of benevolence. Our humble request is, therefore,
that some sudden order may be taken, that the poor labourers may
find some relief, and that in every parish some portion of the Teinds
may be assigned to the sustentation of the poor within the same ;
and likewise that some public relief may be provided for the poor
within burghs ; that collectors may be appointed to gather, and
that sharp compts ^ may be taken, as well of their receipt as of their
deliverance. The further consideration to be had to our Ministers,
we in some part remit to your Wisdoms, and unto their particular
complaints.
Our fourth petition is for the manses, yards, and glebes, justly
appertaining to the Ministers, without the which it is impossible unto
them quietly to serve their charges ; and therefore we desire order
to be taken thereinto without delay.
Our fifth concerneth the inobedience of certain wicked persons,
who not only trouble, and have troubled Ministers in their function,
but also disobey the Superintendents in their visitation ; whereof we
humbly crave remedy ; which we do not so much for any fear that
we and our Ministers have of the Papists, but for the love that we
bear to the common tranquillity. For this we cannot hide from
your Majesty and Council, that if the Papists think to triumph where
they may, and to do what they list, where there is not a party able
to resist them, that some will think that the godly must begin where
* accounts
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 5 1
they left, who heretofore have borne all things patiently, in hope that
laws should have bridled the wicked ; whereof if they be frustrate
(albeit that nothing be more odious to them than tumults and
domestical discord), yet will men attempt the uttermost, before that
in their own eyes they behold that House of God demolished, which
with travail and danger God hath within this Realm erected by
them.
Last, we desire that such as have received remission of their
Thirds be compelled to sustain the Ministry within their bounds,^
or else we forewarn your Grace and Council that we fear that the
people shall retain the whole in their hands unto such time as their
ministry be sufficiently provided. We further desire the kirks to be
repaired according to an Act set forth by the Lords of Secret Council,
before your Majesty's arrival in this country ; That Judges be
appointed to hear the causes of divorcement, for the Kirk can no
longer sustain that burden, especially because there is no punishment
for the offenders ; That sayers and hearers of Mass, profaners of
the Sacraments, such as have entered in[to] benefices by the Pope's
Bulls, and such other transgressors of the law made at your Grace's
arrival within this Realm, may be severely punished ; for else men
will think that there is no truth meant in making of such laws.
Further, We most humbly desire of your Grace and Honourable
Council, a resolute answer to every one of the heads forewritten that,
the same being known, we may somewhat satisfy such as be grievously
offended at manifest iniquity now maintained, at oppression under
pretext of law done against the poor, and at the rebellious dis-
obedience of many wicked persons against God's jyord and holy
ordinance.
God the Father of our Lord Jesus Clirist so rule your hearts
and direct your Grace and Council's judgments by the ditement and
illumination of his Holy Spirit that ye may answer so as that your
consciences may be absolved in the presence of that righteous Judge,
the Lord Jesus ; and then we doubt not but ye yourselves shall find
felicity, and this poor Realm, that long has been oppressed by wicked
men, shall enjoy tranquillity and rest, with the true knowledge of
God.
These things read in public Assembly, ^ as said is, were approved
of all (and some wished that more sharpness had been used, because
' That is, within their ecclesiastical boundaries. An account of the many remissions
of " Ihirds " is given by Dr. G. Donaldson in his work on the Collectors' Accounts.
" On 4 July 1562, at the sixth session. (Booke of Universall Kirk, i, 18-19)
52 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
that the time so craved), but the monzeors ^ of the Court, and
Secretary Lethington above others, could not abide such hard
speaking : " For whoever saw it written (said he) to a Prince, that
God would strike the head and the tail : that if Papists did what
they list, men would begin where they left." But above all others,
that was most offensive that the Queen was accused, as that she
would raise up Papists and Papistry again. To put that in the
people's head was no less than treason ; for oaths durst be made
that she never meant such thing. To whom it was answered,^
Isaiah " That the Prophet Isaiah used such manner of speaking ; and it
was no doubt but he was well acquainted in the Court, for it was
Answer to supposed he was of the King's stock. But howsoever it was, his words
make manifest that he spake to the Court and Courtiers, to Judges,
Ladies, Princes, and Priests : And yet (says he), ' The Lord shall
cut away the head and the tail,' &c." " And so," said the first
writer, " I find that such [a] phrase was once used before us. And
if this offend you, that we say, ' Men must begin where they left,'
in case that Papists do as they do, we would desire you to teach us,
not so much how we shall speak, but rather what we shall do, when
our Ministers are stricken, our Superintendents disobeyed, and a
plain rebellion decreed against all good order." " Complain," said
Lethington. " Whom to ? " said the other. " To the Queen's
Majesty," said he. " How long shall we do so ? " quod the whole.
" Till that ye get remedy," said the Justice Clerk ^ : " give me their
names, and I shall give you letters." * " If the sheep," said one,
" shall complain to the wolf that the wolves and whelps have
devoured their lambs, the complainer may stand in danger ; but
the offender, we fear, shall have liberty to hunt after his prey."
" Such comparisons," said Lethington, " are very unsavoury ; for
I am assured that the Queen will neither erect nor yet maintain
Papistry." " Let your assurance," said another, "serve yourself but
it cannot assure us, for her manifest proceedings speak the contrary."
After such taunting reasoning of both the sides, the multitude
concluded that the Supplication, as it was conceived, should be
presented, unless that the Secretary would form one more agreeable
to the present necessity. He promised to keep the substance of ours,
but he would use other terms, and ask things in a more gentle manner.
The first writer answered, " That he served the Kirk at their com-
' Possibly a derisive form of monsieurs, mounseers ; or possibly intended for monzeons,
that is, minions. ^ Undoubtedly by Knox
' Sir John Bellenden of Auchnoull * That is, letters of summonds
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 53
mandment, and was content that in his ditement should men use the
Uberty that best pleased them, provided that he was not compelled
to subscribe to the flattery of such as more regarded the persons of
men and women, than the simple truth of God." And so was this
former Supplication given to be reformed as Lethington's wisdom
thought best. And in very deed he framed it so, that when it was
dehvered by the Superintendents of Lothian and Fife, and when that
she had read somewhat of it, she said, " Here are many fair words :
I cannot tell what the hearts are." And so for our painted oratory
we were termed the next name to flatterers and dissemblers. But
for that Session the Kirk received none other answer.
Short after ^ the convention of the Kirk chanced that unhappy John
pursuit which John Gordon, Laird of Findlater,^ made upon the and
Lord Ogilvy,^ who was evil hurt and almost yet abides mutilated. Ogiby
The occasion was for certain lands and rights which old Findlater
had resigned to the said Lord, which he was pursuing, and was in
appearance to obtain his purpose. Whereat the said John and his
servants were oflfended, and therefore made the said pursuit upon
a Saturday, at night, betwix nine and ten. The friends of the said
Lord were either not with him, or else not well willing to fight that
night ; for they took strokes, but gave few that left marks. The said
John was taken, and put in the Tolbooth, where he remained certain
days, and then broke his ward, some judged, at his father's command-
ment ; for he was making preparation for the Queen's coming to the
North, as we will after hear.
The interview and meeting of the two Queens delayed till the
next year, our Sovereign took purpose to visit the North, and de-
parted from Stirling in the month of August. Whether there was
' As already noted [supra, 47, note 4) Knox gave the 24 June as the date of the
meeting of the General Assembly instead of the 2 9. June. Thus for " short after " we should
here read " short before." The conflict between Sir John Gordon and James, fifth Lord
Ogilvy of Airlie, in which the latter was hurt in " the three principal members " of his
right arm so seriously " that if he bleeds again the same will be his death," took place in
Edinburgh on Saturday night, 27 June. (See Edinburgh Burgh Records, Burgh Record
Society, iii, 138-139)
" Sir John Gordon was the third son of George, fourth Earl of Huntly. Alexander
Ogilvy of Deskford and Findlater had disinherited his son, James Ogilvy of Cardell, in
1545, and had settled his lands and baronies in Aberdeen and Banff, and the name and
arms of Ogilvy on John Gordon, whom failing, on his brothers William, James, and Adam
Gordon, in succession. (Registrum Magni Sigilli, iii. No. 3157) Randolph, reporting this
fight in Edinburgh, speaks of John Gordon as " named the Laird of Findlater." {Calendar
of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1 121) The endeavour of the Ogilvies to regain these lands, and the
unwillingness of the Gordons to relinquish them, lie in the background of Corrichie and
the forfeiture of Huntly. (See Scots Peerage, iv, 21-25)
* James, fifth Lord Ogilvy of Airlie
54 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
any secret paction and confederacy betwix the Papists in the South,
and the Earl of Huntly and his Papists in the North ; or, to speak
more plainly, betwix the Queen herself and Huntly, we cannot
certainly say. But the suspicions were wondrous vehement that
there was no good will borne to the Earl of Moray, nor yet to such
as depended upon him at that time. The history we shall faithfully
declare, and so leave the judgment free to the readers.
That John Gordon broke his ward, we have already heard,
who immediately thereafter repaired to his father George, then Earl
of Huntly ^ ; and understanding the Queen's coming, made great
provision in Strathbogie, and in other parts, as it were to receive
the Queen. At Aberdeen the Queen and Court remained certain
days to deliberate upon the affairs of the country ; where some began
to smell that the Earl of Huntly was under gathering, as hereafter
shall be declared.
While things were so working in the North, the Earl Bothwell
Bothwell broke his ward, and came forth of the Castle of Edinburgh, ^ the 28th
ivard of August. Somc Say that he broke the stancheour ^ of the window ;
others whispered that he got easy passage by the yetts. One thing
is certain, to wit, the Queen was little offended at his escaping.
There passed with him a servant of the Captain's, named James
Porterfield. The said Earl showed himself not very afraid, for his
common residence was in Lothian. The Bishop of Saint Andrews *
and Abbot of Crossraguel ^ kept secret convention that same time in
Paisley, to whom resorted divers Papists ; yea, the said Bishop spake
the Duke,^ unto whom also came the Lord Gordon ' from the Earl
of Huntly, requiring him " to put to his hands in the South, as he
The false should do in the North ; and so it should not be Knox's crying nor
and his preaching that should stay that purpose." The Bishop, be he never so
traffic close, could not altogether hide his mind, but at his own table said,
" The Queen is gone into the North, belike to seek disobedience :
she may perchance find the thing that she seeks."' It was constantly
affirmed that the Earl Bothwell and the said Lord Gordon spake
together, but of their purpose we heard no mention.^
* George, fourth Earl of Huntly ^ See supra, 42
' stanchion ^ John Hamilton ' Quintin Kennedy
* The Duke of Chatelherault
' George, Lord Gordon, second son of George, fourth Earl of Huntly ; later George,
fifth Earl of Huntly.
* Their " purpose " is revealed in the reduction of the sentence of forfeiture passed
against George, Lord Gordon. {Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 577a) Briefly, it was that Bothwell
should raise men to serve Huntly.
sioners
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 55
That same year, and at that instant time, were appointed Com- Commis-
missioners by the General Assembly to Carrick and Cunningham
Master George Hay who, the space of a month, preached with great
fruit in all the churches of Carrick ; to Kyle, and to the parts of
Galloway, was appointed John Knox who, beside the doctrine of the
Evangel shown unto the common people, forewarned some of the
Nobility and Barons of the dangers that he feared, and that were
appearing shortly to follow, and exhorted them to put themselves
in such order as that they might be able to serve the authority, and
yet not to suffer the enemies of God's truth to have the upper hand.
Whereupon a great part of the Barons and Gentlemen of Kyle and
Cunningham and Carrick, professing the true doctrine of the Evangel,
assembled at Ayr, and, after exhortations made and conference had,
subscribed this Band, the tenor whereof follows :
We, whose names are underwritten, do promise, in the presence
of God, and in the presence of his Son our Lord Jesus Christ, that we,
and everyone of us, shall and will maintain and assist the preaching
of his holy Evangel, now of his mere mercy offered unto this Realm ;
and also will maintain the ministers of the same against all persons,
power, and authority, that will oppose themselves to the doctrine
proponed, and by us received. And further, with the same solemnity,
we protest and promise, that every one of us shall assist others ; yea,
and the whole body of the Protestants within this Realm, in all
lawful and just actions, against all persons ; so that whosoever shall
hurt, molest, or trouble any of our body, shall be reputed enemy
to the whole, except that the offender will be content to submit
himself to the judgment of the Kirk now established amongst us.
And this we do, as we desire to be accepted and favoured of the Lord
Jesus, and reaccompted ^ worthy of credit and honesty in the pre-
sence of the godly. At the Burgh of Ayr, the fourth day of September,
the year of God 1562.
Subscribed by all these with their hands, as follows :
Mr. Michael Wallace, Glencairn ^
Provost of Ayr Ro. Boyd *
James Lockhart ^ R. Failford ^
' accounted * Probably Sir James Lockhart of Lee
* Alexander, fourth Earl of Glencairn * Robert, fifth Lord Boyd
' Robert Cunningham, a younger son of William, third Earl of Glencairn. He was
" minister " of Fail, or Failford, and Provincial of the Order of the Holy Trinity
(Trinitarians) in Scotland. The head of a Trinitarian House was called the " minister " ;
and we find the designation " minister of Fail " as early as 141 3. (Laing Charters, No. 93)
56
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
William Montgomery
John Cr,a.wford of Walston
John Mure in Wole
Hew Wallace of Cairnhill
James Chalmers of Gadgirth
Hew Montgomery of Hesilhead
John Fullarton of Dreghorn
1, William Cunningham, with my
hand
Skeldon 1
Fergushill 2
Mr. of Boyd ^
John Lockhart of Barr
William Cunningham of Capring-
ton younger
Robert Ker of Kersland
Robert Crawford
David Crawford
William Cunningham
Charles Campbell, Burgess of
Ayr
James Dalrymple of Stair
MuNGO Mure
James Reid
James Kennedy, Burgess of Ayr
George Lockhart, Burgess there
Robert Shaw, Burgess there
John Dunbar of Blantyre
Robert Chalmers of Martnaham
Robert Hunter of Hunterston
Robert Rankin
Archibald Boyle
Alexander Nisbet
James Lockhart
William Stewart of Hal rig
Hector Dunbar of Clugstone
James Campbell of Lochlee
Adam Cathcart of Bardarroch
George Reid of Chapelhouse
Matthew Campbell of Loudoun,
Knight *
Alan Lord Cathcart *
John Cunningham of Caprington
Cunninghamhead *
Ochiltree '
George Crawford of Leifinoris
John Mure of Rowallan
Hew Cunningham of Waterstoun
Robert Cunningham [of] Auchen-
harvie
Middleton **
John Wallace of Craigie
John Boyd of Naristoun
Robert Campbell of Kinzeancleuch
Gilbert Eccles
Thomas Cathcart, with my hand
Alan Cathcart of Clavannis
Adam Reid of Barskimming
John Cathcart of Gibsyard
John Reid, with my hand
John ..."
Robert Boyd of Piedmont
William Campbell of Horsecleuch
William Cathcart, brother to the
Lord Cathcart "
John Macquhidaill
George Corry of Kelwood
William Kennedy of Ternganoch
John Kennedy of Kirkmichael
Thomas MacAlexander of Crossclays
Hew Wallace of the Meinford
Robert Campbell of Craigdow
Andrew Niven of Monkredding
William Cathcart
David Crawford of the Kerse
John Kennedy of Ternganoch
Patrick Kennedy of Daljarrock
Alan Cathcart of Carl et on
' William Campbell of Skeldon ^ John Fergushill of that Ilk
' Thomas, Master of Boyd, son of Robert, fifth Lord Boyd
* Sir Matthew Campbell of Loudoun, had succeeded his father Sir Hugh Campbell
of Loudoun in February 1561. In the manuscript (folio 335 recto), " Crawfurd of"
has been deleted and " Mathew Campbell of " added above the line.
' Alan, fourth Lord Cathcart " William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead
' Andrew Stewart, second Lord Ochiltree
' The Laird of Middleton (unidentified) ' Blank in manuscript
^^ Presumably a natural son of Alan, diird Lord Cathcart. If so, he has escaped tfie
peerage writers.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 57
These things done at Ayr, the said John passed to Nithsdale and
Galloway where, in conference with the Master of Maxwell,^ a man
of great judgment and experience, he communicated with him such
things as he feared ; who, by his motion, wrote to the Earl Bothwell
to behave himself as it became a faithful subject, and to keep good
quietness in the parts committed to his charge, and so would his
crime of the breaking of the ward be the more easily pardoned.
John Knox wrote unto the Duke's Grace, and earnestly exhorted
him neither to give ear to the Bishop his bastard brother, ^ nor yet
to the persuasions of the Earl of Huntly ; for if he did, he assured
him that he and his House should come to a sudden ruin.
By such means were the South parts kept in reasonable quietness
during the time that the troubles were in brewing in the North.
And yet the Bishop and the Abbot of Grossraguel,^ did what in
them lay to have raised some trouble ; for besides the fearful bruits
that they sparsed ^ abroad (sometimes that the Queen was taken ;
sometimes that the Earl of Moray and all his band were slain ; and
sometimes that the Queen had given herself unto the Earl of Huntly
— besides such bruits) the Bishop, to break the country of Kyle,
where quietness was greatest, raised the Crawfords against the Reids
for the payment of the Bishop's Pasche fines ^ ; but that was stayed
by the labours of indifferent men ^ who favoured peace.
The Abbot of Crossraguel required disputation of John Knox Disputa-
for maintenance of the Mass, which was granted unto him, and
which [was] held in Maybole three days. The Abbot had the
advantage that he required, to wit, he took upon him to prove that
Melchisedek offered bread and wine unto God, which was the
ground that the Mass was built upon to be a Sacrifice, &c. But
in the travail of three days there could no proof be produced for
Melchisedek's oblation, as in the same disputation (which is to be
had in print ^) clearly may appear. The Papists constantly looked
for a wolter,^ and therefore they would make some brag of reasoning. Crossra-
The Abbot further presented himself to the pulpit, but the voice of tffered
Master George Hay so effrayed him that after once he wearied of ^"" ^^"
that exercise.^
' Sir John Maxwell, second son of Robert, fifth Lord Maxwell ; later fourth Lord
Herries ^ That is, John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews
^ Quintin Kennedy, fourth son of Gilbert, second Earl of Cassillis
* spread ' Easter offerings ' neutral men
' Printed by Robert Lekprevik, Edinburgh, 1563 ; reprinted in Laing's Knox, vi, 169-
220 ' Literally an overturning, that is, a counter-revolution
' Mr. George Hay's controversy with Quintin Kennedy was also published by Robert
Lekprevik under the title The Confutation of the Abbote ofCrosraguells Masse (Edinburgh, 1 563) .
58 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
After ^ that the Queen was somewhat satisfied of hunting and
other pastime, she came to Aberdeen, where the Earl of Huntly met
her, and his Lady, with no small train, [and] remained in Court.
[He] was supposed to have the greatest credit, departed with the
Queen to Buchan, [and] met her again at Rothiemay, looking that
she should have passed with him to Strathbogie. But in the journey
certain word came to her that John Gordon had broken promise
in not re-entering in ward ; for his father the Earl had promised
that he should enter again within the Castle of Stirling, and there
abide the Queen's pleasure. But whether with his father's knowledge
and consent, or without the same we know not, but he refused to
enter ; which so offended the Queen that she would not go to Strath-
bogie, but passed through Strathisla to Inverness, where the Castle
thereof was denied unto her. The Captain was commanded to keep
it, and looked for relief, for so had John of Gordon promised ; but
being thereof frustrated, the Castle was rendered, and the Captain
named Gordon was executed ; the rest were damned,^ and the hands
of some bound, but [they] escaped.
This was the beginning of further trouble ; for the Earl of
Huntly, thereat offended, began to assemble his folks, and spared
not to speak that he would be revenged. But always his wife bore
fair countenance to the Queen ; and it is verily supposed that no
other harm than the Queen herself could easily have stood content
with was meant unto her own person. But the whole malice lay
upon the Earl of Moray, Secretary Lethington, and upon the Laird
of Pittarrow. Yet the Queen began to be afraid, and by proclamation
caused warn Stirling, Fife, Angus, Mearns and Strathearn charge
all substantial men to be in Aberdeen the fifth day of October, there
to remain the space of twenty days. In her returning from Inverness,
she required the Castle of Findlater, which was likewise denied, and
so was Auchindoune, which more inflamed ^ the Queen. The Earl
of Huntly was charged to cause deliver the said liouses, under pain
of treason. To show some obedience, he caused the keys of both to
be presented by his servant, Mr. Thomas Keir. But before had the
Queen sent young Captain Stewart,* (son to Captain James who,
' For further details of Mary's northern progress, the Battle of Corrichie, and Huntly's
overthrow, see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, chapter vii and supporting notes.
^ condemned
^ In the manuscript (folio 337 recto) the scribe had written " in," and Knox has
completed the word by crowding " flammed " into the space left before the word " the ".
* Apparendy Captain Alexander Stewart, son of Captain James Stewart of Cardonald.
(See supra, 25, note i)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 59
to this day, has neither been stout, happy, nor true), with six score
of soldiers, to He about the said place of Findlater. They lodged in
Gullen, not far distant from the said place. Upon a night, John
Gordon came with a company of horsemen, took the Captain, slew
certain of the soldiers, and disarmed the rest. This fact, done (as
the Queen alleged) under trust, so inflamed her, that all hope of
reconciliation was past ; and so the said Earl of Huntly was charged,
under pain of putting of him to the horn, ^ to present himself and the
said John before the Queen and Council within six days : which
charge he disobeyed, and so was denounced rebel. Whether it was ^o "'^^ t^^^
^ ,• ,. 1 1 • 1 • • Duke, the
law or not, we dispute little therein ; but it was a preparative to Earls
others that after were served with that same measure. He was sought '^'p'^^'
° Moray.
at his place of Strathbogie, but escaped. and Glen-
The evil increased, for the Earl assembled his folk out of all parts '^^l^'all
of the North. He marched forward towards Aberdeen, and upon their com-
the twenty-two day of October, the year of God 1562, came to the ^^ler^
Loch of Skene. His army was judged to seven or eight hundred men. ^^''^^'^ "
The Queen's army, both in number and manhood, far surmounted
his, and yet he took no fear ; for he was assured of the most part of
them that were with the Queen, as the issue did witness. Within
the town they stood in great fear ; and therefore it was concluded
that they would assail the uttermost upon the fields.^ The Forbeses,
Hays, and Leslies took the vanguard, and promised to Ight the said
Earl without any other help. They passed forth of th j town before
ten hours. They put themselves in array, but they approached
not to the enemy till that the Earl of Moray and his company were
come to the fields ; and that was after two at afternoon ; for he was
appointed with his company only to have beholden the battle. But
all things turned otherwise than the most part of men supposed.
The Earl of Huntly was the night before determined to have
retired himself and his company ; but that morning he could not
be wakened before it was ten hours, and when he was up on foot
his spirits failed him (by reason of his corpulency), so that rightly
a long time he could do nothing. Some of his friends, fearing the
danger, left him. When that he looked upon both the companies,
he said, " This great company that approacheth nighest to us will
do us no harm, they are our friends. I only fear yonder small com-
^ To be " put to the horn " was to be proclaimed an outlaw or rebel. The pro-
clamation was accompanied by three blasts upon a horn, which gave rise to the term.
' That is, they were denounced rebels and " at the horn " in August and September
1565, after Mary's marriage with Darnley and preceding the " Chase-about Raid."
• That is, put up the strongest defence outside the town.
(653) VOL u 6
6o THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
pany that stand upon the hill-side, yon are our enemies. But we
are enough for them, if God be with us." And when he had thus
spoken, he fell upon his knees, and made his prayer in this form :
The " O Lord, I have been a bloodthirsty man, and by my means has
HmHy's mekle innocent blood been spilt ; but wilt thou give me victory this
prayer ^^y^ ^j-^fj J shall servc thee all the days of my life." — Note and
observe, good reader, he confessed that he had been a blood-
thirsty man, and that he had been the cause of the shedding of much
innocent blood : but yet would he have had victory ; and what was
that else, but to have had power to have shed more, and then would
he have satisfied God for all together. Wherein is expressed the
nature of hypocrites, which neither further feareth nor loveth God
than present danger or profit suadeth. But to our History.
The Leslies, Hays, and Forbeses, espying the Earl of Moray and
his to be lighted upon their foot, made forward against the Earl of
Corrichie Huntly and his, who stood in Corrichie Burn (some call it Fare
Pare' Bank) ^ ; but ere they approached, nigh by the space of the shot
Bank Qf g^j-^ arrow, they cast from them their spears and long weapons,
and fled directly in the face of the Earl of Moray and his company.
The danger espied, the Laird of Pittarrow, a man both stout and of
The a ready wit, ^ with the Master, now Lord Lindsay,^ and [the] Tutor
able fact of Pitcur, * Said, " Let us cast down spears ^ to the foremost, and let
of '■he them not come amongst us, for there is no doubt but that this flying
is by treason." And so they did : so that they that fled kept them-
selves apart from the few number that were marching upon foot in
order. The Earl of Huntly, seeing the vanguard flee, said unto his
company, " Our friends are honest men, they have kept promise :
let us now rencounter ^ the rest." And so he and his, as sure of
victory, marched forward.
The Secretary, in few words, made a vehement orison,^ and willed
every man to call upon his God, to remember his duty, and not to
Secretary fear the multitude ; and, in the end, concluded' thus : " O Lord,
His thou that rules the heaven and the earth, look upon us thy servants,
oruonat whosc blood this day is most unjustly sought, and to man's judgment
is sold and betrayed : Our refuge is now unto thee and our hope
' Corrichie is a marshy hollow almost surrounded by the heights of the Hill of Fare
in Banchory-Ternan parish, on the border of Kincardineshire and Aberdeenshire. The
battle of Corrichie was fought on 28 October 1562.
^ Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow
^ Patrick, eldest son of John, fifth Lord Lindsay of the Byres ; became sixth Lord
Lindsay following the death of his father in December 1563.
* James Haliburton, Tutor of Pitcur, and Provost of Dundee
* That is, level our spears * rneet ' oration
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 6 1
is in thee. Judge thou, O Lord, this day, betwix us and the Earl of
Huntly, and the rest of our enemies. If ever we have unjustly sought
his or their destruction and blood, let us fall in the edge of the sword.
And, O Lord, if thou knowest our innocence, maintain thou and
preserve us for thy great mercy's sake."
Short after the speaking of these and the like words, the former
ranks joined, for Huntly's company made great haste. They were
repulsed by the Master of Lindsay and the companies of Fife and
Angus. Some of them that fled returned, and followed the Earl of
Moray, but gave no strokes till that Huntly's company gave back.
In the front there were slain about eighteen or twenty-four men,
and in the fleeing there fell nigh a hundred. There was taken a
hundred, and the rest were spared. The Earl himself was taken
alive ; his two sons, John foresaid, and Adam Gordon, were taken
with him. The Earl, immediately after his taking, departed this
life without any wound, or yet appearance of any stroke whereof
death might have ensued ^ ; and so, because it was late, he was
casten over-thorte ^ a pair of creels, and so was carried to Aberdeen,
and was laid in the Tolbooth thereof, that the response which his There-
St}OHS€ of
wife's witches had given might be fulfilled, who all affirmed (as the the Earl
most part say) that that same night should he be in the Tolbooth ^ . ,
of Aberdeen without any wound upon his body. When his Lady witches
got knowledge thereof, she blamed her principal witch, called
Janet ; but she stoutly defended herself (as the devil can ever do) ,
and affirmed that she gave a true answer, albeit she spake not all
the truth ; for she knew that he should be there dead : but that
could not profit my Lady.^ She was angry and sorry for a season,
but the Devil, the Mass, and witches have as great credit of her this
day as they had seven years ago. '"^1""*
The Earl of Moray sent message unto the Queen of the marvellous
victory, and humbly prayed her to show that obedience to God as
1 Randolph, writing to Cecil from Aberdeen at 1 1 p.m. on the night of the battle,
says that Huntly, after he was taken " without either blow or stroke, being set upon
horseback before him that was his taker, suddenly falleth from his horse stark dead."
{Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1 148) The accounts in the Diurnal of Occurrents (74) and
in Herries's Historical Memoirs (Abbotsford Club edition, 66) say that Huntly's " taker "
was one Andrew Ridpath, one of the Queen's guard. Probably Huntly died of an
apoplectic stroke (see Records of Aboyne, New Spalding Club, 467). For the numbers
engaged in the battle, see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 305, note 28.
^ athwart
' Elizabeth Keith, sister of William, fourth Earl Marischal, and daughter of Robert,
eldest son of William, third Earl Marischal.
* This marginal note is in the hand of the text ; a later caret has been added after the
word " day " (folio 339 recto).
1566
62 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
publicly to convene with them to give thanks unto God for his
notable deliverance. She glowmed both at the messenger and at
the request, and scarcely would give a good word or blithe counte-
nance to any that she knew earnest favourers of the Earl of Moray,
whose prosperity was, and yet is, a very venom to her boldened heart
against him for his godhness and upright plainness.^ Of many days
she bare no better countenance ; whereby it might have been
evidently espied that she rejoiced not greatly of the success of that
matter ; and albeit she caused execute John Gordon and divers
others, yet it was the destruction of others that she sought.
Upon the morrow after the discomfiture, the Lady Forbes, ^
a woman both wise and fearing God, came amongst many others
to visit the corpse of the said Earl ; and seeing him he upon the cold
stones, having only upon him a doublet of cammoise,^ a pair of
The Lady Scottish gray hose, and covered with an arras-work, she said, " What
nlr^^' stability shall we judge to be into this world? There lieth he that
words yesterday in the morning was holden the wisest, the richest, and a
man of greatest power that was within Scotland." And in very
deed she hed not ; for, in man's opinion, under a prince, there was
not such a one these three hundred years in this realm produced.
But fehcity and worldly wisdom so Winded him that in the end he
perished in them, as shall all those that despise God and trust in
themselves.
John Gordon, at his death, confessed many horrible things,
devised by his father, by his brother, and by himself* There were
letters found in the Earl's pocket, that disclosed the treason of the
Earl of Sutherland,^ and of divers others. Mr. Thomas Keir,*
who before was the whole counsellor to the Earl foresaid, disclosed
whatsoever he understood might hurt the Gordons and their friends :
1 Buchanan simply says that " the Queen betrayed no symptom of joy, either in her
countenance or speech " (Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 464), without directing Mary's hatred
solely against Moray and his supporters.
' Elizabeth Keith, daughter of Sir William Keith of Inverugie, and wife of William,
seventh Lord Forbes. It should be noted, in view of the context, that at this time no love
was lost between the Gordons and the Forbescs.
' Usually a fine silken cloth {cammes), though Knox may have intended to convey
the sense of a coarse cloth of rough weave {cammas) .
" For John Gordon's confessions, see Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, Nos. 1 149, 1 152.
" John, tenth Earl of Sutherland. He was later accused of treason and condemned and
forfeited by Parliament in May 1563, but the forfeiture was reduced in 1567 [Acts Pari.
Scot., ii, 579, c. 25). See also Fraser's Sutherland Book, i, 123-125 ; iii, 135-139, where it
appears that he was rehabilitated in December 1565 and received a new charter of his
Earldom in March 1566.
° In the manuscript (folio 339, verso) " keyth " has been scored through and " keir "
added in the margin — possibly in Knox's own hand.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 63
and so the treason [was] plainly disclosed, which was, that the Earl
of Moray with certain others should have been murdered in Strath-
bogie ; the Queen should have been taken, and kept at the devotion
of the said Earl of Huntly.
These things (we say) revealed, the Queen left the North, and
came to Dundee, Saint Johnston, Stirhng, and then to Edinburgh.
The Earl of Huntly's body was carried about in a boat, and laid
without burial in the Abbey of Holyroodhouse,^ till the day of his
forfaltour,2 as after shall be declared. ^^ The Duke apprehended
the Lord Gordon, his son-in-law,* because that the Qjueen had straitly
commanded him so to do, if he repaired within his bounds. Before
he delivered him, the Earl of Moray laboured at the Queen's hand
for the safety of his life, which hardly was granted ^ ; and so was he
delivered within the Castle of Edinburgh, the twenty-eighth day of
November, where he remained till the eighth of February, when he 1562
was put to an assize, accused, and convicted of treason ; but was
restored again, first to the Castle foresaid, and thereafter was trans-
ported to Dunbar, where he remained prisoner till the month of
August, the year of God 1565, as we will after hear.^
In this meantime the troubles were hot in France ; and the
intelligence and outward familiarity betwix the two Queens ' was
great. Lethington was directed with large commission both to the
bueen of England and unto the Guisians. The marriage of our ^^^"'^
/-, 1 1 1 o • judgments
Queen was in all men's mouths. Some would have Spam ; some of the
the Emperor's brother ; some Lord Robert Dudley ; some Duke de ^"^^^4?
Nemours ; and some unhappily guessed at the Lord Darnley.^
' The Treasurer's Accounts give details of the expenses of bringing Huntly's body
to Edinburgh and of the expenses of its rough embalment in order that it might be laid
before parliament and arraigned for treason. (Accounts Lord High Treasurer, xi, 205, 226)
See also Hay Fleming, Mary Qiieen of Scots, 80 and supporting notes ; Itwentaires de la
Royne Descosse, Preface, xxii and notes.
2 forfeiture ' Infra, 77
* George, Lord Gordon (later fifth Earl of Hundy) had married Anne, youngest
daughter of the Duke of Chatelherault.
' According to Keith {History, ii, 1 80-1 81) Chatelherault had already interceded in
vain. In contradistinction to Knox's statement, Moray is said to have surreptitiously
obtained Mary's signature to a letter ordering Gordon's execution, but the story needs
to be better authenticated (see Hay Fleming, Mary Qiieen of Scots, 306, note 32).
" But only from Knox's continuator {infra, 157)
' That is, between Mary and Elizabeth
* These " dukes, brethren to Emperors, and Kings," who were spoken of for Mary's
hand were Don Carlos, son of Philip II of Spain ; the Archduke Charles of Austria,
a younger son of the Emperor Ferdinand I, and brother of Maximilian II ; Robert, Lord
Dudley, later Earl of Leicester ; James, Due de Nemours ; and Henry, Lord Darnley,
whom Mary eventually married in 1565. See also infra, 81.
The
preachers
railed
upon of ^
the
courtiers
The
preachers'
admoni-
tion after
the death
of the
Earl
Huntly
64 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
What Lethington's credit was, we know not ^ ; but short after there
began much to be talked of the Earl of Lennox, and of his son, the
Lord Darnley. It was said that Lethington spake the Lady Margaret
Douglas, 2 and that Robert Melville ^ received a horse to the
Secretary's use, from the Earl of Lennox, or from his wife. How-
soever it was. Master Fowler, servant to the said Earl, came with
letters to the Queen's Grace, by the which licence was permitted to
the Earl of Lennox to come to Scotland, to travail in his lawful
business.* That same day that the licence was granted, the said
Secretary said, " This day have I taken the deadly haiterent of all
the Hamiltons within Scotland, and have done unto them no less
displeasure than that I had cut their throats."
The Earl Bothwell who before had broken ward, fearing appre-
hension, prepared to pass to France ; but by storm of weather was
driven into England, where he was stayed, and was offered to have
been rendered by the Queen of England. But our Queen's answer
was that he was no rebel, and therefore she requested that he
should have liberty to pass where it pleaseth him. And thereto
Lethington helped not a little ; for he travailed to have friends in
every faction of the Court. And so obtained the said Earl licence to
pass to France.
The winter after the death of the Earl of Huntly, the Court
remained for the most part in Edinburgh. The Preachers were
wondrous vehement in reprehension of all manner of vice, which
then began to abound ; and especially avarice, oppression of the
poor, excess, riotous cheer, banqueting, immoderate dancing, and
whoredom, that thereof ensues. Whereat the Courtiers began to
storm, and began to pick quarrels against the Preachers, alleging
that all their preaching was turned to railing. Whereunto one of
them * gave answer as followeth : " It comes to our ears that we are
called railers, whereof albeit we wonder, yet we are not ashamed,
seeing that the most worthy servants of God that before us have
travailed in this vocation, have so been styled. But unto you do
I say, that that same God, who from the beginning has punished the
contempt of his word, and has poured forth his vengeance upon such
^ Likewise the Diurnal of Occurrents (75) reports that on 13 February 1563 Lethington
went on embassy to France, " to what effect non knowis." The instructions given to
Lethington for his Enghsh embassy are printed in Keith, History, ii, 188-192.
* Wife of Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, and mother of Darnley.
* Sir Robert Melville of Murdocairnie, later Lord Melville of Monimail.
* But Lennox did not return to Scotland until the early autumn of 1564 {Calendar of
Scottish Papers, ii, No. 97). ^ by • Undoubtedly Knox
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 65
proud mockers, shall not spare you ; yea, he shall not spare you
before the eyes of this same wicked generation, for the pleasure
whereof ye despise all wholesome admonitions. Have ye not seen
one greater than any of you sitting where presently ye sit, pick his
nails, and pull down his bonnet over his eyes, when idolatry, witch- ^^ntly
craft, murder, oppression, and such vices were rebuked ? Was not
his common talk. When those knaves have railed their fill, then will
they hold their peace ? Have ye not heard it affirmed to his own
face, that God should revenge that his blasphemy, even in the eyes
of such as were witnesses to his iniquity ? Then was the Earl Huntly
accused by you, as the maintainer of idolatry, and only hinderer of
all good order. Him has God punished, even according to the
threatenings that his and your ears heard ; and by your hands hath
God executed his judgments. But what amendment in any case
can be espied in you ? Idolatry was never in greater rest : virtue
and virtuous men were never in more contempt : vice was never Let the
A 1 •It- t^orld
more bold, nor less feared punishment. And yet who guides Xht judge now.
Queen and Court ? Who but the Protestants ? O horrible slanderers '5^7i.
of God, and of his holy Evangel. Better it were unto you plainly to Lething-
renounce Christ Jesus, than thus to expose his blessed Evangel to ^^ ^^"
mockage. If God punish not you, that this same age shall see and father of
behold your punishment, the Spirit of righteous judgment guides chiefs
me not."
This vehemence provoked the hatterent, ^ not only of the Cour-
tiers, but also of divers others against the speaker ; for such as be
in credit never lack flatterers. " Their brethren of the Court were f'^^
(l^f Slice
irreverently handled. What was that, but to raise the hearts of the qfthe
people against them ? They did what they might ; such speaking <=°^^tieTs
would cause them do less." And this was the fruit the Preachers
gathered of their just reprehensions.
The General Assembly of the Church, held the twenty-fifth
of December, the year of God 1562, approached, in the which, ^ great
complaints were made, that churches lacked Ministers ; that
Ministers lacked their stipends ; that wicked men were permitted
to be Schoolmasters, and so to infect the youth ; amongst whom
^ This marginal note (folio 341 recto) is not in the hand of the text and not in Knox's
hand. The hand is that of a later commentator who also added the note on the preceding
page"The preachers railed upon of the courtiers." The words" thenwas"refer, of course,
to the period 1562-63. The comment " Let the world judge now, 1571 " refers to
Lethington's adherence to the cause of the Queen and to his arrival in Edinburgh Castle
in April of that year to join Kirkcaldy of Grange, who was then holding the Castle for
Mary. * hatred ^ See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 25-30
66 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
one, Master Robert Cumin, schoolmaster in Aberbrothok, ^ was
complained upon by the Laird of Dun, ^ and sentence was pronounced
against him. It was further complained, that idolatry was erected
in divers parts of the Realm ; for redress whereof, some thought best
that new supplication should be presented to the Queen's Grace.
Others demanded, what answer was received of the former ? The
Superintendent of Lothian ^ confessed the deliverance of it, " But,"
said he, " I received no answer." It was answered for the part of
the Qjueen (for her supposts * were ever there), " That it was well
known to the whole Realm what troubles had occurred since the last
Assembly ; and therefore that they should not wonder albeit that
the Queen had not answered : but betwix that and the Parliament
which was appointed in May, they doubted not but that such order
should be taken as all men should have occasion to stand content."
This satisfied, for that time, the whole assembly : And this was the
"^he practice of the Queen and of her Council, with fair words to drive
Queen's . , ^ , . ,
practice time, as bciore we have said.
The Assembly, notwithstanding, proceeded forward in establish-
ing of such orders, as whereby vice might be punished, and virtue
might be maintained. And because that there was a great slander
risen upon Paul Methven, of whom mention is made in the Second
Book of this History,^ commission and charge was given unto John
Knox, minister of Edinburgh, and unto certain of the elders of the
Kirk of Edinburgh, to pass to the town of Jedburgh, where the said
slander was raised, and to be found there the third of January next,
for the trial to be taken in the slander raised, and to hear the articles
and complaint of the said Paul ; and after the trial to report the
truth to the Session of the Church of Edinburgh ; to whom, with the
assistance of the Superintendent of Lothian, commission was given
to decern therein. The trial and examination of that crime was
difficult. The slander was universal in that town and country. The
servant woman of the said Paul had betwix terms- left his house ; she
had borne a child ; no father to it could she find ; but alleged herself
to have been oppressed late in one evening. The said Paul constantly
affirmed himself innocent, and would have given his pubhc purga-
tion ; but because that his accusators had taken upon them to prove
their accusation, that was denied. Many witnesses were produced,
of whom some deponed so clearly that the Commissioners suspected
' Arbroath
'' John Erskine of Dun, Superintendent of Angus and Mearns
' John Spottiswoode * supporters ' Supra, i, 148
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 67
that they had been suborned, and therefore they required to have
inspection of the places, where some said they saw, and some said
they heard them in the very act of iniquity. The sight and con-
sideration of the places augmented greatly the suspicion. But one
thing was most suspicious of all others ; for the wife of the said
Paul, an ancient matron, was absent from him the space of eight or
nine weeks in Dundee ; which time (or at least a great part thereof)
they suspected, and he lay nightly in a house, without other company
than a child of seven or eight years of age.
The Judges, notwithstanding these suspicions, having a good
opinion of the honesty and godhness of the man, travailed what they
could (conscience not hurt) to purge him of the slander. But God,
who would not that such villainy should be cloaked and concealed
within his Church, otherwise had decreed ; for he brought the
brother of the guilty woman to the town, having no mind of such
matters, who, being produced by the accusators as one that was
privy of the fact, and knew the verity with all circumstances : This
witness (we say), which could not be suspected, being produced, Here the
made the matter so plain and clear that all suspicion was removed ; Paul
for he it was that convoyed the woman away ; he it was that caused ^^^^^^'^
the child to be baptised, alleging it to be his own : he it was that dearly
carried frequent message betwix them, and from Paul carried money ^°"^"
and clothes divers times. How soon that ever the said Paul saw that
man produced as witness, he withdrew himself, and left the town, by
that means plainly taking upon him the crime ; and so the Com-
missioners with full information returned to Edinburgh, and notified
the fact unto the Church, who caused publicly summon the said
Paul to hear the sentence pronounced ; who not compearing, in
the end, for his odious crime and contumacy, was publicly ex-
communicated, and deprived of all function within the Churches of
Scotland ^ : and so left he the Realm.
For two causes we insert this horrible fact, and the order kept
in punishment of the same. Former, to forewarn such as travail
in that vocation that, according to the admonition of the Apostle,
" Such as stand, take heed lest they fall." No man in the beginning
of the Evangel was judged more fervent and more upright, and yet
we have heard how far Sathan has prevailed against him. God
grant that we may hear of his repentance. * Neither yet ought his
fall anything to prejudge the authority of the doctrine which he
' Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 31
* See ibid., 55-56, 79-81 ; and also Knox's continuator, infra, 187-188
68 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
taught ; for the doctrine of God has authority of no creature, but
has the assurance of God himself, how weak or imperfect that ever
the instruments be by whom it pleases God to pubhsh the same.^
The treason of Judas, the adukery of David, and the abnegation of
Peter, did derogate nothing to the glory of Christ's evangel, nor yet
to the doctrine which before they had taught ; but declared the one
to be a reprobate, and the other to be instruments in whom mercy
must needs surmount judgment. The other cause is. That the world
may see what difference there is betwix light and darkness, betwix
the uprightness of the Church of God, and the corruption that
ringes ^ in the synagogue of Sathan, the Papistical rabble ; for how
many of that sort hath been, and still remain openly known whore-
mongers, adulterers, violaters of virgins, yea, and committers of such
abominations as we will not name ; and yet are they called and
permitted to be Bishops, Archbishops, Cardinals, and Popes them-
selves. For what sins can unable ^ the sworn servants of simony,
and of his father the devil ? For brag what they list of Christ, of
Peter, and of Paul, their lives and conversations bear witness whom
to they belong. But we return to our History of things done in
Court.
Amongst the monzeons * of the Court, there was one named
Monsieur Chattelett,^ a Frenchman, that at that time passed all
others in credit with the Queen. In dancing of the Purpose (so term
they that dance, in the which man and woman talk secretly — wise
men would judge such fashions more like to the bordell ^ than to the
comeliness of honest women),' in this dance the Queen chose Chatte-
Chattelett lett, and Chattelett took the Queen. Chattelett had the best dress.
'ojiten All this winter Chattelett was so familiar in the Queen's cabinet,
ayre ^ and late that scarcely could any of the Nobility have access
unto her. The Queen would lie upon Chattelett's shoulder, and
' sometimes privily she would steal a kiss of his neck/ And all this was
honest enough; for it was the gentle entreatment of a stranger. But
the familiarity was so great that, upon a night, he privily did convoy
himself under the Queen's bed ; but, being espied, he was com-
manded away. But the bruit arising, the Queen called the Earl of
Moray, and bursting forth in a womanly affection, charged him,
1 Though this is a different attitude from that taken against the Roman clergy in
Books I, II, and III. * reigns ' disqualify ^ minions
' For a detailed analysis of the Chatelard incident see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of
Scots, 312, note 5. See also Inventaires de la Royne Descosse, Preface, Ixxv, note.
* brothel ' Cf. supra, 25, 44-45 * early
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 69
" That as he loved her, he should slay Chattelett, and let him never The ^
speak word." The other, at the first, made promise so to do ; but desire
after calhng to mind the judgments of God pronounced against the ^r^f"'"^
shedders of innocent blood, and also that none should die, without lett's
the testimony of two or three witnesses, returned and fell upon his ^'^^
knees before the Queen, and said, " Madam, I beseech your Grace,
cause not me take the blood of this man upon me. Your Grace has
entreated him so familiarly before that ye have offended all your
Nobility ; and now if he shall be secretly slain at your own com-
mandment, what shall the world judge of it ? I shall bring him to the
presence of Justice, and let him suffer by law according to his
deserving." " Oh," said the Queen, " ye will never let him speak ? "
" I shall do," said he, " Madam, what in me lieth to save your
honour." *
Poor Chattelett was brought back from Kinghorn to Saint
Andrews, examined, put to an assize, and so beheaded, the twenty-
two day of February, the year of God 1562.^ He begged Hcence to
write to France the cause of his death, which, said he, in his tongue,
was, " Pour estre trouve en lieu trop suspect " ; that is, " Because
I was found in a place too much suspect." At the place of execution,
when he saw that there was no remedy but death, he made a godly
confession, and granted, that his declining from the truth of God,
and following of vanity and impiety, was justly recompensed upon
him. But in the end he concluded, looking unto the heavens, with
these words, " O cruel Dame," that is, " Cruel Mistress".^ What
that complaint imported, lovers may divine. And so received
Chattelett the reward of his dancing ; for he lacked his head, that
his tongue should not utter the secrets of our Queen. " Deliver us, — "^
O Lord, from the rage of such inordinate rulers."
The year of God a thousand five hundred threescore three years,
there was a universal dearth in Scotland. But in the northland,
' The latter part of this conversation between Mary and the Earl of Moray, and
particularly Mary's insistence that Chatelard should not be allowed to speak, is probably
apocryphal. Randolph, writing to Cecil on 15 February 1563, says that Moray was
sent for, and Mary " incontinent commanded " him " to put his dagger" in Chatelard ;
which had been done " if God had not put into his mind " to reserve him to be justified
according to law. So this day [15 February] the Lord Chancellor, the Justice-Clerk, and
other Councillors are sent for over the water to meet the Queen at St. Andrews. {Calendar
of Scottish Papers, i, No. 11 70)
* That is, 22 February 1563
' Despite the following sentence, Knox can here be using " mistress " only in the sense
of a woman who is loved and courted by a man. According to Brantome, the words
spoken by Chastelard were " Adieu, the most beautiful and the most cruel Princess of the
world." (Laing's Knox, ii, 369, note)
The
punish-
ment of
God for
maintain-
ing and
erecting of
the Mass
Dearth
and
famine in
the north
Pasche or
Easter
The
stoutness
of the
Protes-
tants in
the West
70 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
where the harvest before the Queen had travelled, there was an
extreme famine, in the which many died in that country. The dearth
was great over all, but the famine was principally there. The boll ^
of wheat gave six pounds ; the boll of bear, ^ six marks ^ and a half ;
the boll of meal, four marks ; the boll of oats, fifty shillings ; an
ox to draw in the pleuch,^ xx marks ; a wether thirty shillings.
And so all things appertaining to the sustentation of man, in triple
and more exceeded their accustomed prices.^ And so did God,
according to the threatening of his law, punish the idolatry of our
wicked Queen, and our ingratitude that suffered her to defile the
land with that abomination again, that God so potently had purged
by the power of his word. For the riotous feasting and excessive
banqueting, used in Court and country, wheresoever that wicked
woman repaired, provoked God to strike the staff of bread and to
give his malediction upon the fruits of the earth. But, O alas, who
looked, or yet looks to the very cause of all our calamities.
Lethington was absent, as before we have heard,^ in the Queen's
affairs. The Papists, at that Pasche, anno 1563,' in divers parts
of the Realm, had erected up that idol, the Mass ; amongst whom
the Bishop of Saint Andrews,^ the Prior of Whithorn,^ with divers
others of their faction, would avow it. Besides the first proclamation,
there had letters passed in the contrary, with certification of death
to the contravener.
The brethren universally offended, and espying that the Queen,
by her proclamations, did but mock them, determined to put to
their own hands, and to punish for example of others. And so some
Priests in the westland were apprehended,^" intimation made unto
others (as unto the Abbot of Crossraguel,^^ the Parson of Sanquhar, ^2
and such), that they ^^ should neither complain to Queen nor Council,
but should execute the punishment that God has appointed to
' A measure for grain which, despite the Acts of 1426 {Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 12a) varied
in different parts of the country. ^ barleji (of an inferior quality)
' A mark was not a coin ; it was the amount of thirteen shillings and fourpence (two-
thirds of a pound). * plough
' An Act of the Privy Council of 1 1 February 1563 refers to " the tempestuous storms
of the winters past " whereby the animals were lost, suffocated, or died, so that the
price of meat had risen " to such extreme dearth that the like has not been seen within
this realm." [Register Privy Council of Scotland, i, 235) ° Supra, 63-64
' Easter Sunday, 1 1 April * John Hamilton
" Malcolm Fleming, second son of John, second Lord Fleming
'" Randolph, writing to Cecil on i May 1563, says that at Easter five or six priests
were apprehended in the West country for saying Mass and ministering to the people.
{Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 6) " Quintin Kennedy
1* Mr. Robert Crichton " That is, " the brethren "
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 7 1
idolaters in his law, by such means as they might, wherever they
should be apprehended.
The Queen stormed at such freedom of speaking, but she could
not amend it ; for the Spirit of God, of boldness and of wisdom had
not then left the most part of such as God had used instruments in
the beginning. They were of one mind to maintain the truth of God,
and to suppress idolatry. Particularities had not divided them ;
and therefore could not the devil, working in the Queen and Papists,
do then what they would ; and, therefore, she began to invent a new
craft. She sent for John Knox to come unto her, where she lay at John
Lochleven.^ She travailed with him earnestly two hours before htr for by the
supper, that he would be the instrument to persuade the people, and ^"^^"
principally the gentlemen of the West, not to put hands to punish
any man for the using of themselves in their religion as pleased them.
The other, perceiving her craft, willed her Grace to punish male-
factors according to the laws, and he durst promise quietness upon
the part of all them that professed the Lord Jesus within Scotland.
But if her Majesty thought to delude the laws, he said, he feared
that some would let the Papists understand that, without punishment,
they should not be suffered so manifestly to offend God's Majesty.
" Will ye," quod she, " allow that they shall take my sword in Reasoning
, . , 1 T 55 betwix the
their hand ? Queen
" The Sword of Justice," quod he, " Madam, is God's, and is ^^J"^"
given to princes and rulers for one end, which, if they transgress,
sparing the wicked, and oppressing innocents, they that in the fear
of God execute judgment where God has commanded, offend not
God, although kings do it not ; neither yet sin they that bridle
kings to strike innocent men in their rage. The examples are evident ;
for Samuel feared not to slay Agag, the fat and delicate king of
Amalek, whom king Saul had saved. Neither spared Elijah Jezebel's
false prophets, and Baal's priests, albeit that king Ahab was present.
Phinehas was no magistrate, and yet feared he not to strike Cozbi
and Zimri in the very act of filthy fornication. And so. Madam,
your Grace may see that others than chief magistrates may lawfully
punish, and have punished, the vice and crimes that God commands
to be punished. And in this case I would earnestly pray your
Majesty to take good advisement, and that your Grace should let the
Papists understand that their attemptates will not be suffered un-
' This interview probably took place in April 1563 (see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen
of Scots, 523). According to Laing, Mary left Lochleven for Perth on 15 April. (Laing's
Knox, ii, 371)
72 THE REFORMATION TN SCOTLAND
punished. For power, by Act of Parliament, is given to all judges
within their own bounds, to search [for] massmongers, or the hearers
of the same, and to punish them according to the law. And therefore
it shall be profitable to your Majesty to consider what is the thing
your Grace's subjects look to receive of your Majesty, and what it
is that ye ought to do unto them by mutual contract. They are
bound to obey you, and that not but in God. Ye are bound to keep
laws unto them. Ye crave of them service : they crave of you
protection and defence against wicked doers. Now, Madam, if
ye shall deny your duty unto them (which especially craves that ye
punish malefactors) think ye to receive full obedience of them ?
I fear, Madam, ye shall not."
Herewith she, being somewhat offended, passed to her supper.
The said John Knox left her, informed the Earl of Moray of the
whole reasoning, and so departed of final purpose to have returned
to Edinburgh, without any further communication with the Queen.
But before the sun, upon the morn, were two directed (Watt Melville '
was the one) to him, commanding him not to depart while that he
spake the Queen's Majesty ; which he did, and met her at the
hawking be-west Kinross. Whether it was the night's sleep, or a deep
dissimulation locked in her breast, that made her to forget her former
anger, wise men may doubt ; but thereof she never moved word, but
began divers other purposes : such as the offering of a ring to her by the
Lord Ruthven,^ " Whom," said she, " I cannot love (for I know him
to use enchantment), and yet is he made one of my Privy Council."
" Who blames your Grace," said the other, " thereof? "
" Lethington," said she, " was the whole cause."
" That man is absent," said he, " for this present, Madam ;
and therefore I will speak nothing in that behalf."
" I understand," said the Queen, " that ye are appointed to go
to Dumfries, for the election of a Superintendent to be established in
those countries." /
" Yes," said he, " those quarters have great need, and some of the
gentlemen so require."
" But I hear," said she, " that the Bishop of Athens ^ would be
Superintendent."
' Walter Melville, a younger son of Sir John Melville of Raith and brother of Sir
James Melville of Hallhill. {Scots Peerage, vi, 93)
" Patrick, third Lord Ruthven. For the giving of the ring to Mary — a little ring with
a pointed diamond in it, which had a " virtue " to keep the Queen from poisoning —
see Keith, History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland, Spottiswoode Soc, iii, 271.
'^ Alexander Gordon, titular Archbishop of Athens, Bishop of Galloway
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 73
" He is one," said the other, " Madam, that is put in election." ^
" If ye knew him," said she, " as well as I do, ye would never
promote him to that office, nor yet to any other within your
Kirk." 2
" What he has been," said he, " Madam, I neither know nor
yet will I enquire ; for, in time of darkness, what could we do but
grope and go wrong even as darkness carried us ? But if he fear not
God now, he deceives many more than me. And yet (said he),
Madam, I am assured God will not suffer his Church to be so far
deceived as that an unworthy man shall be elected, where free
election is, and the Spirit of God is earnestly called upon to decide
betwix the two."
" Well," says she, "do as ye will, but that man is a dangerous The
,, Queen's
man. judgment
And therein was not the Queen deceived : for he had corrupted °^}^^ .
, . . ^ Bishop of
most part of the gentlemen, not only to nominate him, but also to Athens
elect him ; which perceived by the said John [Knox], Commissioner,
[he] delayed the election and left [it] with the Master of Maxwell
[and] Mr. Robert Pont (who was put in election with the foresaid
Bishop), to the end that his doctrine and conversation might be the
better tried of those that had not known him before. And so was the
Bishop frustrated of his purpose for that present. And yet was he,
at that time, the man that was most familiar with the said John,
in his house, and at table. But now to the former conference.
When the Queen had long talked with John Knox, and he being
oft willing to take his leave, she said, " I have one of the greatest
matters that have touched me since I came in this Realm to open
unto you, and I must have your help into it." And she began to
make a long discourse of her sister, the Lady Argyll,^ how that she
was not so circumspect in all things as that she wished her to be.
" And yet," said she, " my Lord, her husband, whom I love, entreats
her not in many things so honestly and so godly as I think ye your-
self would require."
" Madam," said he, " I have been troubled with that matter
before, and once I put such an end to it (and that was before your
' See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 28 (29 December 1562)
^ He was the son of a natural daughter of James IV, and was thus cousin to the Queen.
^ Lady Jane Stewart, a natural daughter of James V, who had married Archibald,
fifth Earl of Argyll — " a wayward and unloving wife who had forsaken her husband's
home for the court of Holyrood " (Robertson, Inventaires de la Royne Descosse, Preface,
xxxviii and notes). For the history of her subsequent divorce from the Earl, see Riddell,
Inquiry into the Law and Practice in Scottish Peerages, i, 547-552.
74 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Grace's arrival), that both she and her friends seemed fully to stand
content. And she herself promised before her friends, that she should
never complain to creature, till that I should first understand the
controversy by her own mouth, or else [by an] assured messenger.
I now have heard nothing of her part ; and therefore I think there
is nothing but concord."
" Well," said the Queen, " it is war ^ than ye believe. But do
this mekle ^ for my sake, as once again to put them at unity ; and
if she behave not herself so as she ought to do, she shall find no favours
of me. But, in anywise (said she) let not my Lord know that I have
requested you in this matter, for I would be very sorry to offend him
in that or any other thing. And now (said she), as touching our
reasoning yesternight, I promise to do as ye required ; I shall cause
summon all offenders, and ye shall know that I shall minister
justice."
" I am assured then," said he, " that ye shall please God, and
enjoy rest and tranquillity within your Realm ; which to your
Majesty is more profitable than all the Pope's power can be." And
thus they departed.
This conference we have inserted to let the world see how deeply
Mary, Queen of Scotland, can dissemble ; and how that she
could cause men to think that she bore no indignation for any
controversy in religion, while that yet in her heart was nothing but
venom and destruction, as short after did appear.
John Knox departed, and prepared himself for his journey
appointed to Dumfries ^ ; and from Glasgow, according to the
Queen's commandment, he wrote this Letter to the Earl of Argyll,
the tenor whereof follows :
" The Lord cometh and shall not tarry ^ &c.
" After commendation of my service unto your Lordship, if I
had known of your Lordship's sudden departing, the last time it
chanced me to see and speak you, I had opened unto you somewhat
of my grief But supposing that your Lordship should have remained
still with the Queen's Grace, I delayed at that time to utter any part
of that which now my conscience compelleth me to do. Your
behaviour toward your wife is very offensive unto many godly. Her
* worse ^ much
' As one of the commissioners for the election of the Superintendent of Galloway.
{Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 28)
\
V
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 75
complaint is grievous, that ye altogether withdraw the use of your
body from her. If so be, ye have great need to look well to your
own estate, for albeit that ye, within yourself, felt no more repug-
nance than any flesh this day on earth, yet by promise made before
God are ye debtor unto her, as reasonably ye shall be required of her.
But if that ye burne ^ on the one side (albeit yc do no worse), and
she in your default upon the other, ye are not only mensworn before
God, but also doeth what in you lieth to kindle against yourself his
wrath and heavy displeasure. These words are sharp, and God is
witness that in dolour of heart I write them ; but because they are
true, and pronounced by God himself, I dare not but admonish you,
perceiving you, as it were, sleeping in sin. The proud stubbornness,
whereof your Lordship hath oft complained, will not excuse you
before God ; for if ye be not able to convict her of one crime, ye
ought to bear with other imperfections, and that ye would that she
should bear with you, in the like. In the bowels of Christ Jesus,
I exhort you, my Lord, to have respect to your own salvation, and
not to abuse the lenity and long suffering of God : for that is a fearful
treasure ^ that ye heap upon your own head, while that He calleth
you to repentance, and you obstinately continue in your own
impiety ; for impiety it is, that ye abstract your comfort and com-
pany from your lawful wife. I write nothing in defence of her
misbehaviour towards your Lordship in any sort ; but I say, if ye
be not able to convict her of adultery committed since your last
reconciliation, which was in my presence, that ye can never be
excused before God of this freammed ^ and strange intreatment of
your wife. And if by you such impiety be committed as is bruited,
then, before God, and unto your own conscience I say, that every
moment of that filthy pleasure shall turn to you in a year's displeasure;
yea, it shall be the occasion and cause of everlasting damnation,
unless speedily ye repent : and repent ye cannot, except that ye
desist from that impiety. Call to mind, my Lord, ' That the servant
knowing the will of his Lord, and doing the contrary, shall be plagued
with many plagues.' Sin, my Lord, is sweet in drinking, but in
digesting more bitter than the gall. The Eternal move your heart
earnestly to consider how fearful a thing it is ever to have God to be
[an] enemy.
"In the end, I most heartly pray your Lordship not to be absent
from Edinburgh the nineteen of this instant for such causes as I will
' deceive ; or play false " So in the manuscript. ? lege " measure "
• distant, foreign
(653) VOL n 6
y6 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
not write. ^ This much only I forewarn your Lordship, that it will
not be profitable for the common quietness of this Realm that the
Papists brag and that justice be mocked that day. And thus I cease
further to trouble your Lordship, whom God assist. In haste from
Glasgow, the 7 of May 1563. Your Lordship's to command in
godliness.
{Sic subscribitur)
"John Knox."
This bill was not well accepted of the said Earl ; and yet did he
utter no part of his displeasure in public, but contrarily showed
himself most famihar with the said John. He kept the diet, and sat
in judgment himself, where the Bishop and the rest of the Papists
were accused, as after follows.
The summonds were directed against the mass-mongers with
expedition, and in the straitest form. The day was appointed the
xix of May, a day only before the Parhament.^ Of the Pope's
knights compeared ^ the Bishop of Saint Andrews,* the Prior of
Whithorn,^ the Parson of Sanquhar,^ William Hamilton of Cambus-
keith, John Gordon of Barskeoch, with others divers. The Protestants
convened whole to crave for justice. The Queen asked counsel of
the Bishop of Ross ' and of the old Laird of Lethington ^ (for the
younger was absent, and so the Protestants had the fewer unfriends)
who affirmed, " That she must see her laws kept, or else she would
get no obedience." And so was preparation made for their accusa-
tions. The Bishop, and his band of the exempted sort, made it nice *
to enter before the Earl of Argyll who sat in judgment ^^ ; but at last
he was compelled to enter within the bar. A merry man (who now
Robert slccps in the Lord), Robert Norwell, instead of the Bishop's cross,
^rwe//'j \^Q^Q before him a steel hammer ; whereat the Bishop and his band
were not a little offended, because the Bishop's privileges were not
then current in Scotland (which day God grant our posterity may
see of longer continuance than we possessed it.) The Bishop and
his fellows, after much ado and long drift of time, came in the
Queen's will, and were committed to ward, some to one place, some
* For the trial of the Papists, as in the immediately following paragraphs.
^ A parliament had been summoned for 20 May 1563, but it did not meet until
26 May. {Diurnal of Occurrents, 75, 76 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 9)
' To compear is to appear before a court in response to a summons.
* John Hamilton " Malcolm Fleming • Mr. Robert Crichton
' Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, and President of the Court of Session
' Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington ° made some scruple
" As hereditary Justice-General " deed
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 77
to another.^ The Lady Erskine ^ (a sweet morsel for the Devil's
mouth) got the Bishops for her part.^ All this was done of a most
deep craft, to abuse the simphcity of the Protestants, that they should
not press the Queen with any other thing concerning matters of
religion at that Parliament, which began within two days thereafter.^
She obtained of the Protestants whatsoever she desired ; for this was
the reason of many, " We see what the Queen has done ; the like
of this was never heard of within the Realm : we will bear with the
Queen ; we doubt not but all shall be well." Others were of a 7^*
contrary judgment, and forespake things, as after they came to pass, ofsome
to wit, that nothing was meant but deceit ; and that the Queen,
how soon that ever Parliament was past, should set the Papists at
freedom ^ : and therefore willed the nobility not [to] be abused.
But because many had their private commodity to be handled at
that Parliament, the common cause was the less regarded.
The Earl of Huntly, whose corpse had lain unburied till that Huntly
time, was brought to the Tolbooth : he was accused ; his arms rent
off him ; the Earl of Sutherland,® and eleven Barons and Lairds,
bearing Gordon to surname, were that day forfalted.' The Lady
Huntly craftily protested, and asked the support of a man of law.
In that Parliament were restored the Laird of Grange in Fife, Master
Henry Balnaves, John Leslie, and Alexander Whitelaw.^
Such stinking pride of women as was seen at that Parliament, The pride
was never seen before in Scotland. Three sundry days the Queen at 7hat^"
rode to the Tolbooth. The first day she made a painted orison ^ ; ^^''^i'^-
' For details of the trial and of the subsequent wardings, see Pitcaim, Criminal Trials,
i, *427-*430. For the general background, see Herkless and Hannay, Archbishops of
St. Andrews, v, 152-57.
^ Annabella Murray, daughter of Sir William Murray of Tullibardine, and wife of
John, sixth Lord Erskine, later (1565) Earl of Mar and (1571) Regent of Scotland.
Knox has already called her a " very Jezebel " {supra, i, 344 and note).
' The Archbishop of St. Andrews was committed to ward in the Castle of Edinburgh,
of which Lord Erskine was then keeper. * But see supra, 76, mte 2
' See infra, 84 ° John, tenth Earl of Sutherland
' forfeited. For fuller details, see Diurnal of Occurrents, 76 ; Records of Aboyne, New
Spalding Club, 467-468. Mary herself was present at the grim ceremony {Calendar
of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 9).
' No record of the reduction of the forfeitures of Sir William Kirkcaldy of Grange,
Henry Balnaves of Halhill, John Leslie of Parkhill (younger son of William, third Earl
of Rothes), and Alexander Whitelaw has been preserved in the official register.
» Lege " oration." In his Preface to the Registrum Honoris de Morton (Bannatyne Club,
i, xxvi-xxvii), Cosmo Innes printed what appear to be the "heads" of Morton's reply
to the Queen's speech. The " three sundry days " and the " stinking pride of women "
of Knox's account are borne out by Randolph (see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots,
490 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 9). Painted is used for artificial, that is insincere.
Flatterers
enough
Why re-
ligion and
the com-
monwealth
were both
neglected
Variance
betwix
the Earl
of Moray
and John
Knox
78 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
and there might have been heard among her flatterers, " Vox Diana !
The voice of a goddess (for it could not be Dei), and not of a woman !
God save that sweet face ! Was there ever orator spake so properly
and so sweetly ! "
All things misliking the Preachers, they spake boldly against the
tarejatting of their taillies,^ and against the rest of their vanity,
which they affirmed should provoke God's vengeance, not only
against those foolish women, but against the whole Realm ; and
especially against those that maintained them in that odious abusing
of things that might have been better bestowed. Articles were
presented for order to be taken for apparel, and for reformation
of other enormities ; but all was scripped at.^ The Earldom of
Moray needed confirmation, and many things were to be ratified
that concerned the help of friends and servants ; and therefore they
might not urge the Queen, for if they so did, she would hold no
Parliament ; and what then should become of them that had
melled ^ with the slaughter of the Earl of Huntly ? Let that ParUa-
ment pass over, and when the Queen asked anything of the nobility,
as she must do before her marriage, then should the Religion be the
first thing that should be established.* It was answered, that the
poets and painters erred not altogether, that feigned and painted
Occasion with a bald hind-head : for the first, when it is offered,
being lost, is hard to be recovered again. The matter fell so hot
betwix the Earl of Moray and some others of the Court, and John
Knox, that familiarly after that time they spake not together more
than a year and half ^ ; for the said John, by his letter, gave a dis-
charge to the said Earl of all further intromission or care with his
affairs. He made unto him a discourse of their first acquaintance ;
in what estate he was when that first they spake together in London * ;
how God had promoted him, and that above man's judgment ; and
in the end made this conclusion, " But seeing ihat I perceive myself
frustrate of my expectation, which was, that ye should ever have
* Decorating the ends of their dresses with tassels ^ mocked
' meddled
* Ahhough Knox here seems anxious that the reformed religion should be " estab-
lished," almost immediately afterwards {infra, 81) he argues that it had been established.
The root of the matter was that Mary consistently refused to ratify the Acts of the Refor-
mation Parliament of 1560.
' Knox's History, closing in June 1564, ends with a note that he was still at variance
with the Earl of Moray {infra, 134 and notes 3 and 4).
' It is difficult to say when this meeting took place. Possibly it was in July 1552,
when the Lord James Stewart was on his way to France, or in December 1552 on his
return. (But see M'Crie's Knox, 5th edition, ii, 85, note)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 79
preferred God to your own affection, and the advancement of his
truth to your singular commodity, I commit you to your own wit,
and to the conducting of those who better can please you, I praise
my God, I this day leave you victor of your enemies, promoted to
great honours, and in credit and authority with your Sovereign.
If so ye long continue, none within the Realm shall be more glad
than I shall be : but if that after this ye shall decay (as I fear that
ye shall), then call to mind by what means God exalted you ; which
was neither by bearing with impiety, neither yet by maintaining of
pestilent Papists."
This bill and discharge was so pleasing to the flatterers of the said >^",
Earl, that they triumphed of it, and were glad to have got their discharge
occasion ; for some envied that so great familiarity was betwix the ^^^j^f^f
said Earl and John Knox. And therefore from the time that they Moray
got once that occasion to separate them, they ceased not to cast
oil in the burning flame, which ceased not to burn, till that God by
water of affliction, began to slaken it, as we shall after hear. But
lest that they ^ should altogether have been seen to have forsaken
God (as in very deed both God and his Word was far from the hearts
of the most part of the courtiers in that age, a few excepted '^) , they
began a new shift, to wit, to speak ^ of the punishment of adultery,
of witchcraft, and to seek the restitution of the glebes and manses *
to the Ministers of the Kirk, and of the reparation of churches :
and thereby they thought to have pleased the godly that were highly
offended at their slackness.
The Act of Obhvion passed, because some of the Lords had
interest ^ ; but the acts against adultery, and for the manses and
glebes, were so modified that no law and such law might stand in
eodem predicamento : to speak plain, no law and such Acts were both
' In the manuscript (folio 349 verso) there is a caret after " they " and the words
" Lethingtoun and his companyons " have been added in the margin by a different
hand and then scored through.
- In the manuscript (foHo 349 verso) the words " of the courteouris in that aige a
fewc excepted " have been added in the margin.
' In the manuscript (folio 349 verso) the words " to speak " have been scored through,
and the words " a newe schift, to wit, to speak " have been added in the margin.
* In the manuscript (folio 349 verso) the words " of gleibis and manssis " have been
scored through, and the words " and to seik the restitution of the gleibes and manses to
the ministeris of the Kirk " have been added in the margin.
' In accordance with the concessions of 1560 {supra, i, 327). For the Act of Oblivion
sec Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 535-537. For the Acts against adultery and witchcraft see ibid.,
ii, 539. For Keith's and Spottiswoode's observations on the passing of the Act of Oblivion
see Keith's History, ii, 200-201.
Knox's
sermon
80 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
alike. ^ The Acts are in print ^ : let wise men read, and then accuse
us if without cause we complain.
In the progress of this corruption, and before the Parliament
John^ dissolved,^ John Knox, in his sermon before the most part of the
Nobility began to enter in a deep discourse of God's mercies which
that Realm had felt, and of that ingratitude which he espied almost
in the whole multitude, which God had marvellously delivered from
the bondage and tyranny both of body and soul. " And now, my
Lords," said he, " I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that in
your own presence I may pour forth the sorrows of my heart ; yea,
yourselves shall be witness, if that I shall make any lie in things that
are bypast. From the beginning of God's mighty working within
this Realm, I have been with you in your most desperate tentations."*
Ask your own consciences, and let them answer you before God,
if that I (not I, but God's Spirit by me), in your greatest extremity
willed you not ever to depend upon your God, and in his name
promised unto you victory and preservation from your enemies, so
that ^ ye would only depend upon his protection, and prefer his
glory to your own lives and worldly commodity. In your most
extreme dangers I have been with you : Saint Johnston, Cupar
Muir, and the Craigs of Edinburgh are yet recent in my heart ; yea,
that dark and dolorous night wherein all ye, my Lords, with shame
and fear left this town, is yet in my mind ® ; and God forbid that ever
I forget it. What was (I say) my exhortation unto you, and what is
fallen in vain of all that ever God promised unto you by my mouth,
ye yourselves yet live to testify. There is not one of you against whom
was death and destruction threatened, perished in that danger. And
how many of your enemies has God plagued before your eyes ! Shall
this be the thankfulness that ye shall render unto your God, to betray
his cause, when ye have it in your own hands to establish it as ye
please ? The Qjueen, say ye, will not agree with us. Ask ye of her
that which by God's word ye may justly require, and if she will not
agree with you in God, ye are not bound to agree with her in the
Devil. Let her plainly understand so far of your minds ; and steal
not from your former stoutness in God, and he shall prosper you in
^ But the Act against adultery (Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 539, c. 10) seems severe enough,
and Randolph seems to have thought it severe enough to be " notable." (Calendar of
Scottish Papers, ii, No. 13)
* The Acts of this Parliament were printed by Robert Lekprevik, Edinburgh, 1565 ;
and later, in the " Black Acts " of 1566.
' Parliament opened on 26 May and closed on 6 June. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii,
Nos. 9, 13) * trials ' provided that • Supra, i, 264-265
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 8 1
your enterprises. But I can see nothing but such a recoiHng from
Christ Jesus, as the man that first and most speedily flyeth from
Christ's enseignzie,^ holdeth himself most happy. Yea, I hear that
some say that we have nothing of our Religion established, neither T^e
by Law or Parliament. Albeit that the malicious words of such can ujos the
neither hurt the truth of God, nor yet us that thereupon depend, yet ^^"^'^^°{ j
the speaker for his treason against God committed, and against this
poor Commonwealth, deserves the gallows. For our Religion being
commanded, and so established by God, is accepted within this
Realm in pubhc Parliament ^ ; and if they will say that was no
Parhament, we must and will say, and also prove, that that Parlia-
ment was as lawful as ever any that passed before it within this
Realm. Yea, if the King then living * was King, and the Queen
now in this Realm be lawful Qiaeen, that Parliament cannot be
denied.
" And now, my Lords, to put end to all, I hear of the Queen's
marriage : Dukes, brethren to Emperors, and Kings, strive all for
the best game.^ But this, my Lords, will I say, (note the day, and
bear witness after), whensoever the Nobility of Scotland professing JoA«,
the Lord Jesus,^ consents that an infidel (and all Papists are infidels) affirmation
shall be head to your Sovereign, ye do so far as in ye lieth to banish
Christ Jesus from this Realm ; ye bring God's vengeance upon the
country, a plague upon yourself, and perchance ye shall do small
comfort to your Sovereign."
These words, and this manner of speaking were judged intolerable.
Papists and Protestants were both offended ; yea, his most familiars
disdained him for that speaking. Placeboes ' and flatterers posted
to the Court to give advertisement that Knox had spoken against the
Queen's marriage. The Provost of Lincluden,^ Douglas of Drum-
lanrig,^ by surname, was the man that gave the charge that the said
John should present himself before the Queen : which he did soon
' ensign
' Mr. John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, later (1565) Bishop of Brechin and President
of the Court of Session.
^ But see supra, 78 and note 4
* Francis II, Mary's first husband. He died 5 December 1560.
' See supra, 63, note 8, and infra, 98
° In the manuscript (folio 351 recto) the words " professing the Lord Jesus " are added
in the margin in the hand of the text. ' " Yes-men "
* In the manuscript (folio 351 recto) the words " persone " and " dundrannan " have
been scored through, and the words " proveist " and " glyncluden " added in the margin.
' Robert Douglas, Provost of the Collegiate Church of Lincluden, was a natural
son of Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig.
82 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
after dinner. ^ The Lord Ochiltree and divers of the faithful bore
him company to the Abbey ; but none passed into the Queen
with him in the cabinet but John Erskine of Dun, then Super-
intendent of Angus and Mearns,
The Queen, in a vehement fume, began to cry out that never
Prince was handled as she was. " I have," said she, " borne with
you in all your rigorous manner of speaking, both against myself and
The ^ against my uncles ; yea, I have sought your favours by all possible
fume means. I offered unto you presence and audience whensoever it
against pleased you to admonish me ; and yet I cannot be quit of you.
Knox I avow to God, I shall be once revenged." And with these words,
scarcely could Marnock, her secret chamber-boy, ^ get napkins to
hold her eyes dry for the tears ; and the howling, besides womanly
weeping,^ stayed her speech.
The said John did patiently abide all the first fume, and at
Answer opportunity answered, " True it is. Madam, your Grace and I have
been at divers controversies, into the which I never perceived your
Grace to be offended at me. But when it shall please God to deliver
you from that bondage of darkness and error in the which ye have
been nourished, for the lack of true doctrine, your Majesty will find
the liberty of my tongue nothing offensive. Without the preaching
place. Madam, I think few have occasion to be offended at me ;
and there. Madam, I am not master of myself, but must obey Him
who commands me to speak plain, and to flatter no flesh upon the
face of the earth." *
" But what have ye to do," said she, " with my marriage ? "
" If it please your Majesty," said he, " patiently to hear me, I
shall show the truth in plain words. I grant your Grace offered unto
me more than ever I required ; but my answer was then, as it is
now, that God hath not sent me to await upon the courts of Princesses,
nor upon the chambers of Ladies ; but I ara sent to preach the
Evangel of Jesus Christ to such as please to hear it ; and it hath two
parts, Repentance and Faith. And now. Madam, in preaching
repentance, of necessity it is that the sins of men be so noted that
^ Since Knox's sermon was preached " before the ParHament dissolved," this interview
with Mary apparently took place between 26 May and 6 June 1563. (See supra, 80,
note 3)
^ Apparently the same as Merna, Mernan, Marnac who, in the Inventaires de la Rqyne
Descosse (11, 82) receives gifts of pearls. ' See infra, 94, 98
* In 1565 Knox wrote, " For in the publike place I consulte not with flesh and bloud
what I shall propone to the people, but as the Spirit of my God who hath sent me, and
unto whome I must answere, moveth me, so I speake." (Laing's Knox, vi, 230)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 83
they may know wherein they offend ; but so it is that the most part
of your Nobihty are so addicted to your affections, that neither God's
word, nor yet their Commonweahh, are rightly regarded. And
therefore it becomes me so to speak, that they may know their
duty."
" What have ye to do," said she, " with my marriage ? Or
what are ye within this Commonwealth ? "
" A subject born within the same," said he, " Madam. And
albeit I neither be Earl, Lord, nor Baron within it, yet has God made
me (how abject that ever I be in your eyes), a profitable member
within the same ^ : Yea, Madam, to me it appertains no less to fore-
warn of such things as may hurt it, if I foresee them, than it does to
any of the Nobihty ; for both my vocation and conscience crave
plainness of me. And therefore. Madam, to yourself I say that which
I speak in public place : Whensoever that the Nobility of this Realm
shall consent that ye be subject to an unfaithful husband, ^ they do as Lef^ .
much as in them lieth to renounce Christ, to banish his truth from judge this
them, to betray the freedom of this Realm, and perchance shall in '^^y- ,
the end do small comfort to yourself."
At these words, howling was heard, and tears might have been
seen in greater abundance than the matter required. John Erskine
of Dun, a man of meek and gentle spirit, stood beside and entreated
what he could to mitigate her anger, and gave unto her many pleasing
words of her beauty, of her excellence, and how that all the Princes
of Europe would be glad to seek her favours.* But all that was to
cast oil in the flaming fire. The said John stood still, without any
alteration of countenance for a long season, while that the Queen
gave place to her inordinate passion ; and in the end he said,
" Madam, in God's presence I speak : I never delighted in the
weeping of any of God's creatures ; yea, I can scarcely well abide
the tears of my own boys whom my own hand corrects, ^ much less
can I rejoice in your Majesty's weeping. But seeing that I have
offered unto you no just occasion to be offended, but have spoken
^ " Modern democracy was born in that answer." [Glasgow Quatercentenary Studies
of George Buchanan, 29) ^ That is, a husband not of the reformed faith
^ This marginal note (foHo 352 recto) is in the hand of the text.
* See infra, 98
' One of the rare references by Knox, in all his works, to his own household. Nathaniel,
Knox's elder son, was born at Geneva in May 1557, and Eleazer, the second son, was
born at Geneva in (probably November) 1558. Both were children by his first wife,
Marjory Bowes. Both were educated at the University of Cambridge. Nathaniel died
young in 1580; Eleazer, who was collated to the Vicarage of Clacton Magna, in the
Archdeaconry of Colchester, in 1587, died in 1591. (See Laing's Knox, vi, Ixiii-lxv)
84 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
the truth, as my vocation craves of me, I must sustain (albeit un-
willingly) your Majesty's tears rather than I dare hurt my conscience,
or betray my Commonwealth through my silence."
Herewith was the Queen more offended, and commanded the
said John to pass forth of the cabinet, and to abide further of her
pleasure in the chamber. The Laird of Dun tarried, and Lord John
of Coldingham came into the cabinet, and so they both remained
with her near the space of an hour. The said John stood in the
chamber, as one whom men had never seen (so were all afraid),
except that the Lord Ochiltree bore him company : and therefore
began he to forge talking of the ladies who were there sitting in all
John their gorgeous apparel ; which espied, he merrily said, " O fair
talk Ladies, how pleasing were this life of yours if it should ever abide,
amongst ^j^^^ ^]^gj^ jj^ ^-j^g ^^^ ^Y^^it we might pass to heaven with all this gay
Qtieen's gear. But fie upon that knave Death, that will come whether we
ladies ^-jj ^^ ^^^ j ^^^ when he has laid on his arrest, the foul worms
will be busy with this flesh, be it never so fair and so tender ; and
the silly ^ soul, I fear, shall be so feeble, that it can neither carry with
it gold, garnishing, targetting,^ pearl, nor precious stones." And by
such means procured he the company of women ; and so passed
the time till that the Laird of Dun willed him to depart to his house
while new advertisement.^ The Queen would have had the cense-
ment * of the Lords of [the] Articles, if that such manner of speaking
deserved not punishment ; but she was counselled to desist : and
so that storm quieted in appearance, but never in the heart.
Short after the Parliament, Lethington returned from his nego-
tiation in England and France.^ God, in the February before, had
stricken that bloody tyrant the Duke of Guise,*' which somewhat
broke the fard ' of our Queen for a season. But short after the
returning of Lethington pride and malice began to show themselves
The again. She set at liberty the Bishop of Saint Andrews, and the rest
of St of the Papists that before were put in prison for violating of the laws.^
Andrews Lcthingtou, at his returning, showed himself not a little offended
liberty that any bruit should have risen of the Queen's marriage with the
King of Spain ; for he took upon him that such thing never entered
in her heart : but how true that was we shall after hear. The end
of all his acquittance and complaint was to discredit John Knox,
* weak * tasselling ^ until new notification was made to him
* judgment
' Lethington reached Edinburgh on Ci4 June 1 563. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 1 7)
' Francis, second Duke of Guise, was shot by Jean Poltrot de Mdr6 on 18 February
1563. ' ardour ; violence ' Supra, 76-77
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 85
who had afFirmed that such a marriage was both proposed and,
upon the part of our Queen, by the Cardinal ^ accepted.^ Lethington
in his absence, had run into a very evil bruit among the nobility
for too much serving the Queen's affections against the Common-
wealth ; and therefore had he, as one that lacketh no worldly
wisdom, made provision both in England and in Scotland. For in
England he travailed for the freedom of the Earl Bothwell, and by Lething-
that means obtained promise of his favour. He had there also taken practices
order for the home-coming of the Earl of Lennox, as we shall after
hear. In Scotland he joined with the Earl of AthoU ^ : him he
promoted, and set forward in Court ; and so began the Earl of
Moray to be defaced.* And yet to the said Earl, Lethington at all
times showed a fair countenance.
The rest of that summer the Queen spent in her progress through
the West country, where in all towns and gentlemen's places she had
her Mass. Which, coming to the ears of John Knox, he began that
form of prayer which ordinarily he sayeth after thanksgiving at his
table : " i. Dehver us, O Lord, from the bondage of idolatry.
2. Preserve and keep us from the tyranny of strangers. 3. Continue
us in quietness and concord amongst ourselves, if thy good pleasure
be, O Lord, for a season," &c. While that divers of the familiars of
the said John asked of him why he prayed for quietness to continue
for a season, and not rather absolutely that we should continue in
quietness, his answer was, " That he durst not pray but in faith ; John^
and faith in God's word assured him that constant quietness could answer
not continue in that Realm where idolatry had been suppressed '°}^'"'^^
^ ^ his prayei
and then was permitted to be erected again." ^
From the West country, the Queen passed in Argyll to the hunt-
ing,^ and after returned to Stirling. The Earl of Moray, the Lord
Robert of Holyroodhouse, and Lord John of Coldingham passed
to the Northland. Justice Courts were held ; thieves and murderers
were punished ; two witches were burned : the eldest was so blinded
' Charles de Guise, Cardinal of Lorraine
* See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 84-92 and supporting notes.
* John, fourth Earl of Atholl * defamed ; literally, to lose face
' In a letter to Cecil, of 6 October 1563, Knox laments that " the conveying of the
Mass through those quarters which longest have been best reformed hath so dejected the
hearts of many that men appear not to have that courage they had before." (Laing's
Knox, vi, 528-529 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 34)
' Randolph, writing to Cecil on 13 June 1563, refers to the " Hyeland apparell "
prepared for the visit to Argyll, and his own attempt to be " in outer shape " as " like
unto the rest." {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 1 3) For Mary's hunting, see Robertson's
Inventaires de la Rqyne Descosse, Preface, Ixx, note.
86 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
with the Devil that she affirmed, " That no Judge had power over
her."
That same time Lord John of Coldingham departed this hfe in
Inverness.^ It was affirmed that he commanded such as were beside
The last him to say unto the Queen, " That unless she left her idolatry that
tiono/LordGod would not fail to plague her. He asked God mercy that he had
John to the jq f^p borne with her in her impiety, and had maintained her in the
Queen ■^ ...
same ^ : And that no one thing did him more regret than that he
had flattered, fostered, and maintained her in her wickedness against
God and his servants." And in very deed great cause had he to have
lamented his wickedness ; for, besides all his other infirmities, in the
end, he, for the Queen's pleasure, became enemy to virtue and all
virtuous men, and a patron to impiety to the uttermost of his power :
yea, his venom was so kindled against God and his word, that in his
rage he bursted forth these words : " Or * I see the Queen's Majesty
so troubled with the railing of these knaves, I shall have the best of
them sticked in the pulpit." What further villainy came forth of
both their stinking throats and mouths,^ modesty will not suiTer
us to write ; whereof, if he had grace to unfeignedly repent, it is no
small document to God's mercies. But howsoever God wrought
with him, the Queen regarded his words as wind or else thought
them to have been forged by others, and not to have proceeded from
himself; and affirmed plainly that they were devised by the Laird
of Pittarrow and Mr. John Wood, whom she both hated, because
they flattered her not in her dancing and other doings. One thing
in plain words she spake " That God took always from her those
persons in whom she had greatest pleasure," and that she repented ;
but of further wickedness no mention.
' The exact date of his death is unknown ; it occurred probably in October or
November 1563.
^ In the manuscript (folio 353 verso) the words " quhairof more is spoken after " follow
here and have been scored through.
' In the manuscript (folio 355 recto) the following words " When suche thingis war
schauin unto the quene, Thei war but mocked at sche affirrayng that thei war devisit
by maister Johne Wode and by the Lard of pettarrow, as we sal! after more planelie
heare " are scored through, and a marginal direction, in Knox's own hand, runs " tak
in this that Is sewed in this place quhar it is scraped out," with the catchwords, " And
that no one thing, etc." There is attached a separate slip of paper (folio 354), which
contains, again in Knox's hand, the rest of this paragraph running from " And that no
one thing " down to " Whill the Quene lay at Streveling with hir Idolatrie in hir
chapell " — these last words forming catchwords for the beginning of the paragraph
of the main text (folio 355 recto). See supra, i, civ. * ere
' The " both " seems to refer to the Queen and to her half-brother, the dead Lord John
Stewart of Coldingham.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 87
While the Queen lay at StirHng, with her idolatry in her chapel,
in the Palace of Holyroodhouse were left certain dontybours,^ and
others of the French menzie,^ who raised up their Mass more pubhcly
than they had done at any time before. For upon those same
Sundays that the Church of Edinburgh had the ministration of the
Lord's Table, the Papists in great number resorted to the Abbey,
to their abomination. Which understood, divers of the brethren,
being sore offended, consulted how to redress that enormity ; and
so were appointed certain of the most zealous and most upright in
the rehgion to await upon the Abbey, that they might note such
persons as resorted to the Mass. And perceiving a great number to
enter into the chapel, some of the brethren burst also in ; whereat
the Priest and the French dames being afraid, made the shout to be
sent to the town ; and Madame Rayhe,^ mistress to the Queen's
dontibours * (for maids that Court could not then bear), posted on
with all diligence to the Comptroller, the Laird of Pittarrow,^ who
then was in Saint Giles Kirk at the sermon, and cried for his assistance
to save her Ufe, and to save the Queen's Palace. Who, with greater
haste than need required, obeyed her desire, and took with him the
Provost, the Baihes, and a great part of the faithful. But when they
came where the fear was bruited to have been, they found all things
quiet, except the tumult they brought with themselves, and peaceable
men looking to the Papists and forbidding them to transgress the
laws. True it is, a zealous brother, named Patrick Cranstoun,
passed into the chapel, and finding the altar covered, and the Priest
ready to go to that abomination, said, " The Queen's Majesty is not
here : how dare thou then be so malapert, as openly to do against
the law ? " No further was done nor said, and yet the bruit hereof
was posted to the Queen, with such information as the Papists could
give : which found such credit as their hearts could have wished
for. It was so heinous a crime in her eyes, that satisfaction for that
sin was there none without blood. And therefore, without delay
were summoned Andrew Armstrong and Patrick Cranstoun, to find
surety to underhe the law, for forethought felony, hamesucken,
violent invasion of the Queen's Palace, and for spohation of the same.^
These letters divulged, and the extremity feared, [the] Brethi^en
' See the note supra, 9, noU i ^ retinue or following
' The wife of Monsieur Raulet, or Roulet, Mary's private secretary. (See Calendar of
Scottish Papers, ii, Index, s.v. Raulet)
* Here the word seems to be used in the sense of courtesans.
* Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow
* See Pitcaim's Criminal Trials, i, *434-*435. Hamesucken is forcible entry and assault.
(See Skene's De Verborum Significatione, s.v. Haimsuken)
The
88 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
(the few that were within the town) consulted upon the next remedy ;
and in the end concluded that John Knox (to whom the charge was
given to make advertisements whensoever danger should appear) ^
should write to the Brethren in all quarters, giving information as
the matter stood, and requiring their assistance : which he did in
tenor ^ as here follows :
The Superscription
" Wheresoever two or three are gathered together in my name, there
scription ^^ ^ ^^ ^he midst of them
" It is not unknown unto you, dear Brethren, what comfort and
tranquillity God gave unto us, in times most dangerous, by our
Christian assemblies and godly conferences, as oft as any danger
appeared to any member or members of our body ; and how that
since we have neglected, or at the least not frequented, our conven-
tions and assemblies, the adversaries of Christ Jesus his holy Evangel
have enterprised, and boldened themselves publicly and secretly,
to do many things odious in God's presence, and most hurtful to the
liberty of true religion, now of God's great favour granted unto us.
The holy Sacraments are abused by profane Papists. Masses have
^^- been (and yet are) openly said and maintained. The blood of some
Pont of our dearest ministers has been shed, without fear of punishment
stTKken Qj, correction craved by us. And now last, are two of our dear
tn the . •' '
head with bretliren, Patrick Cranstoun and Andrew Armstrong, summoned to
tyCaptain Underlie the law, in the town of Edinburgh, the 24th of this instant
Lauder * Octobcr, ' For forethought felony, pretended murder, and for
invading the Queen's Majesty's Palace of Holyroodhouse, with
unlawful convocation, &c.' This terrible summons is directed
against our Brethren because that they, with two or three more,
passed to the Abbey upon Sunday, the 15th of August, to behold and
note what persons repaired to the Mass ; and that because that the
Sunday before (the Queen's Grace being absent), there resorted
to that idol a rascal multitude, having openly the least ^ devilish
ceremony (yea even the conjuring of their accursed water) that ever
' For this charge to Knox see Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 38-39, and infra, loi.
* In the manuscript (foHo 356 recto) this phrase originally ran " in tennour as after
we shall heare," and thereafter, for thirteen further lines, the scribe continues, " The
brethren advertissed etc," as irfra, 90. The whole of these thirteen lines have been scored
through ; the words " after we shall heare " have been scored through ; the words " heir
followes " have been added in the text hand ; and Knox's letter begins on folio 356 verso.
^ knife or a short sword ; really a hanger
* In July 1565 Randolph refers to him as " Robert Lauder, of the Guard, that struck
the minister." [Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 214) ' ? lege " most "
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 89
they had in the time of greatest bhndness. Because (I say), our said
Brethren passed, and that in most quiet manner, to note such
abusers, these fearful summons are directed against them, to make
(no doubt) preparation upon a few, that a door may be opened to
execute cruelty upon a greater multitude. And if so it come to pass,
God, no doubt, has justly recompensed our former negligence and
ingratitude towards him and his benefits received in our own bosoms.
God gave to us a most notable victory of his and our enemies : he
broke their strength, confounded their counsels : he set us at freedom,
and purged this Realm (for the most part) of open idolatry ; to the
end that we, ever mindful of so wondrous a deliverance, should have
kept this Realm clean from such vile filthiness and damnable
idolatry. But we, alas ! preferring the pleasure of flesh to the
pleasure and commandment of our God, have suffered that idol,
the Mass, to be erected again, and therefore justly suffers he us now
to fall in that danger that to look to an idolator, going to his idolatry,
shall be reputed a crime little inferior to treason. God grant that we
fall not further. And now I, whom God has of his mercy made one
amongst many to travail in setting forward of his true religion within
this Realm, seeing the same in danger of ruin, cannot but of conscience
crave of you, my Brethren, of all estates, that have professed the
truth, your presence, comfort, and assistance, at the said day, in the
Town of Edinburgh, even as that ye tender the advancement of
God's glory, the safety of your brethren, and your own assurance,
together with the preservation of the Kirk in these appearing dangers.
It may be, perchance, that persuasions be made in the contrary,
and that ye may be informed that either your assembly is not
necessary, or else that it will offend the upper powers. But my good
hope is that neither flattery nor fear shall make you so far to decline
from Christ Jesus as that, against your pubhc promise and solemn
band, ye will leave your brethren in so just a cause. And albeit there
were no great danger, yet cannot our assembly be unprofitable ;
for many things require consultation, which cannot be had unless
the wisest and godliest convene. And thus, doubting nothing of the
assistance of our God, if that we uniformly ^ seek his glory, I cease
further to trouble you, committing you heartly to the protection of
the Eternal. .. j^^^ j^^^^
" From Edinburgh, the 8th 2 of October 1563."
' In the manuscript (folio 358 recto) unfaynedlie scored through and uniformlie added
in the margin in the hand of the text.
* The copy endorsed by Randolph is dated 9 October 1563. {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth,
vi, No. 1279)
go THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
The Brethren, advertised ^ by this bill, prepared themselves,
so many as were thought expedient for every town and province, to
keep the day appointed. But by the means of false brethren, the
The letter came to the hands of the Queen, and the manner was this :
of^Fail, It was read in the town of Ayr, where was present Robert Cunning-
^"/ ^ ham, minister of Failford,^ who then was held an earnest professor
Ross of the Evangel ; who (by what means we know not) got the said
letter, and sent it with his token to Master Henry Sinclair, then
President of the Seat and College of Justice, and styled Bishop of
Ross, a perfect hypocrite, and a conjured enemy to Christ Jesus,
whom God after struck according to his deservings.^ The said Mr.
Henry being enemy to all that unfeignedly professed the Lord Jesus,
but chiefly to John Knox, for the liberty of his tongue — for he had
affirmed, as ever still he doth affirm, that a Bishop that receives
profit, and feeds not the flock, even by his own labours, is both a
thief and a murderer — the said Mr. Henry, we say, thinking himself
happy that had found so good occasion to trouble him, whose Ufe
he hated, posted the said letter with his counsel to the Queen, who
then lay in Stirling.
The letter being read, it was concluded by the Council of the
Cabinet, that is, by the most Secret Council, that it imported
treason : whereof the Queen was not a little rejoiced, for she thought
once to be revenged of that her great enemy. It was concluded
that the Nobility should be written for, that the condemnation
should have the greater authority. The day was appointed about
the midst of December ; which was kept of the whole Council, and
of divers others, such as the Master of Maxwell, ^ the old Laird of
Lethington,^ and the said President.^
In the meantime the Earl of Moray returned from the North,
The to whom the Secretary Lethington opened the matter as best pleased
"Maxwells him. The Master of Maxwell gave unto the said John, as it had been,
discharge ^ discharge of the familiarity which before was great betwix them,
to John , T 1 ij • r 1 r^ 1 -1
Knox unless that he would satisfy the Queen at her own sight.
' In the manuscript (folio 358 recto) admonished scored through and advertissed written
immediately following.
* Failford, or Fail, was a House of the Trinitarians, or Red Friars, and the head of the
House was styled Minister (see siipra, 55, ?iote 5). Robert Cunningham, Minister of
Failford, was a younger son of William, third Earl of Glencairn.
^ He died in Paris, after an operation for stone, in January 1565. {Diurnal of Occurrents,
77» 79)
* John, second son of Robert, fifth Lord Maxwell ; later, John, Lord Herries.
» Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, father of William Maitland of Lethington, the
Secretary. ' Henry Sinclair
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 9 1
^ The answer [of John Knox] was, " He knew no offence done ^^"^'^""g
by him to the Queen's Majesty, and therefore he wist not what Master^
satisfaction to make." and John
" No offence ! " said the other. " Have ye not written letters Knox
desiring the Brethren from all parts to convene to Andrew Armstrong
and Patrick Cranstoun's day? "
" That I grant," said the other ; " but therein I acknowledge no
offence done by me."
" No offence," said he, " to convocate the Queen's heges ? "
" Not for so just a cause," said the other ; " for greater things
were reputed no offence within these two years."
" The time," said he, " is now other ; for then our Sovereign was
absent, and now she is present."
" It is neither the absence nor the presence of the Queen," said
he, " that rules my conscience, but God speaking plainly in his
word ; what was lawful to me last year, is yet lawful, because my
God is unchangeable."
" Well," said the Master, " I have given you my counsel, do as
ye list ; but I think ye shall repent it, if ye bow not unto the Queen."
" I understand not," said he, " Master, what ye mean. I never
made myself an adversary party unto the Queen's Majesty, except
in to the head of religion, and therein I think ye will not desire me to
bow."
" Well," said he, " ye are wise enough ; but ye will find that
men will not bear with you in times to come, as they have done in
times bypast."
" If God stand my friend," said the other, " as I am assured he
of his mercy will, so long as I depend upon his promise, and prefer
his glory to my life and worldly profit, I little regard how men behave
themselves towards me ; neither yet know I wherein any man has
borne with me in times past, unless it be that of my mouth they
have heard the word of God, which in times to come, if they refuse,
my heart will be pierced, and for a season will lament ; but the
incommodity will be their own."
' That part of the manuscript which, from internal evidence, appears to have been
transcribed in 1566, terminates at the beginning of this paragraph (foUo 359 recto). The
remainder of the manuscript, extending to twenty-nine fohos, cannot have been tran-
scribed earlier than December 1571 (though still in Knox's lifetime). This concluding
portion is " hastily written, more like a scroll copy from dictation, than an accurate
transcript." (See Laing's Knox, ii, 399, note 2). Many of the words are omitted or
inaccurately written, and various minute corrections have been adopted from Laing's
collation with the manuscript in the University Library, Glasgow. See the Bibliographical
Note, supra, i, cv-cvi, cix.
(653) VOL. II 7
92 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
And after these words, whereinto the Laird of Lochinvar ^ was
witness, they departed. But unto this day, the 17 of December
1571,^ they met not in such famiharity as they had before.
The bruit of the accusation of John Knox being divulged, Mr.
John Spens of Condie, Advocate,^ a man of gentle nature and one
that professed the doctrine of the Evangel, came, as it were in secret,
to John Knox, to inquire the cause of that great bruit. To whom the
said John was plain in all things, and showed unto him the double
of the letter. Which heard and considered, he said, " I thank my
God. I came to you with a fearful and sorrowful heart, fearing that
ye had done such a crime as laws might have punished, which
would have been no small trouble to the hearts of all such as have
received the word of life which ye have preached ; but I depart
greatly rejoiced, as well because I perceive your own comfort, even
in the midst of your troubles, as that I clearly understand that ye
have committed no such crime as ye are burdened with : Ye will be
accused (said he), but God will assist you." And so he departed.
Before The Earl of Moray and the Secretary sent for the said John to
dained not the Clerk of Register's house, and began to lament that he had so
to come to highly offended the Queen's Majesty, the which they feared should
his own & ^ . ^ . , . ir .p ,
house come to a great inconvenience to himseli, 11 he were not wisely
foreseen. They showed what pains and travail they had taken to
The mitigate her anger, but they could find nothing but extremity, unless
counsel to he himself would confess his offence, and put him in her Grace's will.
John 'Pq which heads the said John answered as follows :
" I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, I have learned not to
•|?^", cry conjuration and treason at every thing that the godless multitude
answer does Condemn, neither yet to fear the things that they fear. I have
the testimony of a good conscience that I have given no occasion
to the Queen's Majesty to be offended with me ; for I have done
nothing but my duty, and so, whatsoever shall thereof ensue, my
good hope is that my God will give me patience to bear it. But to
confess an offence where my conscience witnesseth there is none, far
be it from me."
" How can it be defended ? " said Lethington : " Have ye not
made convocation of the Queen's lieges ? "
" If I have not," said he, " a just defence for my fault, let me
smart for it."
' Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar
* This date, which forms part of the text, proves that this concluding part of the History
must have been written at that time.
' Mr. John Spens of Condie was Queen's Advocate.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 93
" Let us hear," said they, " your defences ; for we would be glad
that ye might be found innocent."
" Nay," said the other, " for I am informed, and that by divers,
and even by you, my Lord Secretary, that I am already condemned,
and my cause prejudged : Therefore I might be reputed a fool,
if I would make you privy to my defences."
At those words they seemed both offended ; and so the Secretary This was
departed. But the said Earl remained still, and would have entered time that
in further discourse of the estate of the Court with the said John, ^j^^^''^°-^
who answered, " My Lord, I understand more than I would of the spake to
affairs of the Court ; and therefore it is not needful that your Lord- ^jl^n after
ship trouble you with the recounting thereof. If ye stand in good the Par-
case, I am content ; and if ye do not, as I fear you do not already,
or else ye shall not do ere it be long, blame not me. Ye have the
Councillors whom ye have chosen ; my weak judgment both ye and
they despised : I can do nothing but behold the end, which, I pray
God, be other than my troubled heart feareth,"
Within four days, the said John was called before the Queen JohnKnox
and Council betwix six and seven hours at night ^ : the season of before the
the year was the midst of December. The bruit rising in the town, ^"^,^^"-f'-,^
that John Knox was sent for by the Queen, the brethren of the Kirk anno 1563
followed in such number that the inner close was full, and all the
stairs, even to the chamber door where the Queen and Council sat ;
who had been reasoning amongst themselves before, but had not
fully satisfied the Secretary's mind. And so was the Queen retired
to her cabinet, and the Lords were talking each one with other, as
occasion served. But upon the entry of John Knox, they were
commanded to take their places, and so they did, sitting as Coun-
cillors one against another.
The Duke,^ according to his dignity, began the one side. Upon
the other side sat the Eari of Argyll, and consequently followed the
Earl of Moray, the Earl of Glencairn, the Earl Marischal, the
Lord Ruthven, the common officers, Pittarrow then Comptroller,
the Justice- Clerk, Mr. John Spens of Condie, Advocate ; and divers
' See supra, 78-79
^ Randolph, in a letter to Cecil of 21 December 1563, states that the Lords had
assembled for three causes of which the last was " that the Quene fyndethe her greeved
with a letter that Mr. Knox wrote unto hys brethrene the prechers, to assyst two honest
men of the congregation, whome the Quene wolde have had punished, for troblinge a
prest that, her Grace beinge in Argile, saide masse unto the reste of her howseholde
remayninge in the Abbaye of Hollie-roode howse." (Laing's Knox, vi, 527 ; Calendar of
Scottish Papers, ii, No. 42) There is no record in the Register of the Privy Council of
Scotland. ' Chatelherault
94 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Others stood by. Removed from the table sat old Lethington, father
to the Secretary, Mr. Henry Sinclair, then Bishop of Ross, and Mr.
James M'Gill, Clerk Register.
Things thus put in order, the Queen came forth, and with no
little worldly pomp was placed in the chair, having two faithful
supports, the Master of Maxwell upon the one tor,^ and Secretary
Lethington on the other tor of the chair ; whereupon they waited
diligently all [the] time of that accusation, sometimes the one
occupying her ear, sometimes the other. Her pomp lacked one
principal point, to wit, womanly gravity. For when she saw John
Knox standing at the other end of the table bare-headed, she first
smiled, and after gave a gawf [of] laughter, ^ whereat when her place-
boes ^ gave their plaudite, affirming with like countenance, " This is a
good beginning," she said, " But wat ye * whereat I laugh ? Yon man
gart me ^ greit,® and grat never tear himself : I will see if I can
gar him greit." At that word the Secretary whispered her in the
ear, and she him again, and with that gave him a letter. After the
inspection thereof, he directed his visage and speech to John Knox
in this manner :
" The Queen's Majesty is informed that ye have travailed to
raise a tumult of her subjects against her, and for certification
thereof, there is presented to her your own letter subscribed in your
name.'' Yet because her Grace will do nothing without a good
advisement, she has convened you before this part of the Nobility,
that they may witness betwix you and her."
" Let him acknowledge," said she, " his own hand write, and then
shall we judge of the contents of the letter."
And so was the letter presented from hand to hand to John
Knox who, taking inspection of it, said, " I gladly acknowledge this
to be my handwrite : and also I remember, I dited a letter in the
month of October, giving signification to the brethren in sundry
quarters, of such things as displeased me. And that good opinion
have I of the fidelity of the scribes that willingly they would not
adulterate my original, albeit I left divers blanks subscribed with
them ; and so I acknowledge both the handwrite and the ditement."
" Ye have done more," said Lethington, " than I would have done."
" Charity," said the other, " is not suspicious."
" Well, well," said the Queen, " read your own letter, and then
answer to such things as shall be demanded of you."
' arm ^ guffaw ' "yes-men " * know ye ' made me
• weep ' That is, the letter of 8 October 1 563 {supra, 88-89)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 95
" I shall do the best I can," said the other ; and so with loud
voice he began to read as before expressed.
After that the letter was read to the end, it was presented again
to Mr. John Spens ; for the Queen commanded him to accuse, as
he after did, but very gently. After, we say, that the letter was read,
the Queen, beholding the whole table, said, " Heard ye ever, my
Lords, a more despiteful and treasonable letter ? "
While that no man gave answer, Lethington addressed him to
John Knox, and said, " Master Knox, are ye not sorry from your
heart, and do ye not repent that such a letter has passed your pen,
and from you is come to the knowledge of others."
John Knox answered, " My Lord Secretary, before I repent I
must be taught of my offence."
" Offence," said Lethington, " if there were no more but
the convocation of the Queen's lieges, the offence cannot be
denied."
" Remember yourself, my Lord," said the other, " there is a
difference betwix a lawful convocation, and an unlawful. If I have
been guilty in this, I have oft offended sen ^ I came [last] in Scotland :
for what convocation of the brethren has ever been to this day into
which my pen served not ? Before this no man led it to my charge
as a crime."
" Then was then," said Lethington, " and now is now : We have
no need of such convocations as sometimes we have had."
John Knox answered, " The time that has been is even now
before my eyes ; for I see the poor flock in no less danger nor it has
been at any time before, except that the Devil has got a vissorne '^
upon his face. Before, he came in with his own face discovered ^ by
open tyranny, seeking the destruction of all that has refused idolatry ;
and then I think ye will confess the brethren lawfully assembled
themselves for defence of their lives. And now the Devil comes under
the cloak of Justice, to do that which God would not suffer him to do
by strength."
" What is this ? " said the Queen. " Methink ye trifle with him.
Who gave him authority to make convocation of my lieges ? Is not
that treason ? "
" No, Madam," said the Lord Ruthven, " for he makes con-
vocation of the people to hear prayer and sermon almost daily, and
whatever your Grace or others will think thereof, we think it no
treason."
' since * a vizor, that is, a mask * exposed
96 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
" Hold your peace," said the Queen, " and let him make answer
for himself."
" I began [Madam] " said John Knox, " to reason with the
Secretary, whom I take to be a far better dialectician than your Grace
is, that all convocations are not unlawful ; and now my Lord
Ruthven has given the instance, which if your Grace will deny, I
shall address me for the proof."
" I will say nothing," said the Queen, " against your religion,
nor against your convening to your sermons : But what authority
have ye to convocate my subjects when ye will, without my command-
ment ? "
" I have no pleasure," said John Knox, " to decline from the
former purpose. And yet. Madam, to satisfy your Grace's two
questions, I answer, that at my will I never convened four persons in
Scotland ; but at the order that the brethren has appointed, I have
given divers advertisements, and great multitudes have assembled
thereupon. And if your Grace complain that this was done without
your Grace's commandment, I answer, so has all that God has
blessed within this Realm from the beginning of this action. And
therefore, Madam, I must be convicted by a just law, that I have
done against the duty of God's messenger in writing of this letter,
before that either I be sorry, or yet repent for the doing of it, as my
Lord Secretary would persuade me. For what I have done, I have
done [at] the commandment of the general Kirk of this Realm ;
and therefore, I think, I have done no wrong."
" Ye shall not escape so," said the Queen. " Is it not treason,
my Lords, to accuse a Prince of cruelty ? I think there be Acts of
Parliament against such whisperers." That was granted of many.
" But wherein," said John Knox, " can I be accused ? "
" Read this part of your own bill," said the Queen, which began,
" These fearful summons are directed against them (to wit, the
brethren foresaid), to make, no doubt, preparation upon a few, that
a door may be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multi-
tude." 1 " Lo," said the Queen, " what say ye to that ? "
While many doubted what the said John should answer, he said
unto the Queen, " Is it lawful for me, Madam, to answer for myself?
Or shall I be damned before I be heard? "
" Say what ye can," said she ; " for I think ye have enough
ado."
" I will first [then] desire this of your Grace, Madam, and of this
* Supra, 89
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 97
most honourable audience, whether if your Grace knows not, that
the obstinate Papists are deadly enemies to all such as profess the
Evangel of Jesus Christ, and that they most earnestly desire the
extermination of them, and of the true doctrine that is taught within
this Realm ? "
The QjLieen held her peace : but all the Lords, with common
voice said, " God forbid that either the Uves of the faithful, or yet
the staying of the doctrine, stood in the power of the Papists : for
just experience has told us what cruelty lies in their hearts."
" I must proceed then," said John Knox, " seeing that I perceive
that all will grant that it were a barbarous cruelty to destroy such
a multitude as profess the Evangel of Jesus Christ within this Realm,
which ofter than once or twice they have attempted to do by force,
as things done of late days do testify, whereof they, by God and his
providence, being disappointed, have invented more crafty and
dangerous practices, to wit, to make the Prince party under colour
of law : and so what they could not do [by] open force, they shall
perform by crafty deceit. For who thinks, my Lords, that the in-
satiable cruelty of the Papists, within this Realm, I mean, shall end
in the murdering of these two brethren now unjustly summoned, and
more unjustly to be accused. I think no man of judgment can so
esteem, but rather the direct contrary, that is, that by this few
number they intend to prepare a way to their bloody enterprises
against the whole. And therefore. Madam, cast up when ye list
the Acts of your Parliament. I have offended nothing against them ;
I accuse not in my letter your Grace, nor yet your nature of cruelty.
But I affirm yet again, that the pestilent Papists, who have inflamed
your Grace without cause against those poor men at this present,
are the sons of the devil ; and therefore must obey the desires of
their father, who has been a liar and a murderer from the beginning."
" Ye forget yourself," said one ; " ye are not now in the pulpit."
" I am in the place," said the other, " where I am demanded of
conscience to speak the truth ; and therefore I speak. The truth
I speak, impugn it whoso list. And hereunto [I add]. Madam,
that honest, gentle, and meek natures by appearance, by wicked and
corrupt councillors may be converted and alter to the direct con-
trary. Example we have of Nero who, in the beginning of his empire,
we find having some natural shame ; but after that his flatterers had
encouraged him in all impiety, alleging that nothing was either
unhonest nor yet unlawful for his personage, who was Emperor above
others : when he had drunk of this cup, I say, to what enormities
gS THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Let the he fell, the histories bear witness. And now, Madam, to speak
judge plainly, Papists and conjured enemies to Jesus Christ have your
what after Grace's ear patent at all times. I assure your Grace they are danger-
ensued ous Councillors, and that your mother found."
As this was said, Lethington smiled, and spake secretly to the
Queen in her ear. What it was, the table heard not, but immediately
she addressed her visage, and spake to John Knox, and said, ' ' Well,
ye speak fair enough here before my Lords ; but the last time I spake
with you secretly, ye caused me weep many salt tears, and said to
me stubbornly, ' Ye set not by my greiting.' " ^
" Madam," said the other, " because now the second time your
Grace has burdened me with that crime, ^ I must answer, lest for
my silence I be held guilty. [If your Grace] be ripely remembered,
the Laird of Dun, yet living to testify the truth, was present at that
time whereof your Grace complains. Your Grace accused me that
I had irreverently handled you in the pulpit ; that I denied. Ye
said, What ado had I to speak of your marriage? What was I, that
I should mell ^ with such matters ? I answered, As touching nature,
I was a worm of this earth, and yet a subject of this Commonwealth ;
but as touching the office wherein it has pleased God to place me,
I was a watchman, both over the Realm, and over the Kirk of God
gathered within the same ; by reason whereof I was bound in con-
science to blow the trumpet publicly, so oft as ever I saw any upfall,*
any appearing danger, either of the one or of the other. But so it
was, that a certain bruit affirmed that traffick of marriage was betwix
your Grace and the Spanish allya ^ ; whereinto I said, that if your
Nobility and Estates did agree, unless that both ye and your husband
should be so straitly bound that neither of you might hurt this
Commonwealth, nor yet the poor Kirk of God within the same, that
in that case I would pronounce that the consenters were troublers
of this Commonwealth, and enemies to God,' and to his promise
planted within the same. At these words, I grant, your Grace
stormed and burst forth into an unreasonable weeping. What
mitigation the Laird of Dun would have made, I suppose your Grace
has not forgot.^ But while that nothing was able to stay your
weeping, I was compelled to say, I take God to record, that I never
took pleasure to see any creature weep, [yea, not my children when
my own hands had beaten them], meikle less can I rejoice to see your
Grace make such regret. But seeing I have offered your Grace no
* That is, ' Ye set naught by my weeping.' See supra, 83-84. " Supra, 94
• meddle * relapse ' alliance " Supra, 83
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 99
such occasion, I must rather suffer your Grace to take your own
pleasure, ere that I dare conceal the truth, and so betray both the
Kirk of God and my Commonwealth. These were the most extreme
words that I spake that day."
After that the Secretary had conferred with the Queen, he said,
" Mr. Knox, ye may return to your house for this night."
" I thank God and the Queen's Majesty," said the other. " And,
Madam, I pray God to purge your heart from Papistry, and to
preserve you from the counsel of flatterers ; for how pleasing that
they appear to your ear and corrupt affection for the time, experience
has told us in what perplexity they have brought famous princes."
Lethington and the Master of Maxwell [were] that night the two
stoups ^ of her chair.
John Knox being departed, the Table of the Lords and others
that were present were demanded, every man by his vote, if John
Knox had not offended the Queen's Majesty. The Lords voted
uniformly they could find no offence. The Queen was passed to her
cabinet. The flatterers of the Court, and Lethington principally,
raged. The Queen was brought again, and placed in her chair, and
they commanded to vote over again : which thing highly offended
the whole Nobihty, who began to speak in open audience, " What !
shall the Laird of Lethington have power to control us : or shall the
presence of a woman cause us to offend God, and to damn an
innocent against our conscience for pleasure of any creature ? "
And so the whole Nobility absolved John Knox again, and praised
God for his modesty, and for his plain and sensible answers. Yet
before the end, one thing is to be noted, to wit, that amongst so many
placeboes, we mean the flatterers of Court, there was not one that
plainly durst condemn the poor man that was accused, this same
God ruling their tongue that sometimes ruled the tongue of
Balaam, when gladly he would have cursed God's people.
This perceived, the Queen began to upbraid Mr. Henry Sinclair, The taunt
then Bishop of Ross, and said, hearing his vote to agree with the Queen to
rest, " Trouble not the bairn : I pray you trouble him not ; for he "^^^JJ"^
is newly wakened out of his sleep. Why should not the old fool
follow the footsteps of them that have passed before him." The
Bishop answered coldly, " Your Grace may consider, that it is neither
affection to the man, nor yet love to his profession that moved me
to absolve him ; but the simple truth, which plainly appears in his
defence, draws me after it, albeit that others would have condemned
^ props
100 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
him." And this being said, the Lords and whole assisters arose and
The craft departed. That night was neither dancing nor fiddhng in the Court ;
^^'^^ for Madam was disappointed of her purpose, which was to have
had John Knox in her will by vote of her Nobility.
John Knox, absolved by the votes of the greatest part of the
Nobility from the crime intended against him, even in the presence
of the Queen, she raged, and the placeboes of the Court stormed.
And so began new assaults to be made at the hands of the said John,
to confess an offence, and to put him in the Queen's will, and they
should promise that his greatest punishment should be to go within
the Castle of Edinburgh, and immediately to return to his own house.
He answered, " God forbid that my confession should damn ^
those noble men that of their conscience, and with displeasure of
the Queen, have absolved me. And further, I am assured, ye will
not in earnest desire me to confess an offence, unless that therewith
ye would desire me to cease from preaching : for how can I exhort
others to peace and Christian quietness, if I confess myself an author
and mover of sedition ? "
Which The General Assembly of the Kirk approached. But the just
2/0/ petitions of the Ministers and Commissioners of Kirks were despised
December, ^t the first, and that with these words, " As Ministers will not follow
"^^^ S""!' ^^^ counsels, so will we suffer Ministers to labour for themselves, and
Ministers See what speed they come." And when the whole Assembly said,
" If the Queen will not [provide for our Ministers] we must ;
[for] both Third and Two parts are rigorously taken from us, and from
our tenants." " If others," said one, " will follow my counsel, the
guard and the Papists shall complain as long as our Ministers have
done." At these words the former sharpness was coloured, and the
speaker alleged that he meant not of all Ministers, but of some to
whom the Queen was no debtor ; for what Third received she of
Burghs ? Cristopher Goodman answered, " My Lord Secretary,
if ye can show me what [just] title either the Queen has to the Third
or the Papists to the Two parts, then I think I should solve whether
she were debtor to Ministers within Burghs or not." But thereto
he received this check for answer, " Ne sit peregrinus curiosus in aliena
republica " ; that is, " Let not a stranger be curious in a strange
commonwealth." ^ The man of God answered, " Albeit I be a
stranger in your policy, yet so am I not in the Kirk of God ; and
' condemn
2 Christopher Goodman was an Englishman. A short account of him is given in
M'Crie's John Knox, 5th edn., ii, 331-334.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND Id
therefore the care thereof does no less appertain to me in Scotland
than if I were in the midst of England."
Many wondered at the silence of John Knox ; for in all those
quick reasonings he opened not his mouth. The cause thereof he
himself expressed in these words : "I have travailed, right honour-
able and beloved Brethren, sen my last arrival within this Realm
in an upright conscience before my God, seeking nothing more, as
he is [my] witness, than the advancement of his glory, and the
stability of his Kirk within this Realm ; and yet of late days I have 5","*,
been accused as a seditious man, and as one that usurps unto myselt reported of
power that becomes me not. True it is, I have given advertisements
into the brethren in divers quarters, of the extremity intended against
certain faithful for looking to a priest going to Mass, and for observing
of those that transgressed just laws ; but [that] therein I have
usurped further power than is given unto me, till that by you I be
damned, ^ I utterly deny ; for I say that by you, that is by the charge
of the General Assembly, I have as just power to advertise the
brethren from time to time of dangers appearing, as that I have
to preach the word of God in the pulpit of Edinburgh ; for by you
I was appointed to the one and to the other ; and therefore, in the
name of God, I crave your judgments. The danger that appeared
to me in my accusation was not so fearful as the words that came
to my ears were dolorous to my heart ; for these words were
plainly spoken, and that by some Protestants, ' What can the Pope
do more than send forth his Letters, and require them to be
obeyed ? ' Let me have your judgments thereof, whether that I
have usurped any power to myself, or if I have but obeyed your
commandment."
The flatterers of the Court, amongst whom Sir John Ballantyne,
Justice-Clerk, was then not the least, began to storm, and said,
" Shall we be compelled to justify the rash doings of men ? " " My
Lord," said John Knox, " ye shall speak your pleasure for the present :
of you I crave nothing ; but if the Kirk that is here present do not
either absolve me, or else condemn me, never shall I in public or in
private as a public minister, open my mouth in doctrine or in
reasoning."
After long contention, the said John being removed, the whole
Kirk found that a charge was given unto him to advertise the
Brethren in all quarters as oft as ever danger appeared ; and there-
fore avowed that fact not to be his only, but to be the fact of all.^
' condemned * Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 38-39 ; supra, 88
102 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Thereat were the Queen's claw-backs ^ more enraged than ever
they were, for some of them had promised to the Queen to get the
said John convicted, both by the Council and by the Kirk ; and
being frustrated of both, she and they thought themselves not [a little]
disappointed.
In the very time of the General Assembly, there comes to public
1563 knowledge a heinous murder committed in the Court, yea, not far
from the Queen's own lap ; for a French woman, that served in the
Queen's chamber had played the whore with the Queen's own
apothecary. The woman conceived and bore a child, whom with
Whore- common consent the father and the mother murdered. Yet were the
murder in cries of a new born bairn heard ; search was made, the child and
the court mother were both deprehended ^ ; and so were both the man and the
woman damned ^ to be hanged upon the public street of Edinburgh.
The punishment was notable, because the crime was heinous.*
But yet was not the Court purged of whores and whoredom, which
was the fountain of such enormities ; for it was well known that
Sempill shame hastened marriage betwix John Sempill, called the Dancer,
Livingstone and Marie Livingstone, surnamed the Lusty. ^ What bruit the Maries
and the rest of the dancers of the Court had, the ballads of that age
did witness, which we for modesty's sake omit.^ But this was the
common complaint of all godly and wise men, that if they thought
that such a Court should long continue, and if they looked for no
other hfe to come, they would have wished their sons and daughters
rather to have been brought up with fiddlers and dancers, and to
have been exercised in flinging upon a floor, and in the rest that
thereof follows, than to have been nourished in the company of the
Marie's godly, and exercised in virtue, which in that Court was hated, and
^^ filthiness not only maintained, but also rewarded. Witness the
Lordship of Abercorn, the barony of Auchtermuchty, and divers
others pertaining to the patrimony of the Crown, given in heritage
to scoupars,' dancers, and dalliers with dames. ^ This was the
^ back-scratchers, that is, flatterers ^ apprehended ' condemned
* See Randolph's letters to Cecil in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 42, 45.
' John Sempill was a natural son of Robert, third Lord Sempill. He married Marie,
daughter of Alexander, fifth Lord Livingstone, and one of Queen Mary's " Maries."
' But, as Robertson has shown {Inventaires de la Royne Descosse, Preface, xlvii, note), Knox's
statement that " shame hastened marriage " is a libel. See also, Calendar of Scottish Papers,
ii, Nos. 132, 147.
* No copy of these ballads is known to be extant. ' skippers
* Sir James Melville says that on his return to Scotland in May 1564 the Queen
would have given him in heritage the lands of Auchtermuchty, beside Falkland, which
he refused, for it was " the nerest part of hir propertie " ; but, he adds, " another, hearen
that sche was sa weill harted, socht it and gat it." {Memoirs, Bannatyne Club, 1 1 1)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND IO3
beginning of the regiment of Mary Queen of Scots, and they were Prayed
the fruits that she brought forth of France.^ " Lord, look upon owe u,ritten
miseries, and dehver us from the tyranny of that whore, for thy own ^hen she
' ^ ' was in
mere mercy s sake. greatest
God from heaven, and upon the face of the earth, gave declara- '^"''^°''^^-> '
tion that he was offended at the iniquity that was committed even
within this Realm ; for upon the 20th day of January there fell Great
wet in great abundance, which in the falling freezed so vehemently frost in
that the earth was but a sheet of ice. The fowls both great and small J^^^^'J
freezed, and might not fly : many died, and some were taken and
laid beside the fire, that their feathers might resolve. And in that
same month the sea stood still, as was clearly observed, and neither
ebbed nor flowed the space of 24 hours. In the month of February, bonders
S66TI tTl
the 15th and i8th day thereof, was seen in the firmament battles February
arrayed, spears, and other weapons, and as it had been the joining
of two armies.^ These things were not only observed, but also spoken
and constantly affirmed by men of judgment and credit. But the
Queen and our Court made merry. There was banqueting upon Banquet-
banqueting. The Queen would banquet all the Lords ; and that court, but
was done upon policy, to remove the suspicioun of her displeasure T^^^^'
against them, because they would not at her devotion damn * John ministers
Knox. To remove, we say, that jealousy, she made the banquet
to the whole Lords, whereat she would have the Duke amongst the
rest. It behoved them to banquet her again ; and so did banqueting
continue till Fastron's-eve ^ and after. But the poor Ministers
were mocked, and reputed as monsters ; the guard, and the affairs
of the kitchen were so gripping, that the Ministers' stipends could
not be payed * ; and yet at the Assembly preceding,' solemnly
promise was made in the Queen's name, by the mouth of Secretary
* See supra, i, 103
» Probably in the autumn of 1565 or the early months of 1566. (But sec supra, i, cix)
» Presumably the Northern Lights. Randolph, writing to Cecil on 5 February 1565,
reports a foolish story then current that " these three nights past there have been about
midnight many armed men walking about the streets, fighting one with the other. The
strokes they say are heard, the clamours of men great, no bloodshed." {Calendar of
Scottish Papers, ii. No. 143) Knox may be mistaking the year, for his chronology is here
somewhat confused ; the marginal dates would, of course, be 1564 according to the
modern calendar. * condemn
' The eve of Lent, or Shrove Tuesday (14 February 1564)
* In his work on the Collectors' Accounts Dr. Donaldson has analysed the amounts
paid from the " Thirds " to the Queen's Household and to the " Guard " ; and his
analysis shows how both these " needs " of the Crown increased.
' If Knox is referring to Lent 1564, then he should have written " the Assembly
following " {infra, 104, note 2).
• 104 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Jl^^ , Lethington, in the audience of many of the Nobility and of the whole
promise Assembly, who affirmed, that he had commandment of her Highness
to promise unto them full contentation ^ to all the Ministers within
the Realm of things bygone ; and of such order to be kept in all
times to come, that the whole body of the Protestants should have
occasion to stand content. The Earl of Moray affirmed the same,
with many other fair promises given by writ by Lethington himself ;
as in the register of the Acts done in the General Assembly may be
seen. 2 But how that, or yet any other thing promised by her, or in
her name, unto the Kirk of God, was observed, the world can
witness.
The Ministers perceiving all things tend to ruin, discharged their
conscience in public and in private ; but they received for their
labours hatred and indignation ; and amongst others, that worthy
servant of God, Mr. John Craig, speaking against the manifest
corruption that then without shame or fear declared itself, said,
*' Sometimes were hypocrites known by their disguised habits, and
we had men to be monks, and women to be nuns ; but now all
things are so changed, that we cannot discern the Earl from the
Abbot, nor the nun from such as would be held the noble women ;
so that we have got a new order of monks and nuns. But (said he),
seeing that ye ashame not of that unjust profit, would God that
therewith ye had the cowl of the nun, the veil, yea, and the tail
joined with all, that so ye might appear in your own colours."
Lething- This liberty did so provoke the choler of Lethington, that in
defied the open audieucc he gave him unto the Devil, if that ever after that
servants of ^j^y ]-^g should regard what became of Ministers, [and] that he should
do what he could that his companions should have a skair ^ with
him ; " And let them bark and blow," said he, " as loud as they
list." And so that was the second time that he had given [his]
defiance to the servants of God. And hereupon 'rose whispering and
complaints, all by the flatterers of the Court, complaining that men
were not charitably handled : " Might not sins be reproved in
general, albeit that men were not so specially taxed that all the world
might know of whom the preacher spake ? " Whereunto was the
answer made, " Let men ashame publicly to offend, and the Ministers
shall abstain from specialities ; but so long as Protestants are not
ashamed manifestly to do against the evangel of Jesus Christ, so long
cannot the Ministers of God cease to cry that God will be revenged
upon such abusers of his holy word."
^ satisfaction " Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 47-48 (28 June 1564) ' part
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND IO5
And thus had the servants of God a double battle, fighting upon
the one side against the idolatry and the rest of the abominations
maintained by the Qjaeen ; and upon the other part, against the
unthankfulness of such as sometime would have been esteemed the
chief pillars of the Kirk within the Realm.
The threatenings of the preachers were fearful ; but the Court
thought itself in [such] security that it could not miscarry. The
Queen, after the banqueting, kept a diet [by direction of] Monsieur ^5^4
Lusury,^ Frenchman, who had been acquainted with her malady
before, being her physician. And thereafter she, for the second time,
made her progresses in the North, ^ and commanded to ward in the
Castle of Edinburgh the Earl of Caithness,^ for a murder committed
by his servants upon the Earl of Marischal's ^ men. He obeyed,
but he was suddenly relieved ; for such bloodthirsty men and
Papists, such as he is, are best subjects to the Queen. " Thy kingdom
come, O Lord ; for in this Realm is nothing (amongst such as
should punish vice and maintain virtue) but abominations abounding
without bridle."
The flatterers of the Court did daily enrage against the poor
Preachers : happiest was he that could invent the most bitter taunts
and disdainful mockings of the Ministers. And at length they began
to jest at the term of Idolatry, affirming, " That men wist not what
they spake, when they called the Mass Idolatry." Yea, some pro-
ceeded further, and feared not at open tables to affirm, " That they
would sustain the argument that the Mass was no Idolatry," These
things coming to the ears of the preachers, were proclaimed in public
pulpit of Edinburgh, with this complaint directed by the speaker ^
to his God. " O Lord, how long shall the wicked prevail against the
just ? How long shalt thou suffer thyself and thy blessed Evangel
to be despised of men ? Of men, we say, that make themselves
defenders of the truth ! For of thy manifest and known enemies we
complain not, but of such as unto whom thou hast revealed thy light :
for now it comes into our ears, that men, not Papists, we say, but chief
' Jacques Lusgerie, who had been Mary's physician in France. Again the chronology
is somewhat confused. After the autumn of 1 563 it was noticed that Mary was occasionally
greatly depressed and wept without apparent cause ; in December she took to her bed
and complained of a pain in her right side. But Lusgerie does not seem to have left Paris
until the end of April 1564, remaining in Scotland until March 1565. (Hay Fleming,
Mary Queen of Scots, 93, 94, 321, note 40)
'^ Mary left Edinburgh for her second northern progress on 22 July 1564, and was back
in Edinburgh on 15 September. (Hay Fleming, op. cit., 96, 529)
' George, fourth Earl of Caithness * William, fourth Earl Marischal
' John Knox
I06 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Protestants, will defend the Mass to be no Idolatry. If so were, O
Lord, miserably have I been deceived, and miserably, alas, O Lord,
have I deceived thy people ; which thou knowest, O Lord, I have
ever more abhorred than a thousand deaths. But," said he, turning
his face towards the rowme ^ where such men as so had affirmed,
sat, " If I be not able to prove the Mass to be the most abominable
Idolatry that ever was used since the beginning of the World, I offer
myself to suffer the punishment appointed by God to a false teacher ;
and it appears unto me," said the preacher, " that the affirmers
should be subject to the same law : for it is the truth of God that
ye persecute and blaspheme ; and it is the invention of the Devil,
that obstinately against his Word, ye maintain. Whereat, albeit
ye now flirt ^ and ye flyre,^ as [though] that all [that] were spoken
were but wind, yet am I [as] assured, as I am assured that my God
liveth, that some that hear this your defection and railing against
the truth and servants of God, shall see a part of God's judgments
Lething- poured forth upon this Realm (and principally upon you that fastest
counte- cleaves to the favour of the Court), for the abominations that are
nance at ^y y^^ maintained." Albeit that such vehemency provoked tears
threaten- of somc, yet thosc men that knew themselves guilty, in a mocking
trfachers^ manner said, " We must recant, and burn our bill ; for the Preachers
Let the ^'^ ^"g^y-"
world The General Assembly, held in June 1564, approached, unto the
'whether which [a] great part of the Nobility, of those that are called Prot-
this has estants, convened ; some for assistance of the ministers, and some to
pass or accuse them, as we will after hear.
not, and ^ little before the troubles which Sathan raised in the body
fallen out of the Kirk, began Davie * to grow great in Court.^ The Queen
used him for Secretary in things that appertained to her secret affairs,
in France ^ or elsewhere. Great men made> court unto him, and
This was their suits were the better heard. But of the beginning and progress,
bv this ^c delay now further to speak, because his end will require the
author ' description of the whole.
' place * scoff ' ridicule * David Riccio
' Cf. Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 476. See also infra, 141 (marginal note). A year later,
Randolph, writing to Leicester on 3 June 1565, says that David " now works all ; chief
secretary to the Queen, and only governor to her good man ... his pride is intolerable,
his words not to be borne" {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 191). See also Laing's
Knox, ii, 595-598 ; and Hay Fleming, Afarj Queen of Scots, 120-129 ^^^ supporting notes.
° Randolph, writing to Cecil early in March 1565, reports that Riccio has become
Mary's Secretary for French affairs, having displaced Raulet (Calendar of Scottish Papers,
ii. No. 153. See also ibid., No. 124).
' This note is in the hand of the text. In later manuscripts there is the further note,
•' And refers it unto such as God shall raise up to do the same ".
since that
time
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND IO7
The first day of the General Assembly, the Courtiers nor the
Lords that depended upon the Court presented not themselves in the
session with their Brethren. Whereat many wondering, an ancient
and honorable man, the Laird of Lundie,^ said, " Nay, I wonder
not of their present absence ; but I wonder that at our last Assembly
they drew themselves apart, and joined not with us, but drew from
us some of our ministers, and willed them to conclude such things as
were never proponed in the public Assembly [which appears to me to
be a thing], very prejudicial to the liberty of the Kirk. And, therefore,
my judgment is, that they shall be informed of this offence, which
the whole Brethren have conceived of their former fault ; humbly
requiring them, that if they be Brethren, they will assist their Brethren
with their presence and counsel, for we had never greater need.
And if they be minded to fall back from us, it were better we knew it
now than afterwards." Thereto agreed the whole Assembly, and
gave commission to certain Brethren to signify the minds of the
Assembly to the Lords ; which was done that same day after noon.^
The Courtiers at first seemed not a little offended that they
should be as it were suspected of defection : yet, nevertheless, upon
the morrow, they joined with the Assembly, and came into it. But
they drew themselves, like as they did before, apart, and entered the
Inner Council-house. There was the Duke's Grace, the Earls Argyll,
Moray, Morton, Glencairn, Marischal, Rothes ; the Master of
Maxwell, Secretary Lethington, the Justice-Clerk, the Clerk of
Register, and the Comptroller, the Laird of Pittarrow.
After a little consultation they directed a messenger, Mr. George
Hay, then called the Minister of the Court, ^ requiring the Super-
intendents, and some of the learned ministers, to confer with them.
The Assembly answered, " That they convened to deliberate upon
the common affairs of the Kirk ; and, therefore, that they could not
lack their Superintendents and chief ministers, whose judgments
were so necessary that without them the rest should sit as it were
idle ; and therefore willing them (as of before) that if they acknow-
^ Walter Lundie of that Ilk. Randolph also speaks of him as " a grave, ancient man,
white head and white beard." {Calendar qf Scottish Papers, ii, No. 159)
^ According to Caldcrwood, " The Laird of Lundie and the Superintendent of Lothian
were appointed to request the Lords of Secret Council to assist the Assembly with their
presence and counsel " on 26 June 1564. {Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 46)
' He was minister of Eddleston ; Commissioner of the Diocese of Aberdeen and
Banff; minister of Ruthven. In Calderwood's account of the proceedings of the General
Assembly, 30 December 1563, he is called "minister to the privie counsell." {Booke of
the Universall Kirk, i, 42)
(653) VOL n 8
I08 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
ledge themselves members of the Kirk, that they would join with the
Brethren, and propone in public such things as they pleased ; and
so they should have the assistance of the whole in all things that
might stand to God's commandment. But to send from themselves
a portion of their company, they understood that thereof hurt and
slander might arise, rather than any profit or comfort to the Kirk :
for they feared that all men should not stand content with the con-
clusion, where the conference and reasons were heard but of a few,"
This answer was not given without cause ; for no small travail
was made to have drawn some ministers to the faction of the Cour-
tiers, and to have sustained their arguments and opinions. But
when it was perceived by the most politic amongst them, that they
could not prevail by that means, they proponed the matter in other
terms, purging themselves, first, that they never meant to divide
themselves from the society of their brethren ; but, because they had
certain heads to confer with certain ministers, therefore, for avoiding
of confusion, they thought it more expedient to have the conference
before a few, rather than in the public audience. But the Assembly
did still reply, " That secret conference would they not admit in
those heads that should be concluded by general vote." The Lords
promised, " That no conclusion should be taken, neither yet vote
required, till that both the propositions and the reasons should be
heard and considered of the whole body." And upon that condition
were directed unto them, with expressed charge to conclude nothing
without the knowledge and advice of the Assembly, the Laird of
Dun, Superintendent of Angus, ^ the Superintendents of Lothian ^
and Fife, 3 Mr. John Row, Mr. John Craig, WiUiam Christison, Mr.
David Lindsay, ministers, with the Rector of Saint Andrews,^ and
Mr. George Hay ; the Superintendent of Glasgow, Mr. John Willock,
was Moderator, and John Knox waited upon the Scribe. And so
they were appointed to sit with the Brethren. And that because
the principal complaint touched John Knox, he was also called for.
Lething- Secretary Lethington began the harangue, which contained these
taran ue hcads : First, How much we were addebted unto God, by whose
at the providence we had liberty of religion under the Queen's Majesty,
in June'' albeit that she was not persuaded in the same : Secondly, How
1564 necessary a thing it was that the Queen's Majesty, by all good ofhces
(so spake he), of the Kirk, and of the ministers principally, should be
retained in that constant opinion, that they unfeignedly favoured her
* John Erskine of Dun " John Spottiswoode " John Winram
* John Douglas, Rector of the University of St. Andrews
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND lOg
advancement, and procured her subjects to have a good opinion of
her : And, last. How dangerous a thing it was, that ministers should
be noted one to disagree from another, in form of prayer for her
Majesty, or in doctrine concerning obedience to her Majesty's
authority : " And in these two last heads (said he), we desire you
all to be circumspect ; but especially we must crave of you our
brother, John Knox, to moderate yourself, as well in form of praying
for the Queen's Majesty, as in doctrine that ye propone touching her
estate and obedience. Neither shall ye take this (said he), as spoken
to your reproach, quia mens interdum in corpore pulchro, but because that
others, by your example, may imitate the like liberty, albeit not
with the same modesty and foresight ; and what opinion may
ingather in the people's heads, wise men do foresee."
The said John prepared him for answer, as follows : " If such as
fear God have occasion to praise him, that because that idolatry is
maintained, the servants of God despised, wicked men placed again
in honour and authority (Mr. Henry Sinclair was of short time before
made President, who before durst not have sat in judgment ^) ; and,
finally (said he), if we ought to praise God because that vice and
impiety overfloweth this whole Realm without punishment, then
have we occasion to rejoice and to praise God : But if those and the
hke used to provoke God's vengeance against realms and nations,
then, in my judgment, the godly within Scotland ought to lament
and mourn, and so to prevent ^ God's judgments, lest that He,
finding all in a like security, strike in his hot indignation, beginning
[perchance] at such as think they ofTend not."
" That is one head," said Lethington, " whereinto ye and I
never agreed ; for how are ye able to prove that ever God stroke or
plagued a nation or people for the iniquity of their Prince, if that
[they] themselves lived godly ? "
" I looked," said he, " my Lord, to have audience, till that I
had absolved the other two parts ; but seeing it pleases your Lord-
ship to cut me ofT before the midst, I will answer to your question.
The Scripture of God teaches me that Jerusalem and Judah were
punished for the sin of Manasseh ; and if ye will allege that they
were punished because that they were wicked, and offended with
their King, and not because their King was wicked, I answer, that
albeit the Spirit of God makes for me, saying in expressed words,
' Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, succeeded Robert Reid, Bishop of Orkney, as
President of the Court of Session. The exact date of his appointment cannot be traced,
but it was probably early in 1559. No love was lost between the President and John
Knox. {Cf. supra, 90) ^ act in anticipation of
no THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
* For the sin of Manasseh,' yet will I not be so obstinate as to lay the
whole sin, and plagues that thereof followed, upon the King, and
utterly absolve the people ; but I will grant with you, that the whole
people offended with the King : but how, and in what fashion, I
fear that ye and I shall not agree. I doubt not but the great multi-
tude accompanied him in all abominations which he did ; for
idolatry and a false religion hath ever been, is, and will be pleasing
to the most part of men. But to affirm that all Judah committed
really the acts of his impiety, is but to affirm that which neither has
certainty, nor yet appearance of a truth : for who can think it to
be possible that all those of Jerusalem should so shortly turn to
external idolatry, considering the notable reformation lately before
had in the days of Hezekiah ? But yet, says the text, ' Manasseh
made Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem to err.' True it is ;
for the one part, as I have said, willingly followed him in his idolatry,
and the other, by reason of his authority, suffered him to defile
Jerusalem, and the temple of God, with all abominations, and so
were they all criminal for his sin ; the one by act and deed, the other
by suffering and permission : even as all Scotland is guilty this day of
the Queen's idolatry, and ye, my Lords, especially above all others."
" Well," said Lethington, " that is the chief head wherein we
never agreed ; but of that we shall speak hereafter. What will ye
say as touching the moving of the people to have a good opinion of
the Queen's Majesty, and as concerning obedience to be given to
her authority, as also of the form of the prayer which commonly ye
use, "&c.
" My Lord," said he, " more earnestly to move the people, or
yet otherwise to pray than heretofore I have done, a good conscience
will not suffer me ; for He who knows the secret of hearts, knows
that privily and publicly I have called to God for her conversion,
and have willed the people to do the same, showing them the danger-
ous estate wherein not only she herself stands, but also the whole
Realm, by the reason of her indurate bhndness," &c.
" That is it," said Lethington, " wherein we find greatest fault.
Your extremity against her Mass, in particular, passes measure.
Ye call her a slave to Sathan ; ye affirm that God's vengeance hangs
over the Realm, by reason of her impiety ; and what is this else
but to rouse up the hearts of the people against her Majesty, and
against them that serve her."
There was heard an exclamation of the rest of the flatterers, that
such extremity could not profit. The Master of Maxwell said in
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND I I I
plain words, " If I were in the Queen's Majesty's place, I would not ^^^^^^Z
suffer such things as I hear." Maxwell's
" If the words of preachers," said John Knox, " shall always be f^^f^g
reft to the worst part,^ then will it be hard to speak anything so Assembly
circumspectly, provided that the truth be spoken, which shall not
escape the censure of the calumniator. The most vehement and, as 3j^",
1 • r IT • i-T • 1 • c /^ Knox s
ye speak, excessive manner of prayer that 1 use in public is this, CJ prayer for
Lord, if thy pleasure be, purge the heart of the Queen's Majesty '^^^^^
from the venom of idolatry, and deliver her from the bondage and
thraldom of Sathan, in the which she has been brought up, and yet
remains, for the lack of true doctrine ; and let her see, by the illumi-
nation of thy Holy Spirit, that there is no means to please Thee but
by Jesus Christ thy only Son, and that Jesus Christ cannot be found
but in thy holy word, nor yet received but as it prescribes ; which is,
to renounce our own wits and preconceived opinion, and worship
Thee as Thou commands ; that in so doing she may avoid that eternal
damnation which abides all [them that are] obstinate and impenitent
unto the end ; and that this poor Realm may also escape that plague
and vengeance which inevitably follows idolatry, maintained against
thy manifest word and the open light thereof This (said he), is the
form of my common prayer, ^ as yourselves can witness. Now, what
is worthy [of] reprehension in it I would hear ? "
" There are three things," said Lethington, " that never liked
unto me. And the first is, Ye pray for the Queen's Majesty with a
condition saying, ' Illuminate her heart, if thy good pleasure be ' ;
whereby it may appear that ye doubt of her conversion. Where
have ye the example of such prayer ? "
" Wheresoever the examples are," said the other, " I am assured
of the rule, which is this, ' If we shall ask anything according to his
will, he shall hear us ' ; and our Master, Christ Jesus, commanded
us to pray unto our Father, ' Thy will be done.' "
" But," said Lethington, " where ever find ye any of the Prophets
so to have prayed ? "
" It sufficeth me," said the other, " my Lord, that the Master
and teacher of both Prophets and Apostles has taught me so to
pray."
* That is, twisted to the worst interpretation
' As early as 24 October 1561, Randolph, writing to Cecil, had reported Knox's
daily prayer for the Queen " that God will turn her obstinate heart against God and his
truth, or if his holy will be otherwise, to strengthen the heart and hand of his chosen
and elect, stoutly to withstand the rage of all tyrants, etc., in words terrible enough."
{Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1035)
I 1 2 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
" But in so doing," said he, " ye put a doubt in the people's head
of her conversion."
" Not I, my Lord," said the other, " but her own obstinate
rebelHon causes more than me to doubt of her conversion."
" Whereinto," said he, " rebels she against God ? "
"In all the actions of her life," said he, " but in these two heads
especially ; former, That she will not hear the preaching of the
blessed evangel of Jesus Christ ; and secondly, That she maintains
that idol, the Mass."
" She thinks not that rebellion," said Lethington, " but good
religion."
" So thought they," said the other, " that sometimes offered their
children unto Moloch, and yet the Spirit of God affirms that they
offered them unto devils, and not unto God. And this day the
Turks think to have a better religion than the Papists have ; and yet,
I think, ye will excuse neither of them both from committing rebelhon
against God : neither yet justly can ye do the Queen, unless that ye
will make God to be partial."
" But yet," said Lethington, " why pray ye not for her without
moving any doubt ? "
" Because," said the other, " I have learned to pray in faith.
Now faith, ye know, depends upon the words of God, and so it is
that the word teaches me that prayers profit the sons and daughters
of God's election, of which number, whether she be one or not, I have
just cause to doubt ; and, therefore, I pray God ' illuminate her
heart, if his good pleasure be.' "
" But yet," said Lethington, " ye can produce the example of
none that so has prayed before you."
" Thereto I have already answered," said John Knox ; " but
yet for further declaration, I will demand a^question, which is this.
Whether if ye think that the Apostles prayed themselves as they
commanded others to pray."
" Who doubts of that ? " said the whole company that were
present.
" Well then," said John Knox, " I am assured that Peter said
these words to Simon Magus, ' Repent therefore of this thy wicked-
ness, and pray to God, that if it be possible the thought of your heart
may be forgiven thee.' Here we may clearly see that Peter joins
a condition with his commandment. That Simon should repent and
pray, to wit, if it were possible that his sin might be forgiven ; for
he was not ignorant that some sins were unto the death, and so with-
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND II 3
out all hope of repentance or remission. And think ye not, my Lord
Secretaiy (said he), but the same doubt may touch my heart, as
touching the Queen's conversion, that then touched the heart of the
Apostle ? "
" I would never," said Lethington, " hear you or any other call
that in doubt."
" But your will," said the other, " is no assurance to my con-
science : And to speak freely, my Lord, I wonder if ye yourself
doubt not of the Queen's conversion ; for more evident signs of
induration have appeared, and still do appear in her, than Peter
outwardly could have espied in Simon Magus. For albeit sometimes
he was a sorcerer, yet joined he with the Apostles, believed, and was
baptised ; and albeit that the venom of avarice reinained in his
heart, and that he would have bought the Holy Ghost, yet when he
heard the fearful threatenings of God pronounced against him, he
trembled, desired the assistance of the prayers of the Apostles, and
so humbled himself, so far as the judgment of man could perceive,
like a true penitent, and yet we see that Peter doubts of his conversion.
Why then may not all the godly justly doubt of the conversion of
the Queen, who has used idolatry which is no less odious in the sight
of God than is the other, and still continues in the same, yea, that
despises all threatenings, and refuses all godly admonitions ? "
" Why say ye that she refuses admonition ? " said Lethington.
" She will gladly hear any man."
" But what obedience," said the other, " to God or to his word,
ensues of all that is spoken unto her ? Or when shall she be seen to
give her presence to the public preaching ? "
" I think never," said Lethington, " so long as she is thus
entreated."
" And so long," said the other, " ye and all others must be
content that I pray so as I may be assured to be heard of my God,
that his good will may be done, either in making her comfortable
to his Kirk, or if that he has appointed her to be a scourge to the
same, that we may have patience, and she may be bridled."
" Well," said Lethington, " let us come to the Second Head.
Where find ye that the Scripture calls any the bound slaves to Sathan,
or that the Prophets of God speak so irreverently of kings and
princes ? "
" The Scripture," said John Knox, " says, that ' by nature we
are all the sons of wrath.' Our Master, Christ Jesus, affirms, ' that
such as do sin are servants to sin,' and that it is the only Son of God
114 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
that sets men at freedom. Now what difference there is betwix the
sons of wrath and the servants of sin, and the slaves to the devil, I
understand not, except I be taught ; and if the sharpness of the term
offended you, I have not invented that phrase of speech, but have
learned it out of God's Scripture, for those words I find spoken unto
Ads 26 Paul, ' Behold, I send thee to the Gentiles, to open their eyes, that
they may turn from darkness to light, and from the power of Sathan
unto God.' Mark these words, my Lord, and sture not at ^ the
speaking of the Holy Ghost. And the same Apostle writing to his
2 Tim 2 scholar Timothy, says, ' Instruct with meekness those that are
contrary minded, if that God at any time will give them repentance,
that they may know the truth, and that they may come to amend-
ment, out of the snare of the Devil, which are taken of him at his
will.' If your Lordship rightly consider these sentences, ye shall
not only find my words to be the words of the Holy Ghost, but also
the conditions which I [am in] use to add, to have the assurance of
God's Scriptures."
" But they spake nothing against kings in special," said Lething-
ton, " and yet your continual crying is, ' The Queen's idolatry, the
Queen's Mass, will provoke God's vengeance.' "
" In the former sentences," said the other, " I hear not kings
and queens excepted, but all unfaithful are pronounced to stand in
one rank, and to be in bondage to one tyrant, the Devil. But belike,
my Lord, ye little regard the estate wherein they stand, when ye
would have them so flattered, that the danger therefor should neither
be known, neither yet declared to the poor people."
" Where will ye find," said Lethington, " that any of the Prophets
did so entreat kings and queens, rulers or magistrates ? "
" In more places than one," said the other. " Ahab was a King,
and Jezebel was a Queen, and yet what the 'Prophet Elijah said to
the one and to the other, I suppose ye be not ignorant ? "
" That was not cried out before the people," said Lethington,
" to make them odious unto their subjects."
" That Elijah said, ' Dogs shall hck the blood of Ahab,' " said
John Knox, " ' and eat the flesh of Jezebel,' the Scriptures assure
me ; but that it was whispered in their own ear, or in a corner,
I read not. But the plain contrary appears to me, which is, that both
the people and the Court understood well enough what the Prophet
had promised ; for so witnesseth Jehu, after that God's vengeance
had stricken Jezebel."
1 be not discontented with
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND II5
" They were singular motions of the Spirit of God," said Lething-
ton, " and appertain nothing to this our age."
" Then has the Scripture far deceived me," said the other ;
*' for Saint Paul teaches me, that ' Whatsoever is written within
the Holy Scriptures, the same is written for our instruction.' And
my Master said, that ' Every learned and wise scribe brings forth
his treasure, both things old and things new.' And the Prophet
Jeremiah affirms, that ' Every realm and every city that likewise
offends as then did Jerusalem, should likewise be punished.' Why
then the facts of the ancient Prophets, and the fearful judgments of
God executed before us upon the disobedient, appertain not unto this
our age, I neither see nor yet can understand. But now, to put end
to this head, my Lord (said he), the Prophets of God have not spared
to rebuke wicked kings, as well in their face as before the people and
subjects. Elisha feared not to say to Kingjehoram, 'What have I
to do with thee ? Get thee to the Prophets of thy father, and to the
Prophets of thy mother ; for as the Lord of Hosts lives, in whose
sight I stand, if it were not that I regard the presence of Jehosaphat,
the King of Judah, I would not have looked toward thee, nor seen
thee.' Plain it is, that the Prophet was a subject in the kingdom of
Israel, and yet how little reverence he gives to the King, we hear.
Jeremiah the Prophet was commanded to cry to the King and to the
Queen, and to say, ' Behave yourselves lowly ; execute justice and
judgment ; or else your carcasses shall be cast to the heat of the day,
and unto the frost of the night.' Unto Coniah, Shall um and
Zedekiah, he speaks in special, and shows unto them in his public
sermons their miserable ends ; and therefore ye ought not to think
it strange, my Lord (said he), that the servants of God mark the vice
of kings and queens, even as well as of other offenders, and that
because their sins be more noisome to the Commonwealth than are
the sins of inferior persons."
The most part of this reasoning, Secretary Lethington leaned
upon the Master of Maxwell's breast, who said, " I am almost
weary : I would that some other would reason in the chief head,
which is not touched."
Then the Earl of Morton, Chancellor,^ commanded Mr. George
Hay to reason against John Knox, in the head of Obedience due unto
Magistrates ; who began so to do. Unto whom John Knox said,
" Brother, that ye shall reason in my contrary I am well content,
^ James, fourth Earl of Morton. He appears as Chancellor in January 1563. {Register
Privy Council 0/ Scotland, i, 228)
I 1 6 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
because I know you both a man of learning and of modesty : but
that ye shall oppose yourself in the truth whereof, I suppose, your
own conscience is no less persuaded than is mine, I cannot well
approve ; for I would be sorry that I and ye should be reputed to
reason as two scholars of Pythagoras, to show the quickness of our
engine,^ as it were to reason on both the parts. I protest here before
God, that whatsoever I sustain, I do the same of conscience ; yea,
I dare no more sustain a proposition known unto myself untrue, than
that I dare teach false doctrine in the public place. And therefore
Brother, if conscience move you to oppose yourself to that doctrine,
which ye have heard of my mouth in that matter, do it boldly : it
shall never offend me. But that ye shall be found to oppose yourself
unto me, ye being persuaded in the same truth, I say yet again, it
pleases me not ; for therein may be greater inconvenience than
either ye or I do consider for the present."
The said Mr. George answered, " That I would oppose myself
unto you as willing to impugn or confute that head of doctrine
which not only ye, but many others, yea, and I myself have affirmed,
far be it from me ; for so should I be found contrarious to myself.
For my Lord Secretary knows my judgment in that head."
" Marry ! " said the Secretary, " ye are well the worst of the two ;
for I remember well your reasoning when the Queen was in Carrick."
" Well," said John Knox, " seeing, Brother, that God has made
you to occupy the chair of verity, wherein, I am sure, we will agree
in all principal heads of doctrine, let it never be said that we dis-
agree in disputation." John Knox was moved thus to speak, because
he understood more of the craft than the other did.
" Well," said Lethington, " I am somewhat better provided in
this last head than I was in the other two. Mr. Knox (said he),
yesterday ^ we heard your judgment upon the. 13th [chapter of the
Epistle] to the Romans ; we heard the mind of the Apostle well
opened ; we heard the causes why God has established Powers
upon the earth ; we heard the necessity that mankind has of the same ;
and we heard the duty of Magistrates sufficiently declared. But
in two things I was offended, and I think some more of my Lords
that then were present. The one was, ye made difference betwix
the ordinance of God and the persons that were placed in authority ;
and ye affirmed that men might refuse ^ the persons and yet not offend
• genius
" Probably the "exhortation and prayer" of 25 June 1564. [Bookeofthe Uiiiversall Kirk,
i, 46) " ? lege resist
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND I I "]
against God's ordinance. This is the one ; the other ye had no time
to explain ; but this, methought, ye meant, that subjects were not
bound to obey their princes if they commanded unlawful things ;
but that they might resist their princes, and were not ever bound to
suffer."
" In very deed," said the other, " ye have rightly both marked
my words, and understood my mind ; for of that same judgment
I have long been, and so yet I remain."
" How will ye prove your division and difference," said Lething-
ton, " and that the person placed in authority may be resisted, and
God's ordinance not transgressed, seeing that the Apostle says, ' He
that resists [the power], resisteth the ordinance of God.' "
" My Lord," said he, " the plain words of the Apostle make
the difference ; and the facts ^ of many approved by God prove my
affirmative. First, The Apostle affirms, that the powers are ordained
of God, for the preservation of quiet and peaceable men, and for
the punishment of malefactors ; whereof it is plain, That the ordi-
nance of God, and the power given unto man, is one thing, and the
person clad with the power or with the authority, is another ; for
God's ordinance is the conservation of mankind, the punishment of
vice, the maintaining of virtue, which is in itself holy, just, constant,
stable, and perpetual. But men clad with the authority, are com-
monly profane and unjust ; yea, they are mutable and transitory, and
subject to corruption, as God threateneth them by his Prophet David,
saying, ' I have said. Ye are gods, and every one of you the sons of
the Most Highest ; but ye shall die as men, and the Princes shall fall
like others.' Here I am assured, that persons, the soul and body of
wicked princes, are threatened with death. I think that such ye will
not affirm is the authority, the ordinance and the power, wherewith
God has endued such persons ; for as I have said, as it is holy, so it is
the permanent will of God. And now, my Lord, that the Prince may
be resisted, and yet the ordinance of God not violated, it is evident ;
for the people resisted Saul, when he had sworn by the living God
that Jonathan should die. The people (I say), swore in the contrary,
and delivered Jonathan, so that one hair of his head fell not. Now,
Saul was the anointed King, and they were his subjects, and yet they
so resisted him that they made him no better than mansworn."
" I doubt," said Lethington, " if in so doing the people did
well."
" The Spirit of God," said the other, " accuses them not of any
' deeds ; actions
Il8 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
crime, but rather praises them, and damns the King, as well for his
foolish vow and law made without God, as for his cruel mind that
so severely would have punished an innocent man. But herein I
shall not stand : this that follows shall confirm the former. This
same Saul commanded Ahimelech and the Priests of the Lord to
be slain, because they had committed treason, as he alleged, for inter-
communing with David, His guard and principal servants would
not obey his unjust commandment ; but Doeg the flatterer put the
King's cruelty to execution. I will not ask your judgment, Whether
that the servants of the King, in not obeying his commandment, re-
sisted God or not ? Or whether Doeg, in murdering the Priests, gave
obedience to a just authority ? For I have the Spirit of God, speaking
by the mouth of David, to assure me of the one as well as of the other ;
for he, in his 52nd Psalm, damns that fact as a most cruel murder,
and affirms that God would punish, not only the commander, but
the merciless executor. And therefore, I conclude, that they who
gainstood his commandment, resisted not the ordinance of God,
" And now, my Lord, to answer to the place of the Apostle who
affirms, ' That such as resists the power, resists the ordinance of God ' ;
I say, that the power in that place is not to be understood of the
unjust commandment of men, but of the just power wherewith God
has armed his Magistrates and Lieutenants to punish sin and main-
tain virtue. As if any man should enterprise to take from the
hands of a lawful judge a murderer, an adulterer, or any other male-
factor that by God's law deserved death, this same man resisted
God's ordinance, and procured to himself vengeance and damna-
tion, because that he stayed God's sword to strike. But so it is not,
if that men in the fear of God oppose themselves to the fury and
blind rage of princes ; for so they resist not God, but the Devil, who
abuses the sword and authority of God." '
" I understand sufficiently," said Lethington, " what ye mean ;
and to the one part I will not oppose myself. But I doubt of the other.
For if the Queen would command me [to] slay John Knox, because
she is offended at him, I would not obey her. But, and she would
command others to do it, or yet by a colour of justice take his life
from him, I cannot tell if I [would] be found to defend him against
the Queen and against her officers,"
" Under protestation," said the other, " that the auditure ^
think not that I seek favours to myself, I say, my Lord, that if ye be
persuaded of my innocence, and if God has given unto you such a
' audience
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND II 9
power and credit as might deliver me, and yet suffered me to perish,
that in so doing ye should be criminal and guilty of my blood."
" Prove that, and win the play," said Lethington.
" Well, my Lord," said the other, " remember your promise,
and I shall be short of my probation. The Prophet Jeremiah was
apprehended by Priests and Prophets (who were a part of the
authority within Jerusalem), and by the multitude of the people,
and this sentence was pronounced against him, ' Thou shalt die the
death ; for thou hast said, This house shall be like Shiloh, and this
city shall be desolate without an habitant,' The Princes hearing the
uproar, came from the King's house and sat down in judgment in the
entry of the new gate of the Lord's house, and there the Priests and
the Prophets before the Princes, and before all the people, intended ^
their accusation in these words, ' This man is worthy to die, for he
has prophesied against this city, as your ears have heard.' Jeremiah
answered, ' That whatsoever he had spoken proceeded from God ;
and therefore (said he), as for me, I am in your hands : do with me
as ye think good and right : But know ye for certain, that if ye put
me to death, ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon your souls,
and upon this city, and upon the habitations thereof ; for of truth,
the Lord has sent me unto you, to speak all these words.' Now, my
Lord, if the Princes and the whole people should have been guilty
of the Prophet's blood, how shall ye or others be judged innocent
before God, if ye shall suffer the blood of such as have not deserved
death to be shed, when that ye may save it ? "
" The cases are nothing like," said Lethington.
" And I would learn," said the other, " wherein the dissimilitude
stands."
" First," said Lethington, " the King had not condemned him
to the death. And next, the false Prophets and the Priests and the
people accused him without a cause, and therefore they could not
but be guilty of his blood."
" Neither of these," said John Knox, " fights against my argu-
ment ; for albeit the King was neither present, nor yet had con-
demned him, yet were the Princes and chief Councillors there sitting
in judgment, who represented the King's person and authority,
hearing the accusation laid unto the charge of the Prophet ; and
therefore he forewarns them of the danger, as before I said, to wit,
that in case he should be condemned, and so put to death, that the
King, the Council, and the whole city of Jersualem, should be guilty
* directed
120 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
of his blood, because he had committed no crime worthy of death.
And if ye think that they should have been all criminal only because
that they all accused him, the plain text witnesses the contrary ; for
the Princes defended him, and so no doubt did a great part of the
people ; and yet he boldly affirms, that they should be all guilty
of his blood if that he should be put to death. And the prophet
Ezekiel gives the reason why all are guilty of a common corruption,
' Because,' says he, ' I sought one man amongst them that should
make up the hedge, and stand in the gap before me for the land, that
I should not destroy it, but I found none ; therefore, have I poured
my indignation upon them.' Hereof, my Lord (said he), it is plain,
that God craves not only that a man do no iniquity in his own
person, but also that he oppose himself to all iniquity, so far forth
as into him lies."
" Then will ye," said Lethington, " make subjects to control their
princes and rulers ? "
" And what harm," said the other, " should the common-
wealth receive, if that the corrupt affections of ignorant rulers were
moderated, and so bridled by the wisdom and discretion of godly
subjects, that they should do wrong nor violence to no man ? "
" All this reasoning," said Lethington, " is not of the purpose ;
for we reason as if the Queen should become such an enemy to our
religion, that she should persecute it, and put innocent men to death ;
which I am assured she never thought, nor never will do. For if
I should see her begin at that end, yea, if I should suspect any such
thing in her, I should be as far forward in that argument as ye or any
other within this Realm. But there is not such a thing. Our
question is. Whether that we may and ought to suppress the Qjueen's
Mass ? Or whether her idolatry shall be laid to our charge ? "
" What ye may [do]," said the other, " by force, I dispute not ;
but what ye may and ought to do by God's express commandment,
that I can tell. Idolatry ought not only to be suppressed, but the
idolater ought to die the death, unless that we will accuse God."
" I know," said Lethington, " the idolater is commanded to die
the death ; but by whom ? "
" By the people of God," said the other ; " for the commandment
was given to Israel, as ye may read, ' Hear, Israel,' says the Lord,
' the statutes and the ordinances of the Lord thy God,' &c. Yea,
a commandment was given, That if it be heard that idolatry is
committed in any one city, inquisition shall be taken ; and if it
be found true, that then the whole body of the people shall
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 121
arise and destroy that city, sparing in it neither man, woman, nor
child."
" But there is no commandment given to the people," said the
Secretary, " to punish their King if he be an idolater."
" I find no more privilege granted unto kings," said the other,
" by God, more than unto the people, to offend God's majesty."
" I grant," said Lethington ; " but yet the people may not be
judges unto their King to punish him, albeit he be an idolater."
" God," said the other, " is the Universal Judge, as well unto
the King as to the people ; so that what his word commands to be
punished in the one, is not to be absolved in the other."
" We agree in that," said Lethington ; " but the people may not
execute God's judgment, but must leave it unto Himself, who will
either punish it by death, by war, by imprisonment, or by some other
plagues."
" I know the last part of your reason," said John Knox, " to be
true ; but for the first, to wit, that the people, yea, or a part of the
people may not execute God's judgments against their King, being
an oflfender, I am assured ye have no other warrant except your own
imagination, and the opinion of such as more fear to offend princes
than God."
" Why say ye so ? " said Lethington, " I have the judgments
of the most famous men within Europe, and of such as ye yourself
will confess both godly and learned."
And with that he called for his papers, which produced by Mr.
Robert Maitland, he began to read with great gravity the judgments
of Luther, Melanchthon, [and] the minds of Bucer, Musculus,i
and Calvin, how Christians should behave themselves in time of
persecution ; yea, the Book of Baruch ^ was not omitted with this
conclusion. " The gathering of these things," said he, " has cost
more travail than I took these seven years in reading of any com-
mentaries."
" The more pity," said the other, " and yet, what ye have profited
your own cause, let others judge. But as for my argument, I am
assured, ye have infirmed it nothing ; for your first two witnesses
speak against the Anabaptists, who deny that Christians should be
subject to magistrates, or yet that [it] is lawful for a Christian to be
a magistrate ; which opinion I no less abhor than ye do, or any other
that fives do. The others speak of Christians, subject unto tyrants
and infidels, so dispersed that they have no other force but only to
' Andreas Musculus, the German divine 2 in the Apocrypha
122 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
sob to God for deliverance. That such indeed should hazard any
further than these godly men will them, I cannot hastily be of
counsel. But my argument has another ground ; for I speak of the
people assembled together in one body of a Commonwealth, unto
whom God has given sufficient force, not only to resist, but also to
suppress all kind of open idolatry : and such a people yet again I
affirm, are bound to keep their land clean and unpolluted. And that
this my division shall not appear strange unto you, ye shall under-
stand that God required one thing of Abraham and of his seed when
he and they were strangers and pilgrims in Egypt and Canaan ;
and another thing required he of them when they were delivered
from the bondage of Egypt, and the possession of the land of Canaan
[was] granted unto them. At the first, and during all the time of
their bondage, God craved no more but that Abraham should not
defile himself with idolatry. Neither was he, nor yet his posterity
commanded to destroy the idols that were in Canaan or in Egypt.
But when God gave unto them the possession of the land, he gave unto
them this strait commandment, ' Beware that you make league or
confederacy with the inhabitants of this land : give not thy sons
unto their daughters, nor yet give thy daughters unto their sons.
But this shall ye do unto them, cut down their groves, destroy their
images, break down their altars, and leave tliou no kind of re-
membrance of those abominations which the inhabitants of the land
used before : for thou art an holy people unto the Lord thy God.
Defile not thyself, therefore, with their gods.'
" To this same commandment, I say, are ye, my Lords, and all
such as have professed the Lord Jesus within this Realm bound.
For God has wrought no less miracle upon you, both spiritual and
corporal, than he did unto the carnal seed of Abraham. For in what
estate your bodies and this poor Realm were, within these seven years,
yourselves cannot be ignorant. You and it were both in bondage
of a strange nation ; and what tyrants rang ^ over your conscience,
God perchance may let you feel, because that ye do not rightly
acknowledge the benefit received. When our poor Brethren before
us gave their bodies to the flames of fire, for the testimony of the
truth, and when scarcely could ten be found into a country, that
rightly knew God, it had been foolishness to have craved either ol
the Nobility, or of the mean subjects, the suppressing of idolatry ;
for that had been nothing but to have exposed the simple sheep in
a prey to the wolves. But since that God has multiplied knowledge,
* reigned
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 123
yea, and has given the victory to his truth, even in the hands of his
servants, if ye suffer the land again to be defiled, ye and your Princess
shall both drink the cup of God's indignation, she for her obstinate
abiding in manifest idolatry in this great hght of the Evangel of Jesus
Christ, and ye for your permission and maintaining her in the same."
Lethington said, " In that point we will never agree ; and where
find ye, I pray you, that ever any of the Prophets or of the Apostles
taught such a doctrine that the people should be plagued for the
idolatry of the Prince ; or yet, that the subjects might suppress the
idolatry of their rulers, or punish them for the same ? "
" What was the commission given to the Apostles," said he,
" my Lord, we know : it was to preach and plant the Evangel of
Jesus Christ, where darkness afore had dominion ; and therefore
it behoved them, first to let them see the light before that they should
will them to put to their hands to suppress idolatry. What precepts
the Apostles gave unto the faithful in particular, other than that they
commanded all to flee from idolatry, I will not affirm : But I find
two things which the faithful did ; the one was, they assisted their
preachers, even against the rulers and magistrates ; the other was,
they suppressed idolatry wheresoever God gave unto them force,
asking no leave at the Emperor, nor of his deputes. Read the ecclesi-
astical history, and ye shall find example sufficient. And as to the
doctrine of the Prophets, we know they were interpreters of the law
of God ; and we know they spake as well to the kings as to the people.
I read that neither of both would hear them ; and therefore came the
plague of God upon both. But that they more flattered kings than
that they did the people, I cannot be persuaded. Now, G<xi's laws
pronounce death, as before I have said, to idolaters without exception
of any person. Now, how the Prophets could rightly interpret the
law, and show the causes of God's judgments, which ever they
threatened should follow idolatry, and [the] rest of [the] abominations
that accompany it (for it is never alone ; but still corrupt religion
brings with it a filthy and corrupt life), how, I say, the Prophets
could reprove the vices, and not show the people their duty, I under-
stand not. And therefore I constantly beheve that the doctrine of
the Prophets was so sensible,^ that the kings understood their own
abominations, and the people understood what they ought to have
done, in punishing and repressing them. But because that the most
part of the people were no less rebellious unto God than were their
princes, therefore the one and the other convened against God and
• evident ; easy to be perceived
((553) VOL II 9
124 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
against his servants. And yet, my Lord, the facts of some Prophets
are so evident, that thereof we may collect what doctrine they taught ;
for it were no small absurdity to affirm that their facts should repugn
to their doctrine."
" I think," said Lethington, "ye mean of the history of Jehu.
What will ye prove thereby ? "
" The chief head," said John Knox, " that ye deny, to wit, That
the Prophets never taught that it appertained to the people to punish
the idolatry of their kings ; the contrary whereof I affirm : And
for the probation, I am ready to produce the fact of one Prophet ;
for ye know, my Lord, said he, that Elisha sent one of the children
of the Prophets to anoint Jehu, who gave him in commandment to
destroy the house of his master Ahab for the idolatry committed by
him, and for the innocent blood that Jezebel his wicked wife had
shed. Which he obeyed, and put in full execution ; for the which
God promised unto him the stability of the kingdom to the fourth
generation. Now," said he, "here is the fact of one Prophet, that
proves that subjects were commanded to execute judgments upon
their King and Prince."
" There is enough," said Lethington, " to be answered thereto ;
for Jehu was a King before he put anything in execution ; and
besides this, the fact is extraordinary, and ought not to be imitated."
" My Lord," said the other, " he was a mere subject, and no
King when the Prophet's servant came unto him ; yea, and albeit
that his fellow captains, hearing of the message, blew the trumpet,
and said, ' Jehu is King ' ; yet I doubt not, but Jezebel both thought
and said, ' He was a traitor ' ; and so did many others that were in
Israel and in Samaria. And as touching that ye allege, that the
fact was extraordinary, and is not to be imitated, I say, that it had
ground of God's ordinary judgment, which eommands the idolater
to die the death ; and, therefore, I yet again affirm, that it is to be
imitated of all those that prefer the true honour, the true worship
and glory of God, to the affections of flesh, and of wicked princes."
" We are not bound to imitate extraordinary examples," said
Lethington, " unless we have the like commandment and assurance."
" I grant," said the other, " if the example repugn to the law ;
as if avaricious and deceitful men would borrow gold, silver, raiment,
or any other necessaries from their neighbour, and withhold the same,
alleging that so they might do, and not offend God, because that the
Israelites did so to the Egyptians at their departure forth of Egypt.
[There] the example served to no purpose unless that they could
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 125
produce the like cause, and the hke commandment that the IsraeHtes
had ; and that because their fact repugned to this commandment of
God, ' Thou shak not steal.' But where the example agrees with
the law, and is, as it were, the execution of God's judgments expressed
in the same, I say that the example approved of God stands to us
in place of a commandment. For, as God of his nature is constant,
immutable, so can he not damn in the ages subsequent that which
he has approved in his servants before us. But in his servants before
us, He by his own commandment has approved that subjects have
not only destroyed their kings for idolatry, but also have rooted out
their whole posterity, so that none of that race was left after to
empire above the people of God."
" Whatsoever they did," said Lethington, " was done at God's
commandment."
" That fortifies my argument," said the other ; " for by God's
commandment He approved that subjects punish their princes for
idolatry and wickedness by them committed."
" We have not the like commandment," said Lethington.
" That I deny," said the other ; " for the commandment, ' The
idolater shall die the death,' is perpetual, as [ye] yourself have granted.
You doubted only who should be executors against the King ; and
I said the people of God, and have sufficiently proved, as I think, that
God has raised up the people, and by his Prophet has anointed a
King to take vengeance upon the King, and upon his posterity.
Which fact, God since that time has never retreated ^ ; and, therefore,
to me it remains for a constant and clean commandment to all the
people professing God, and having the power to punish vice, what
they ought to do in the like case. If the people had enterprised any-
thing without God's commandment, we might have doubted whether
they had done well or evil ; but seeing that God did bring the
execution of his law again in practice, after that it was come in
oblivion and contempt, what reasonable man can doubt now of
God's will, unless we will doubt of all things which God renews not
unto us by miracles, as it were from age to age ? But I am assured,
that the answer of Abraham unto the rich man who, being into hell,
desired that Lazarus, or some of the dead, should be sent unto his
brethren and friends, to forewarn them of his incredible pain and
torments, and that they should behave themselves so that they
should not come in that place of torment : the answer, I say, given
unto him, shall confound such as crave further approbation of God's
* withdrawn
2
126 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
will than is already expressed within his holy Scriptures ; for
Abraham said, ' They have Moses and the Prophets, whom if they
will not believe, neither will they believe albeit that one of the dead
should rise.' Even so, I say, my Lord, that such as will not be taught
what they ought to do, by commandment of God once given, and
once put in practice, will not believe nor obey, albeit that God
should send angels from heaven to instruct that doctrine."
" Ye have but produced one example," said Lethington.
" One sufficeth," said the other ; " but yet, God be praised,
2 Chron. we lack not others ; for the whole people conspired against Amaziah,
King of Judah, after that he had turned away from the Lord, followed
him to Lachish and slew him, and took Uzziah and anointed him
King instead of his father. The people had not altogether forgotten
the league and covenant which was made betwix their King and
them, at the inauguration of Joash, his father, to wit, ' That the
King and the people should be the people of the Lord,' and then
should they be his faithful subjects. From the which covenant,
when that first the father, and after the son declined, they were
both punished to the death, Joash by his own servants, and Amaziah
by the whole people."
" I doubt," said Lethington, " whether they did well or not,"
" It shall be free for you," said the other, " to doubt as ye please,
but where I find execution according to God's laws, and God himself
not to accuse the doers, I dare not doubt of the equity of their cause.
And further, it appears unto me that God gave sufficient approba-
tion and allowance to their fact ; for he blessed them with victory,
peace, and prosperity, the space of fifty-two years thereafter."
" But prosperity," said Lethington, " does not always prove that
God approves the facts of men."
" Yes," said the other ; " when the facts of men agree with the
law of God, and are rewarded according to God's own promise,
expressed in his law, I say, that the prosperity succeeding the fact
is most infallible assurance that God has approved that fact. Now
so it is, that God has promised in his law, that when his people shall
exterminate and destroy such as decline from Him, that He will bless
them, and multiply them, as He has promised unto their fathers.
But so it is, that Amaziah turned from God ; for so the texts do wit-
ness ; and plain it is the people slew their King ; and like plain it is,
that God blessed them : Therefore, yet again conclude I, that God
approved their fact, in so far as it was done according to his com-
mandment, [and] was blessed according to his promise."
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 127
" Well," said Lethington, " I think not the ground so sure as I
durst build my conscience thereupon."
" I pray God," said the other, " that your conscience have no
worse ground than is this, whensoever ye shall begin that like work
which God in your own eyes has already blessed. And now, my
Lord (said he), I have but one example to produce, and then I will
put an end to my reasoning, because I weary longer to stand."
(Commandment was given that he should sit down ; but he refused
it, and said, " Melancholious reasons would have some mirth inter-
mixed.") " My last example (said he), my Lord, is this : Uzziah
the King, not content of his royal estate, malapertly took upon him
to enter within the temple of the Lord, to burn incense upon the altar
of incense ; ' And Azariah the priest went in after him, and with him
fourscore priests of the Lord, valiant men, and they withstood Uzziah
the King, and said unto him. It pertaineth [to] thee not, Uzziah, to
burn incense unto the Lord, but to the priests, the sons of Aaron,
that are consecrated to offer incense : Go forth of the sanctuary,
for thou hast transgressed, and you shall have no honour of the Lord
God.' Hereof, my Lord, I conclude, that subjects not only may,
but also ought to withstand and resist their princes, whensoever
they do anything that expressly repugns to God, his law, or holy
ordinance."
" They that withstood the King," said Lethington, " were not
simple subjects, but were the priests of the Lord, and figures of
Christ, and such priests have we none this day, to withstand kings
if they do wrong."
" That the High Priest was the figure of Christ," said the other,
" I grant : but that he was not a subject, that I deny. For I am
assured, that he in his priesthood had no prerogative above those that
had passed before him. Now, so it is, that Aaron was subject unto
Moses, and called him his Lord. Samuel, being both prophet and
priest, subjected himself to Saul, after he was inaugurated of the
people. Zadok bowed before David ; and Abiathar was deposed
fi'om the priesthood by Solomon : which all confessed themselves
subjects to the kings, albeit that therewith they ceased not to be the
figures of Christ. And whereas ye say, that we have no such priests this
day, I might answer, that neither have we such kings this day as
then were anointed at God's commandment, and sat upon the seat
of David, and were no less the figure of Christ Jesus in their just
administration, than were the priests in their appointed office : and
such kings, I am assured, we have not now more than that we have
128 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
such priests : for Christ Jesus being anointed in our nature, of
God his Father, both King, Priest, and Prophet, has put an end to
all external unction.^ And yet, I think, ye will not say that God has
now diminished his graces for those whom He appoints ambassadors
betwix Him and his people, more than that He does from kings and
princes ; and therefore, why that the servants of Jesus Christ may
not as justly withstand kings and princes, that this day no less offends
God's majesty than Uzziah did, I see not, unless that ye will say
that we, in the brightness of the Evangel, are not so straitly bound
to regard God's glory, nor yet his commandments, as were the fathers
that lived under the dark shadows of the Law."
" Well," said Lethington, " I will dip no further in that head.
But how resisted the Priests the King ? They only spake unto him
without further violence intended."
" That they withstood him," said the other, " the text assures
me ; but that they did nothing but speak, I cannot understand ;
for the plain text affirms the contrary, to wit, that they caused him
hastily to depart from the sanctuary, yea, and that he was compelled
to depart : which manner of speaking, I am assured in the Hebrew
tongue imports other thing than exhorting, or commanding by
word."
" They did that," said Lethington, " after that he was espied
leprous."
" They withstood him before," said the other ; " but yet their
last fact confirms my proposition so evidently, that such as will
oppose them unto it, must needs oppose them unto God ; for my
assertion is, that kings have no privilege more than has the people
to offend God's majesty ; and if that so they do, they are no more
exempted from the punishment of the law than is any other subject ;
yea, and that subjects may not only lawfully oppose themselves to
their kings, whensoever they do anything that expressedly repugns
to God's commandment, but also that they may execute judgment
upon them according to God's law ; so that if the king be a murderer,
adulterer, or idolater, he should suffer according to God's law, not
as a king, but as an offender ; and that the people may put God's
laws in execution, this histoiy clearly proves. For how soon that the
leprosy appeared in his forehead, he was not only compelled to depart
out of the sanctuary, but also he was removed from all public society
1 Calderwood tells us that at the coronation of James VI, " Mr. Knox and other
preachers repyned at the ceremonie of anointing, yitt was he anointed." {History of tlie
Kirk of Scotland, ii, 384)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND Ii29
and administration of the kingdom, and was compelled to dwell in
a house apart, even as the law commanded, and got no greater
privilege in that case than any other of the people should have done ;
and this was executed by the people ; for it is no doubt more were
witnesses of his leprosy than the priests alone. But we find none
oppose themselves to the sentence of God pronounced in his law
against the leprous ; and therefore, yet again say I, that the people
ought to execute God's law even against their princes, when that
their open crimes by God's law deserve death, but especially when
they are such as may infect the rest of the multitude. And now,
my Lords (said he), I will reason no longer, for I have spoken more
than I intended."
" And yet," said Lethington, " I cannot tell what can be
concluded."
" Albeit ye cannot," said the other, " yet I am assured what I
have proven, to wit :
" I. That subjects have delivered an innocent from the hands of
their king, and therein offended not God.
"2. That subjects have refused to strike innocents when a king
commanded, and in so doing denied no just obedience.
" 3. That such as struck at the commandment of the king, before
God were reputed murderers.
" 4. That God has not only of a subject made a king, but also
has armed subjects against their natural kings, and commanded
them to take vengeance upon them according to his law.
" And, last. That God's people have executed God's law against
their king, having no further regard to him in that behalf than if he
had been the most simple subject within this Realm.
" And therefore, albeit ye will not understand what should be
concluded, yet I am assured that not only God's people may,
but also that they are bound to do the same where the like
crimes are committed, and when he gives unto them the hke
power."
" Well," said Lethington, " I think ye shall not have many
learned men of your opinion."
" My lord," said the other, " the truth ceases not to be the truth,
howsoever it be that men either misknow it, or yet gainstand it.
And yet (said he), I praise my God, I lack not the consent of God's
servants in that head." And with that he presented unto the Secretary
the Apology of Magdeburg ; and willed him to read the names of the
ministers who had subscribed the defence of the town to be a most
130 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
just defence ; and therewith added, " That to resist a tyrant, is not
to resist God, nor yet his ordinance." ^
Which when he had read, he scripped ^ and said, " Homines
obscuri" ^ The other answered, " Dei tamen servi." *
And so Lethington arose and said, " My Lords, ye have heard the
reasons upon both parts : it becomes you now to decide, and to put
an order unto preachers, that they may be uniform in doctrine.
May we, think ye, take the Queen's Mass from her ? "
While that some began to give their votes, for some were
appointed, as it were, leaders to the rest, John Knox said, " My
Lords, I suppose that ye will not do contrary to your Lordships'
promise made to the whole Assembly, which was. That nothing
should be voted in secret, till that the first all matters should be
debated in public, and that then the votes of the whole Assembly
should put an end to the controversy.^ Now have I only sustained
the argument, and have rather shown my conscience in most simple
manner, than that I have insisted upon the force and vehemence of
any one argument : And therefore I, for my part, utterly disassent
from all voting, till that the whole Assembly have heard the pro-
positions and the reasons of both parties. For I unfeignedly acknow-
ledge that many in this company are more able to sustain the
argument than I am."
" Think ye it reasonable," said Lethington, " that such a multi-
tude as are now convened, should reason and vote in these heads and
matters that concern the Queen's Majesty's own person and affairs ? "
" I think," said the other, " that whatsoever should bind, the
multitude should hear, unless that they have resigned their power
unto their Commissioners, which they have not done, so far as I
understand ; for my Lord Justice-Clerk ^ heard diem with one voice
say. That in no way would they consent that -anything should either
here be voted or concluded."
" I cannot tell," said Lethington, " if that my Lords that be
here present, and that bear the burden of such matters, should be
' The city of Magdeburg had joined the Schmalkaldic League of Mutual Defence
against attacks made on any member on account of the Protestant religion. It held out
against the Emperor Charles V, and for long successfully withstood a siege by Maurice
of Saxony. Its resistance to Charles V and his religious measures, and its " Apology "
for its resistance, roused a fever of enthusiasm in Lutheran Germany. Although it capitu-
lated in November 1551 (after being under the ban of the Empire for more than a year)
the terms of the capitulation guaranteed to the citizens the religion they desired.
^ mocked, derided ' That is, " Men of no note "
* That is, " Yet servants of God " ' Cf. supra, 1 08
• Sir John Bellenden
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND I3I
bound to their will. What say ye (said he), my Lords ? Will ye vote
in this matter, or will ye not vote ? "
After long reasoning, some that were made for the purpose said,
" Why may not the Lords vote, and then show unto the Kirk what-
soever is done ? "
" That appears to me," said John Knox, " not only a backward
order, but also a tyranny usurped upon the Kirk. But for me, do
as ye Hst (said he), for as I reason, so I vote, yet protesting as before,
that I dissent from all voting till that the whole Assembly understand
as well the questions as the reasonings."
" Well," said Lethington, " that cannot be done now, for the time is
spent ; and therefore, my Lord Chancellor (said he), ask ye the votes,
and take, by course, ^ every one of the Ministers, and [every] one of us,"
And so was the Rector of Saint Andrews ^ commanded first to Mr. John
speak his conscience ; who said, " I refer to the Superintendent of^ rectof^'
Fife,^ for I think we are both in one judgment ; and yet (said he),
if ye will that I speak first, my conscience is this, That if the Queen
oppose herself to our religion, which is the only true religion, that
in that case the Nobihty and Estates of this Realm, professors of the
true doctrine, may justly oppose themselves unto her. But as con-
cerning her own Mass, I know it is idolatry, but yet I am not yet
resolved whether that by violence we may take it from her or not."
The Superintendent of Fife said, " That same is my conscience."
And so affirmed some of the Nobihty. But others voted frankly, and
said, " That as the Mass was abomination, so was it just and right
that it should be suppressed ; and that in so doing, men did no more
wrong to the Queen's Majesty than they that should by force take
from her a poison cup when she was going to drink it."
At last, Mr. John Craig, fellow-minister with John Knox in the ^'■•. John
Kirk of Edinburgh, was required to give his judgment and vote,
who said, " I will gladly show unto your Honours what I understand ;
but I greatly doubt whether my knowledge and conscience shall
satisfy you, seeing that ye have heard so many reasons and are so
little moved by them. But yet I shall not conceal from you my
judgment, adhering first to the protestation of my Brother, to wit,
That our voting prejudge not the fiber ty of the General Assembly,
I was (said he), in the University of Bononia,* in the year of God
1554, where, in the place of the Black-Friars of the same town, I saw
in the time of their General Assembly this Conclusion set forth : This
same I heard reasoned, determined, and concluded :
* in turn ' Mr. John Douglas ^ Mr. John Winram * Bologna
Craig
132 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
CONCLUSIO
" Principes omnes, tarn supremi, quam inferiores, possunt et
debent reformari, vel deponi per eos, per quos eliguntur, con-
firmantur, vel admittuntur ad officium, quoties a fide praestita
subditis per juramentum deficiunt : Quoniam relatio jura-
menti subditorum et principum mutua est, et utriusque aequo
jure servanda et reformanda, juxta legem et conditionem
juramenti ab utraque parte facti."
" That is, All Rulers, be they supreme or be they inferior, may
and ought to be reformed or deposed by them by whom they are
chosen, confirmed, or admitted to their office, as oft as they break
that promise made by the oath to their subjects : Because that their
Prince is no less bound by oath to the subjects, than are the subjects
to their Prince, and therefore ought to be kept and reformed equally,
according to the law and condition of the oath that is made of either
party."
" This Conclusion, my Lords, I heard sustained and concluded,
as I have said, in a most notable auditure. The sustainer was a
learned man, Magister Thomas de Finola, the Rector of the Univer-
sity, a man famous in that country. Magister Vincentius de Placentia
affirmed the Conclusion to be most true and certain, agreeable both
with the law of God and man. The occasion of this disputation
and conclusion, was a certain disorder and tyranny that was attempted
by the Pope's governors, who began to make innovations in the
country against the laws that were before established, alleging them-
selves not to be subject to such laws, by reason that they were not
instituted by the people, but by the Pope, who was King of that
country ; and therefore they, having full commission and authority
of the Pope, might alter and change statutes and ordinances of the
country, without all consent of the people. Against this dieir
usurped tyranny, the learned and the people opposed themselves
openly : and when that all reasons which the Pope's governors could
allege were heard and confuted, the Pope himself was feign to take
up the matter, and to promise to keep not only the liberty of the
people, but also that he should neither abrogate any law or statute,
neither yet make any new law without their own consent. And,
therefore, my Lord (said he), my vote and conscience is, that princes
are not only bound to keep laws and promises to their subjects,
but also, that in case they fail, they justly may be deposed ; for the
band betwix the Prince and the people is reciprocal."
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 33
Then started up a claw-back ^ of that corrupt Court, and said,
" Ye wat not what ye say ; for ye tell us what was done in Bononia ;
we are a kingdom, and they are but a commonwealth."
" My Lord," said he, " my judgment is, that every kingdom is,
or at least, should be a commonwealth, albeit that every common-
wealth be not a kingdom ; and, therefore, I think, that in a kingdom
no less diligence ought to be taken, that laws be not violated, than is
in a commonwealth ; because that the tyranny of princes who
continually ring ^ in a kingdom, is more hurtful to the subjects, than
is the misgovernment of those that from year to year are changed
in free commonwealths. But yet, my Lords, to assure you and all
others further, that head was disputed to the uttermost ; and then,
in the end, it was concluded that they spake not of such things as
were done in divers kingdoms and nations by tyranny and negligence
of people. ' But we conclude,' said they, ' what ought to be done in
all kingdoms and commonwealths, according to the law of God, and
unto the just laws of man. And if by the negligence of the people,
or by tyranny of princes, contrary laws have been made, yet may
that same people, or their posterity, justly crave all things to be
reformed, according to the original institution of kings and com-
monwealths : and such as will not do so, deserve to eat the fruit of
their own foolishness.' "
Master James M'Gill, then Clerk of Register, perceiving the
votes to be different, and hearing the bold plainness of the foresaid
servant of God, said, " I remember that this same question was long
debated once before this in my house, and there, by reason that we
were not all of one mind, it was concluded that Mr. Knox should
in all our names have written to Mr. Calvin for his judgment in the
controversy." ^
" Nay," said Mr. Knox, " my Lord Secretary would not consent
that I should write, alleging that the greatest weight of the answer
stood in the narrative,* and therefore promised that he would write,
and I should see it. But when (said he), that divers times I required
him to remember his promise, I found nothing but delay."
Whereto the Secretary did answer, " True it is I promised to
write, and true it is that divers times Mr. Knox required me so to do.
But when I had more deeply considered the weight of the matter,
I began to find more doubts than that I did before, and this one
' sycophant ; flatterer ; toady ^ reign ' See supra, 23
• That is, that the answer largely depended upon the way in which the question was
put. (See supra, 24, note i )
134 "^^^ REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
amongst others, How I durst, I being a subject, and the Queen's
Majesty's Secretary, take upon me to seek resolution of controversies
depending betwix her Highness and her subjects, without her own
knowledge and consent." Then was there an acclamation of the
claw-backs of the Court, as if Apollo had given his response : " It
was wisely and faithfully done."
" Well," said John Knox, " let worldly men praise worldly
wisdom so highly as they please, I am assured that by such shifts
idolatry is maintained, and the truth of Jesus Christ is betrayed,
whereof God one day will be revenged." ^ At this, and the Hke
sharpness, many offended, the voting ceased, and every faction began
plainly to speak as affection moved them.
John Knox in the end was commanded yet to write to Mr. Calvin,
and to the learned in other Kirks, to know their judgments in that
question ; which he refused, ^ showing his reason, " I myself am not
only fully resolved in conscience, but also I have heard the judgments
in this, and all other things that I have affirmed within this Realm,
of the most godly and most learned that be known in Europe. I
came not to this Realm without their resolution ; and for my
assurance I have the handwritings of many ; and, therefore, if I
should now move the same question again, what should I do other,
but either show my own ignorance and forgetfulness, or else in-
constancy : And, therefore, it may please you to pardon me, albeit
I write not. But I will teach you the surer way, which is this, that
ye write and complain upon me, that I teach publicly and affirm
constantly such doctrine as offends you, and so shall ye know their
plain minds, and whether that I and they agree in judgment or not."
The end Divers Said the offer was good ; but no man was found that
reasoning would be the secretary. And so did that Assembly in long reasoning
betwix break up. After the which time, the ministers that were called
Knox and precise were held of all the courtiers as monsters.
farytr ^ ^" ^^^ ^^^^ t™^ ^^6 Earl of Moray was so formed " to John Knox,
June that neither by word nor write was there any communication betwix
1564
them.
' For Knox's previous prophecies against Lethington, see supra, i, 335 ; ii, 65, 106 ; for
their supposed fulfilment, see the note in Robertson's Inventaires de la Rqyne Descosse (Banna-
tync Club), Preface, 1.
^ Again Knox conceals the fact that he had already written to Calvin (see supra, 23, note 6).
' In the manuscript (folio 387 recto) this final short paragraph has been added in a
hand that looks like that of Knox.
* This word is clearly w/ntten formed, but is equally intended to hefremmed, that is,
strange, foreign, or alien. For the beginning of this coolness between Knox and Moray, see
supra, 78-79.
THE FIFTH BOOK
OF THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION OF RELIGION
WITHIN THE REALM OF SCOTLAND
(by knox's continuator)
li
II
ia&
In the next month, which was July, the Queen went into Atholl
to the hunting ; and from thence she made her progress into Moray,
and returned to Fife in September. ^ All this while there was appear- There be
ance of love and tender friendship betwix the two Queens ; for Epigrams
there were many letters full of civihty and compliments sent from ^■'^'^"'' ,
■' ^ \ written by
either of them to the other in sign of amity ; besides costly presents George
for tokens. And in the meantime the Earl of Lennox ^ laboured ofaHch'
to come home forth of England ; and in the month of October he diamond
arrived at Holyrood-House,^ where he was graciously received by the ^qleen
Queen's Majesty ; namely, when he had presented the Queen of ^^^y ^°
England's letters, written in his favour. And because he could Elizabeth*
not be restored to his lands without Act of Parliament, therefore there
was a Parhament procured to be held at Edinburgh, the 13 day of
December.^ But before the Queen would cause to proclaim a Parlia-
ment, she desired the Earl of Moray, by whose means chiefly the said
Earl of Lennox came into Scotland, that there should no word be
spoken, or at least concluded, that concerned Religion in the Parlia-
ment. But he answered, that he could not promise it. In the
meantime, the Hamiltons and the Earl of Lennox were agreed.*'
At the day appointed, the Parliament was held at Edinburgh,
where the said Earl of Lennox was restored, after two and twenty
years exile : he was banished, and forfeited by the Hamiltons, when
they had the rule.'' There were some Articles given in by the Church,
' For the Queen's itinerary in July, August, and September 1 564, see Hay Fleming,
Mary Qiieen of Scots, 529. The Queen returned to Edinburgh on 15 September. {Foreign
Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, Nos. 681, 682)
'^ Matthew Stewart, fourth Earl of Lennox
" Lennox apparently arrived on 23 September 1564. (Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii.
No. 97)
* The marginal notes in this book were probably added by David Buchanan by whom
it was printed.
^ The restitution of Lennox was " proclaimed " at the Market Cross of Edinburgh
on 16 October 1564 (Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 108), and the Earl was restored
by a Parliament which was called mainly for that purpose and which, summoned for
4 December, apparently sat from 11 to 16 December 1564. (Ibid., Nos. 108, 124 ; Acts
Pari. Scot., ii, 545) « reconciled
' Lennox had been pronounced guilty of treason in 1545, during the regency of Arran
(a Hamilton) ; and it must not be forgotten that then, and until the birth of James [VI]
in 1 566, Lennox was next in succession to the Crown if the divorce of the first Earl of
Arran was invalid. (See Scots Peerage, iv, 358-360 ; Two Missions of Jacques de la Brosse,
Scot. Hist. Soc, 18-19, 26-29 ; and the genealogical table given irfra, 351)
137
138 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
especially for the abolishing of the Mass universally, and for punish-
ment of vice ; but there was little thing granted, save that it was
statute that scandalous livers should be punished first by prison,
and then publicly shown unto the people with ignominy ^ ; but the
same was not put in execution.
In the end of this month of December, the General Assembly of
the Church was held at Edinburgh : many things were ordained
for settling of the affairs of the Church. ^
In the end of January the Queen passed to Fife,^ and visiting
the gentlemen's houses, was magnificently banqueted everywhere,
so that such superfluity was never seen before within this Realm ;
which caused the wild fowl to be so dear, that partridges were sold
for a crown a piece. At this time was granted by an Act of Parlia-
ment, the confirmation of the feus of Church Lands,* at the desire
of divers Lords, whereof the Earl of Moray was chief. During the
Queen's absence the Papists of Edinburgh went down to the Chapel ^
to hear Mass ; and seeing there was no punishment, they waxed
more bold, some of them thinking thereby to please the Queen.
Upon a certain Sunday in February, they made an Even-song of
their own, setting two Priests on the one side of the choir, and one
or two on the other side, with Sandy Steven, minstrel (baptizing
their children, and making marriages), who, within eight days after,
[was] convicted of blasphemy, [for] alleging that he would give
no more credit to the New Testament than to a tale of Robin Hood,
except it were confirmed by the Doctors of the Church. The said
superstitious Even-song was the occasion of a great slander, for many
were offended with it ; which being by the Brethren declared to the
Lords of the Privy Council, especially to the Earl of Moray, he
lamented the cause to the Queen's Majesty, showing her what
inconvenience should come if such things were suffered unpunished.
And, after sharp reasoning, it was promised that the like should
not be done hereafter. The Queen also alleged that they were a
great number ; and that she could not trouble their conscience.
About the 20 of this month, arrived at Edinburgh, Henry
Stewart, Lord Darnley. From thence he passed to Fife : and in
' The records of this ParHament are sadly incomplete, but Randolph gives an account
of the statutes passed against aduUerers and fornicators. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, u.
No. 124)
* The records of the General Assembly of 25-27 December 1564 will be found in the
Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 52-56.
^ Details of the Queen's movements are given in Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots,
53 1 and note. * See Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 545, c. 2 'Of Holyrood
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 39
the place of Wemyss he was admitted to kiss the Queen's hand ^ ;
whom she Hked so well that she preferred him before all others, as
shall hereafter, God willing, be declared. Soon after, in the month
of March, the Earl Bothwell arrived out of France ; whereat the
Earl of Moray was highly offended, because of the evil report made
to him of the Lord Bothwell - ; and passing immediately to the
Queen's Majesty, demanded of her if it was her will, or by her
advice, that he was come home ; and seeing he was his deadly enemy,
either he or the other should leave the country, and therefore desired
that he might have justice. Her answer was that seeing the Earl
Bothwell was a nobleman, and had done her service, she could not
hate him. Nevertheless she would do nothing that might be pre-
judicial to the Earl of Moray, but desired that the matter might be
taken away. Within few days she caused summon the Earl Bothwell
to answer to the course of law the 2nd of May, for the conspiracy
which the Earl of Arran had alleged two years before, and for the
breaking of the ward of the Castle. ^ In the meanwhile there was
nothing in the Court but banqueting, balling, and dancing, and other
such pleasures as were meet to provoke the disordered appetite ;
and all for the entertainment of the Queen's cousin from England,
the Lord Darnley, to whom she did show all the expressions imaginable
of love and kindness.
Within few days, the Queen being at Stirling, order was given
to Secretary Lethington to pass to the Queen of England. The
chief point of his message was, to declare to the Queen of England
that the Queen was minded to marry her cousin the Lord Darnley ^
and the rather, because he was so near of blood to both Queens, for
by his mother he was cousin-german to the Queen of Scotland, also
of near kindred, and of the same name by his father ; his mother was
cousin-german to the Queen of England. Here mark God's provi-
dence : King James the Fifth having lost his two sons, did declare
his resolution to make the Earl of Lennox his heir of the Crown ; but
* Darnley reached Edinburgh on Tuesday 13 February 1565, tarried there three
nights, and on Friday 16 February passed over to Fife to Wemyss where he was " admitted"
to the Queen on Saturday 17 February. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 147, 148)
^ Randolph, writing to Cecil on 15 March 1565, refers to Bothwell's arrival and adds
that Bothwell has been accused by Moray of speaking dishonourable words against the
Queen and of threatening Moray and Lethington that he would be the death of both
of them. {Ibid., ii, No. 157)
^ See supra, 42, 54, 64. Randolph reports a " day of law " against Bothwell on
2 May 1565 when judgment was given against him in his absence. {Calendar of Scottish
Papers, ii, Nos. 171, 174)
* For Lethington's embassy, see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 335, note 88.
(653) VOL n 10
140 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
he [being] prevented by sudden death, that design ceased. Then
came the Earl of Lennox from France, with intention to marry
King James's widow ; but that failed also. He marries Margaret
Douglas, and his son marrieth Mary, King James the Fifth's
daughter. 1 And so the King's desire is fulfilled, to wit, the Grown
continueth in the name and in the family. The Queen of England,
nevertheless, shewed herself nothing pleased therewith, but rather
declared. That she would in nowise suffer her subjects to make such
contracts or alliance that might be prejudicial to her ; and for the
same purpose sent a post to the Qjaeen with letters, wherein she
complained greatly of the mind of our Mistress, seeing the great
affection she bore to her, intending to declare her heritrix of her
Realm of England, providing only that she would use her counsel in
marriage ; but she could not approve her marriage with the Lord
Darnley, although he was their near cousin by birth, since he was
below the rank of the Queen by condition, being but a private
subject.^ At the same time she wrote to the Earl of Lennox, and to
his son, commanding them to repair both into England.^ Some
write that all this was but counterfeit by the Queen of England,
and from her heart she was glad of the marriage, for by that means
the succession of the Crown of England was secured, the Lord
Darnley being the right heir after the Queen of Scotland : and
Queen Elizabeth was not angry to see her married to one of inferior
rank, for by that means she thought the Scots Queen would be less
proud. *
During this time there were certain letters directed to the
Brethren of Edinburgh, to Dundee, Fife, Angus, and Mearns, and
other places, from the Brethren of Kyle and other places in the
West Country, desiring the professors of the Evangel in all places to
remember what the Eternal God had wrought, and how potently
he had abohshed all kind of idolatry and superstition, and placed
his word in this Realm so that no man could say otherwise but it
was the work of God, who also had delivered this country from the
bondage and tyranny of strangers. Nevertheless by our slothfulness,
we have suffered that idol the Mass not only to be planted again,
* See the genealogical table infra, 351
* See the instructions given to Throckmorton {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, Nos.
1 1 18, 1 135) and his report to Elizabeth of his interview with Mary on 15 May {Calendar
of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 183). Knox's continuator gives fuller details, infra, 145-146
^ See Randolph's account in his letter of 2 July 1565. (Keith, History of Affairs of
Church and State in Scotland, ii, 296-309)
* This reasoning is repeated infra, 146
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND I4I
but to increase, so that the maintainers thereof are Hke, by all appear-
ance, to get the upper hand, which would be the occasion of our
destruction. And for that the Papists purposed to set up their idol
at Easter following, in all places, which was to be imputed to the
slothfulness and want of godly zeal of the professors ; therefore they
admonished the Brethren to strive to avert the evil in time, and not
to suffer such wickedness to continue and increase, lest God's heavy
wrath come upon us unawares like a consuming fire. By these letters
many Brethren were animated, and their spirits wakened, minding 4' '^"
to provide as God should give them grace. And first of all, by the Italian,
advice of the most learned in Edinburgh, there was a Supplication "^^¥
made, and given to the Queen's Majesty by the Superintendent oi entered in
Lothian, containing, in effect, that the Church in general of the famiu.
Realm had divers times most humbly craved of her Majesty that «'■?(>'
committers of adultery should be punished according to the law of Queen,
God and the Acts of Parliament ; nevertheless thev continued in their f, ^^'^^
' , . ' . there was
wickedness ; and the Papists, of obstinate malice, pretended nothing nothing
else but to erect and set up their idolatry and superstition ; and Jj"^o„;
especially at Easter day following they intended to put the same in ^^i"^ '
practice, which the Brethren and Professors of the Evangel could not
suffer ; therefore wished her Majesty to take heed of the matter.
This Supplication the Secretary received of the hands of the
Superintendents of Lothian and Glasgow, and told them, in the
Queen's name, that there should be such provision made as should
serve to their contentment. And for the same purpose, the Queen's
Majesty wrote to all such places as were suspected, especially to the
Bishops of Saint Andrews ^ and Aberdeen ^ (as was said) not to
use any Mass, and that they should not do any such thing as was
feared by the Protestants, or convene any Council ; and thereto
commanded them. Now the Communion was administered in
Edinburgh, the ist day of April 1565. At which time, because it
was near Easter, the Papists used to meet at their Mass ; and as
some of the Brethren were diligent to search such things, they having
with them one of the Bailies, took one sir James Carvet, riding
hard, as he had now ended the saying of the Mass, and conveyed
him, together with the master of the house, and one or two more
of the assistants, to the Tolbooth, and immediately revested * him
with all his garments upon him, and so carried him to the Market-
Cross, where they set him on high, -binding the chalice in his hand,
^ Cf. supra, 106. See also Caldervvood's History, ii, 285-286.
'' John Hamilton ' William. Gordon * re-attired
142 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
and himself fast tied to the said Gross, where he tarried the space
of one hour ; during which time the boys served him with his Easter
eggs. The next day following, the said Carvet, with his assistants,
were accused and convicted by an assize, according to the Act of
Parliament. And albeit for the same offence he deserved death, yet
for all punishment he was set upon the Market-Cross for the space
of three or four hours, the hangman standing by, and keeping him,
the boys and others were busy with eggs casting ; and some Papists
there were that stopped [it] as far as they could : and as the press
of people increased about the Cross, there appeared to have been
some tumult. The Provost, Archibald Douglas,^ came with some
halberdiers, and carried the priest safe again to the Tolbooth. The
Queen being advertised, and having received sinister information
that the priest was dead, suddenly thought to have used and inflicted
some extreme punishment ; for she thought that all this was done
in contempt of her, and of her religion. And it was affirmed that
the Town should have been sacked, and a great number executed
to death. She sent to such as she pleased, commanding them to come
to her at Edinburgh suddenly with their whole forces ; and in the
meantime she sent her Advocate, Master Spens of Condie, to
Edinburgh, to take a sure trial of the matter. The Provost and
Council wrote to the Queen the truth of the matter as it was, desiring
her Majesty to take the same in good part, and not to give credit
to false reports, and therewith sent to her Majesty the process and
enrolment of the Court of the priest convicted. ^ Thus the Queen's
Majesty being informed of the truth by her said Advocate, sent
again, and stayed the said meeting of men, and sent to the Town
a grave Letter, whereof the copy followeth :
The Queen's Letter to the Provosty Bailies, and Council of Edinburgh.
" Provost, Bailies, and Council of our City of Edinburgh, We
received your letter from our Advocate, and understand by this report
what diligence you took to stay the tumult in the late disorder
attempted at Edinburgh ; wherein, as you did your duty in suppress-
' Archibald Douglas of Kilspindie
* In the burgh records this priest is called " sir James Tarbot," and he is so called,
infra, 143. The Provost, with two of the Bailies, and other neighbours to the number of
forty persons, are to ride to the Queen at Stirling " for mitigating of her Majesty " who
had been " highly moved . . . upon the unjust report made to her Highness of the
striking and casting of eggs " at him {Edinburgh Burgh Recs., Burgh Rec. Soc, iii, 195-196).
Further details may be read in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 169, 171 (enclosure), where
" 10,000 eggs " is either an exaggeration or an illuminating commentary upon the ample
supplies then available.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 43
ing the tumult, so can We not take in good part, nor think our self
satisfied of so notorious a thing, without certain seditious persons,
who were pleased to do justice perforce and without the Magistrates'
authority, be condignly and really punished for their rashness and
misbehaviour. For if all private persons should usurp to take ven-
geance at their own hands, what lies in ours ? And to what purpose
hath good laws and statutes been established ? Since, therefore.
We have never been obstinate to the due punishment of any offenders,
prescribed by the laws, but have always maintained justice in that
case without respect of persons, it is our will, and We command
you, as you will answer to us upon your obedience and allegiance,
that you will take before you certain of the most responsible persons
which are declared authors of the said sedition, and usurpers of our
authority, and to administer justice upon them, in such sort as We
may know a sincerity on your part, and our authority no ways
slighted. But if you fail, persuade yourselves (and that shortly).
We will not oversee it, but will account this contempt not only to
be in the committers thereof, but in yourselves, who ought to punish
it, and relieve us on our part, remitting the rest to your diligence
and execution, which We look for so soon as reason will permit.
" Subscribed with our hand at Stirling, this 24 of April,
Anno 1565."
By this manner of writing and high threatening, may be per-
ceived how grievously the Queen's Majesty would have been offended
if the said Tarbot and mass-monger had been handled according
to his demerit, being not only a Papist idolater, but a manifest
whoremaster, and a common fighter and blasphemer ; nevertheless,
within few days the Queen charged the Provost and Bailies to
set him at liberty, commanding them further, that no man should
trouble nor molest him in any sort for whatsoever cause ; and soon
after rewarded him with a benefice, and likewise his assisters, John
Low ^ and John Kennedy, set at liberty in the same manner. At
this Easter-tide, in Stirling, the Queen made her domestic servants
use Papistical rites and ceremonies, and more, she persuaded others
by fair means to do the same, and threatened those that were most
constant at the Earl of Cassillis' house. ^
Upon the second day of May 1565, convened at Edinburgh the
Earl of Moray with his friends in great numbers, to keep the day
1 He is called John Loich in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 171 (enclosure).
' Gilbert, fourth Earl of Cassillis
\
144 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
of law against the Earl of Bothwell ' ; who, being called, appeared
not, only the Laird of Riccarton ^ protested that the personal
absence of the Earl Bothwell should not be prejudicial to him by
reason that, for just fear, which might happen in the heart of any
man, since he had so potent an enemy as the Lord of Moray who,
next the Queen's Majesty, was of greatest estimation and authority
of any man within this Realm, to whom assisted at this present
day of law, seven or eight hundred men,^ which force he could not
resist, therefore had absented himself ; which protestation being
made, those that had been sureties for his appearance were out-
lawed. The said Earl Bothwell, a few days after, passed into France,
after he had been in Liddesdale, where, suspecting almost every
man, he was not in great assurance of his life, notwithstanding he
was not put to the horn ; for the Qjueen continually bore a great
favour towards him,* and kept him to be a soldier, as appeared
within less than half a year ; for she would not suffer the Lord
Morton,^ nor my Lord Erskine," my Lord of Moray's great friends,
to keep the day. There assisted my Lord of Moray, the Earls of
Argyll, '^ Glencairn,** and Crawford,^ with great numbers, and many
Lords and Barons, who for the most part convened the same after-
noon to treat and consult for the maintaining of Religion ; where
some articles were devised, and delivered to the Lord of Moray to
be presented to the Queen's Majesty and Privy Council ; which
articles were enlarged at the General Assembly following, as shall
be declared. ^"^
In the meantime, as they were informed in Court of this great
Assembly of people in Edinburgh, they were afraid, for naturally
the Queen hated and suspected all such Conventions as were not
in her own presence and devised by herself. The chief Councillors
in the Court were the Earls of Lennox ^^ and ^thoU.^- The Queen
wrote incontinent for all the Lords to come to Stirling, so soon as
she was advertised that they had treated in Edinburgh of Religion.
* See supra, 139 and note 3 ; Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i, 46i*-464*
" Alexander Hepburn of Whitsome and Riccarton
^ Randolph, writing to Cecil, says that " the company that came in favour of Moray
are estimated at 5,000 or 6,000." [Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 174)
* See Randolph's account, ibid.
* James, fourth Earl of Morton ; then Chancellor
° John, sixth Lord Erskine, becoming, in the following month. Earl of Mar
' Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll ' Alexander, fourth Earl of Glencairn
' David, tenth Earl of Crawford '" Infra, 148-150
*' Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, and father of Henry, Lord Darnley
»* John, fourth Earl of AthoU
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 45
She wrote likewise for the Superintendents and other learned men ;
who went thither, and, being there, they caused to keep the ports
or gates, and make good watch about the town. The special cause
of this Convention was to give to the Lord Darnley title of honour,
openly and solemnly, with consent of the Nobles, before the
marriage.
The fourth day of May the Earl of Moray came to Stirling,
where he was well received by the Queen's Majesty, as appeared.
And immediately, as he passed with her to my Lord Darnley's
chamber, they presented to him a contract, containing in effect.
That forasmuch as, or since, the Queen had contracted marriage
with the Lord Darnley, that therefore sundry Lords of the Nobility
had under-written, ratified, and approved the same, and obliged
themselves to grant unto him in full Parliament the Crown Matri-
monial (by a new Court solecism in policy, the Crown for the second
time is surnamed Matrimonial ; before, when the Queen was first
married, it was so called also ^), to serve and obey him and her as
their lawful Sovereigns. The Queen desired my Lord Moray to
subscribe, as many others had done before ; which he refused to
do, "Because (said he), it is required necessarily that the whole
Nobility be present, at least the principal, and such as he himself
was posterior unto, before that so grave a matter should be advised
and concluded," ^
The Queen's Majesty no ways content with this answer, insisted
still upon him, saying the greatest part of the Nobility were there
present and content with the matter, wished him to be so much a
Stewart as to consent to the keeping of the Crown in the family,
and the surname, according to their father's will and desire, as
was said of him a little before his death. ^ But he still refused for the
causes above written.
Now as the Lords were assembled, an Ambassador from Eng-
land, named Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, arrived at Stirling, and in
his company the Laird of Lethington. The Ambassador was at the
Castle gate before they were aware ; and as he stood there in the
entry, he was desired to pass to his lodgings. The next day he had
audience of the Queen, and was graciously received according to the
dignity of his message. The whole sum of this his message was, to
show and declare to the Queen, how highly the Queen his mistress
' Supra, i, 1 40-1 41
^ Randolph gives a slightly different account in his letter to Cecil of 8 May 1565.
{Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 175) ' Cf. supra, 139-140
146 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
was offended with this precipitated marriage, and wondered what
had moved her to take a man of inferior rank and condition to her-
self : and therefore dissuaded her therefrom. And specially desiring
her most earnestly to send home her subjects, the Earl of Lennox
and the Lord Darnley : but all in vain ; for the matter was well
far proceeded.^ In her heart Queen Elizabeth was not angry at
this marriage ^ ; first, because if Queen Mary had married a foreign
Prince, it had been an access to her greatness, and consequently she
had been more redoubted by the other ; next, both Harry ^ and
Mary were alike and in equal degree of consanguinity unto her,
the father of Mary and the mother of Harry being children to her
father's sister.*
With many fair words the Queen let the Ambassador depart,
promising to do all she could to satisfy the Queen of England ; and
for the same purpose she would send an Ambassador to her.
In the meantime the Queen's marriage with the Lord Darnley
was prepared and propounded in Council ; and the chief of the
The Earl Nobihty, such as the Duke,^ the Earls of Argyll, Moray, [and]
seeing the Glcncairn, with the rest, granted freely to the same providing that
°/f'^''. they might have the Religion established in Parliament, by the Queen,
consent and the idolatrous Mass and superstition abolished.^ Shortly it was
which "' concluded, that they should convene again to Saint Johnston, where
before he the Queen promised to take a final order for Religion. The day was
appointed, to wit, the last of May, at Perth : My Lord of Argyll
came too late. The Queen's Majesty communed with the Lords,
who were very plain with her, saying, except the Mass were abolished,
there should be no quietness in the country. The twelfth day of May
the Lord Darnley was belted (that is, created) Earl of Ross, with
great solemnity, a belt or girdle being tied about his waist or middle ;
and albeit all kind of provision was made to make him Duke of
Rothesay, yet at that time it came not to effect, albeit the crown and
robe-royal were prepared to him for the same. For the entertain-
ment of this triumph there were many Knights made, to the number
1 See Throckmorton's own account in his letter to EUzabeth of 2 1 May 1 565. {Calendar
of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 183) ^ Cf. supra, 140
' Henry, Lord Darnley
' Mary's father was James V, son of James IV and Margaret Tudor, daughter of
Henry VII and sister to Henry VIII, the father of Elizabeth ; Darnley's mother was
Margaret Douglas, daughter of Margaret Tudor by her second marriage to Archibald,
sixth Earl of Angus. See genealogical tables infra, 351, 352.
' The Duke of Chatelherault
« See Throckmorton's letters in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 178, 180 ; and the
account in Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 469.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 47
of fourteen, 1 The next day, which was the thirteenth of May, the
Queen called for the Superintendents, by name John Willock, John
Winram, and John Spottiswoode, whom she cherished with fair words,
assuring them that she desired nothing more earnestly than the glory
of God and satisfying of men's consciences, and the good of the
commonwealth ; and albeit she was not persuaded in any Religion
but in that wherein she was brought up, yet she promised to them that
she would hear conference and disputation in the Scriptures : And
likewise she would be content to hear public preaching, but always
out of the mouth of such as pleased her Majesty ; and above all
others, she said, she would gladly hear the Superintendent of Angus
(for he was a mild and sweet-natured man), with true honesty and
uprightness, John Erskine of Dun.
Soon after the Queen passed to Saint Johnston, after that she had
directed Master John Hay, Prior of Monymusk, to pass to England,
who sped at the Queen of England's hand, even as Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton did in Scotland. ^
Before the day which was appointed for the meeting at Saint
Johnston,^ my Lord of Moray, most careful of the maintenance of
Religion, sent to all the principal Churches, advertising them of the
matter, and desiring them to advise, and send the most able men in
learning and reputation, to keep the day ; but their craft and dis-
simulation appeared, for the Dean of Restalrig, who lately arrived
out of France,^ with others, such as Mr John Lesley, Parson of Oyne,
afterward Bishop of Ross, caused the Queen to understand that thing
whereof she was easily persuaded, to wit, that there ought to be
given to all men liberty of conscience,^ and for this purpose to shun
or put off the first day appointed. The Queen wrote to the Nobility,
that because she was informed that there were great meetings out
of every shire and town in great number ; and then the other party
(so termed she the Papists) were minded to gather to the said
' Darnley was created Earl of Ross on 15 May 1565. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii.
No. 183) The names and designations of the fourteen knights are given in a memorial of
the same date {ibid., ii, No. 181).
^ See Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 183 {in fin.), 198, 200, 202. In Mary's letter
he is called " Commendator of Balmerino " {ibid., ii, No. 198).
^ The Lords of Secret Council were to convene at Perth on 10 June 1565 {Reg. Privy
Council of Scotland, i, 335-336 ; see also Randolph's account in his letter of 3 June 1565
to Cecil, Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 192) ; but the convention " held not " {ibid., ii,
No. 193). Neither was the later convention of 22 June held. (See Keith, History, ii, 300)
* John Sinclair. On 18 September 1564 Mary had applied to Elizabeth for a safe
conduct for Master John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, with eight companions, to return
from France to Scotland through her realm. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 91)
' An argument that had been advanced as early as 1561 {supra, 12)
148 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Convention, which should apparently make trouble or sedition,
rather than any other thing ; therefore she thought it expedient,
and willed them to stay the said meetings, and to defer the same till
such a day that she should appoint with advice of her Council. At
this time there was a Parliament proclaimed to be held at Edinburgh
the twentieth day of July. ^ By this Letter some of the Protestants,
having best judgment, thought themselves sufficiently warned of the
inconveniences and troubles to come. Now her Council at this time
was only the Earls of Lennox and Atholl, [and] the Lord Ruthven ;
but chiefly David Riccio the Italian ruled all ^ ; yet the Earl of
Ross ^ was already in greatest credit and famiharity.
These Letters were sent out to the Lords about the eight and
twentieth day of May ; and within twelve days thereafter, she
directed new missives to the chief of the Nobility, desiring or com-
manding them to come to Saint Johnston the three and twentieth
day of June following, to consult upon such things as concerned
Religion, and other things, as her Majesty should propose. Which
day was even the day before that the General Assembly should have
been held in Edinburgh. This last Letter uttered the effect of the
former ; so that the Protestants thought themselves sufficiently
warned. Always as the Earl of Moray was passing to Saint Johnston
to have kept the said day, he chanced to fall sick of the fluxes in
Lochleven,* where he remained till the Queen came forth of Saint
Johnston to Edinburgh, where the General Assembly of the whole
Church of Scotland was held the four and twentieth day of June. ^
The Earls of Argyll and Glencairn assisted the Church, with a great
company of Lords, Barons, and others. It was there ordered and
concluded, That certain Gentlemen, as Commissioners from the
Church National, should pass to the Queen's Majesty with certain
Articles, to the number of six, desiring her rnost humbly to ratify
and approve the same in Parliament.
And because the said Articles are of great weight, and worthy
of memory, I thought good to insert the same word by word.^
Imprimis, That the Papistical and blasphemous Mass, with all
Papistical idolatry, and Papal jurisdiction, be universally suppressed
' See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 335
* See Randolph's graphic account in his letter to Leicester of 3 June 1565. {Calendar
of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 191) ' Darnley
* For differing versions of Moray's " illness " see Calderwood, History, ii, 286 ; Keith,
History, ii, 31 1-314 ; Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 468-469. See also Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of
Scots, 354, note 16. ' The General Assembly met in Edinburgh on 25 June 1565
° See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 59-60
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 49
and abolished throughout this Realm, not only in the subjects, but
also in the Queen's own person, with punishment against all persons
that should be deprehended to transgress and offend in the same :
And that the sincere word of God and Christ's true Religion, now
at this present received, be established, approved, and ratified,^
throughout the whole Realm, as well in the Queen's own person as
in the subjects. And that the people be astricted to resort upon the
Sundays at the least to the prayers and preaching of God's word,
even as they were before to the idolatrous Mass : And these Heads
to be provided by Act of Parliament, and ratified by the Queen's
Majesty.
Secondly, That sure provision be made for sustentation of the
Ministry, as well for the time present, as the time to come : And
that such persons as are presently admitted to the Ministry, may have
their livings assigned unto them in places where they travail in their
calling, or at least next adjacent thereto : And that the Benefices
now vacant, or hath been vacant since the month of March 1558,^
or that hereafter shall happen to be vacant, be disponed to qualified
and learned persons, able to preach God's Word and discharge the
vocation concerning the Ministry, by trial and admission of the
Superintendents and Overseers : And that no Benefice or Living,
having many churches annexed thereunto, be disponed altogether
in any time to come, to any one man, but at the least the churches
thereof be severally disponed, and that to several persons ; so that
every man having charge may serve at his own church according to
his vocation : And to that effect, likewise the glebes and the manses
be given to the Ministers, that they may make residence at their
churches, whereby they may discharge their consciences according
to their vocation ; and also, that the kirks may be repaired accord-
ingly ; and that a law be made and established hereupon by Act of
Parliament, as said is.
Thirdly, That none be permitted to have charge of Schools,
Colleges, or Universities, neither privately nor publicly to teach and
instruct the youth, but such as shall be tried by the Superintendents
or Visitors of churches, and found sound and able in doctrine, and
admitted by them to their charges.
Fourthly, For the Sustentation of the Poor, That all lands founded
for hospitahty of old, be restored again to the same use ; and that
1 The Acts of the Reformation Parliament of 1560 had never been ratified by the
Queen, and were never to be ratified by her. See also on this point, supra, 78, note 4.
* That is, 1559
150 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
all lands, annual rents, or any other emoluments, pertaining any
ways sometime to the Friars, of whatsoever Order they had been
of, as likewise the annuities, altarages, obits, and other duties
pertaining to priests, to be applied to the sustentation of the poor,
and uphold of the town schools in towns, and other places where
they lie.
Fifthly, That such horrible crimes as now abound within this
Realm, without any correction, to the great contempt of God and
his Word ; such as idolatry, blasphemy of God's name, manifest
breaking of the Sabbath-day, witchcraft, sorcery, enchantment,
adultery, manifest whoredom, maintenance of brothels, murder,
slaughter, oppression, with many other detestable crimes, may be
severely punished ; and Judges appointed in every province and
diocese, for execution thereof, with power to do the same, and that
by Act of Parliament.
Lastly, That some order be devised and established for ease of the
poor labourers of the ground, concerning the unreasonable payment
of the tithes, who are oppressed by the leasers of the tithes set over
their heads, without their own consent and advice.
The persons who were appointed by the Church to carry these
Articles, and present them to the Queen's Majesty, were the Lairds
of Cunninghamhead, Lundie, Spott, and Grange in Angus, and
James Barron for the Burghs.^ These five passed from Edinburgh
to Saint Johnston, where they presented the said Articles to the
Queen's Majesty, desiring and requiring her Highness most humbly
to advise therewith, and to give them answer. The next day, ere
they were aware, the Queen departed to Dunkeld, ^ and immediately
they followed ; and after they had got audience, they desired the
Queen's Majesty most humbly to give their dispatch. She answered
that her Council was not there present, but she intended to be in
Edinburgh within eight days, and there they should receive their
answer.
At the same time as the General Assembly was held in
Edinburgh, the Brethren perceiving the Papists to brag, and
trouble like to be, they assembled themselves at Saint Leonard's
' That is, William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead ; Walter Lundie of that Ilk ;
George Hume of Spott ; William Durham of Grange ; and James Barron, burgess of
Edinburgh.
* According to Randolph, Mary was " now in suspicion of all men " and at night,
after supper, on 26 June, rode from Ruthven to Dunkeld with only a small retinue.
(Keith, History f ii, 301-304)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND I5I
Craig, ^ where they concluded they would defend themselves ; and for
the same purpose, elected eight persons of the most able, two of
every quarter, to see that [the] Brethren should be ready armed.
And when the five Commissioners above named had waited
upon the Court four or five days after her Majesty's coming to
Edinburgh,^ there the matter was proponed in Council. And after
long and earnest reasoning upon these Articles, at length it was
answered to the Commissioners by the Secretary, that the Queen's
Majesty's command was, that the matter should be reasoned in her
presence ; which, for the gravity of the same, there could nothing
be concluded at that time, albeit the Queen's Majesty had heard
more in that matter than ever she did before : But within eight days
thereafter, she understood that a great part of the Nobility should be
present in Edinburgh, where they should have a final answer.^
At length, the one and twentieth of August,* they received the
answer in writing in her presence, according to the tenor hereof, as
followeth :
The Queen's Majesty's Answer to the Articles presented
TO Her Highness, by certain Gentlemen, in the Name of
THE whole Assembly of the Church.^
To the first. Desiring the Mass to be suppressed and abolished,
as well in the head as in the members, with punishment against the
contraveners ; as also, the Religion professed to be established by
Act of Parliament ^ : It was answered first, for her Majesty's part,
That her Highness is no way yet persuaded in the said Religion, nor
' The Crags in the lands of St. Leonard's. The lands of St. Leonard's were added
to the King's Park by James V in 1540. ' Saint Leonard's Craig ' for the Salisbury Crags
would be unusual ; it may be that the reference is to the rising ground in St. Leonard's
opposite the Salisbury Crags.
■^ The Queen returned to Edinburgh on 4 July 1565. (Keith, History, ii, 321)
' On 12 July, " eight days " after Mary's return to Edinburgh, and following a meeting
of the Privy Council, an " assurance touart the state of religion " was issued, certifying
the Queen's good subjects that they would not be " molestit " in the " quiet using
of thair religioun and conscience " {Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 338) ; but, three days
later, since a great number of her lieges had taken to arms owing to " untrew report "
of her intentions, it was thought necessary to renew the assurance and also to charge all her
subjects to come to her, in Edinburgh, all well armed, and to remain with her for fifteen
days. {Ibid., i, 339) See also infra, 155-156, and Keith, History, ii, 326-328.
* On 29 July, according to the copy in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 217
' These answers were presented by the Commissioners at the meeting of the General
Assembly on 25 December 1565. They were declared to be unsatisfactory, and Mr. John
Row was directed to draw up in writing the Assembly's " Answers to the Answers." For
the Queen's Answers, the Assembly's Answers, and the Assembly's Supplication, see Booke
of the Universall Kirk, i, 67-7 1 . * See supra, 1 49, note i
152 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
yet that any impiety is in the Mass ; and therefore beHeveth that her
loving subjects will not press her to receive any Religion against her
conscience, which should be unto her a continual trouble by remorse
of conscience, and therewith a perpetual unquietness. And to deal
plainly with her subjects, her Majesty neither will nor may leave the
Religion wherein she hath been nourished and brought up, and
believeth the same to be well-grounded ; knowing, besides the grudge
of conscience that she should receive upon the change of her own
Religion, that she should lose the friendship of the King of France,
the married allia ^ of this Realm, and of other great Princes her
friends and confederates, who would take the same in evil part, and
of whom she may look for their great support in all her necessities.
And having no assured consideration that may countervail ^ the
same, she will be loth to put in hazard [the loss of] all her friends
at an instant ; praying all her loving subjects, seeing they have had
experience of her goodness, that she hath neither in times past, nor
yet intends hereafter, to press the conscience of any man, but that
they may worship God in such sort as they are persuaded in their
conscience to be best,^ that they will also not press her conscience.
As to the establishing of Religion in the body of the Realm,
they themselves know, as appears by their Articles, that the same
cannot be done only by consent of her Majesty, but requires neces-
sarily the consent of the three States in Parliament * ; and therefore
so soon as the Parliament holds, those things which the three States
agree upon amongst themselves, her Majesty shall consent unto the
same ; and in the meantime shall make sure, that no men be
troubled for using themselves in religion according to conscience ;
so that no man shall have cause to doubt, that for religion's sake men's
lives and heritage shall be in any hazard.
To the second Article, it is answered that her Majesty thinks
it no ways reasonable that she should defraud herself of so great a
part of the patrimony of the Crown, as to put the Patronage of
Benefices forth of her own hands ; for her own necessity in bearing
of her port ^ and common charges will require the retention thereof,
and that in a good part, in her own hands. Nevertheless her Majesty
' ally by marriage. In the Booke of the Universall Kirk the words are " ancient allya."
' counterbalance
^ But it now appears that in seeking a dispensation Mary and Darnley had promised
to " defend the Cathohc rehgion to the utmost of their power " (Robertson, Statiita Ecclesia
Scoticana, i, Preface, clxviii-clxix ; Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 122-124 ^""^ support-
ing notes). * See supra, 149, note i
* That is, her royal living and retinue
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 53
is well pleased that, consideration being had of her own necessity,
and what may be sufficient for her, and for the reasonable sustenta-
tion of the Ministers, a special assignation be made to them in places
most commodious and meet : with which her Majesty shall not
meddle, but suffer the same to come to them.
To the third Article, it is answered tliat her Majesty shall do
therein as shall be agreed by the States in Parliament.
To the fourth Article, Her Majesty's liberality towards the poor
shall always be so far extended as can be reasonably required at her
hands.
To the fifth and sixth Articles, Her Majesty will refer the taking
order therein unto the States assembled in Parliament.
As the Qjaeen's Majesty came from Saint Johnston, over Forth
to the Callendar,^ she was conveyed to the waterside of Forth with
two hundred spears. For at that time it was bruited, that there were
some lying in wait at the Path of Dron.^ In the meantime the Earl
of Moray was in Lochleven, and the Earl of Argyll with him. Now
in the Callendar the Lord Livingston ^ had desired the Queen's
Majesty to be witness to the christening of a child ; for his Lady was
lately delivered and brought to bed : And when the Minister made
the sermon and exhortation concerning baptism, the Queen's
Majesty came in the end, and said to the Lord Livingston, " That
she would shew him that favour that she had not done to any other
before " ; that is, that she would give her presence to the Protestant
sermon, which was reckoned a great matter.
The Queen being in the Callendar, was informed both by word
and letters by false brethren, That a great part of the Protestants of
Edinburgh had lately convened upon Saint Leonard's Craigs, and
there made a conspiration against her ; and had chosen for the same
purpose certain Captains to govern the rest. And without any trial,
or perfect notice taken in the case, she sent to the Provost and Bailies
of Edinburgh, commanding them to take and apprehend Alexander
Guthrie, Alexander Clerk, Gilbert Lauder, and Andrew Slater, and
put them in prison in the Castle.*
This new and unaccustomed fashion of proceeding seemed to be
very strange : And because the said four persons were not appre-
hended, she sent the next day a charge to the Provost and Bailies,
' Callendar House, near Falkirk
" About six miles south-east of Perth. For an analysis of this incident, see Hay
Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 354, note 16. ^ William, sixth Lord Livingston
* See Accounts Lord High Treasurer, xi, 376, 380
154 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
and to her own great Treasurer, to pass to the houses of the said
four men, and Hkewise to their booths or shops, and there to take
inventory of all their goods and chattels ; and commanded the said
Treasurer to take the keys of the said houses and booths, together
with the said inventory ; which was executed in effect, especially
upon the said Alexander Guthrie's wife, he being then common
clerk, ^ and one of the greatest in estimation within the town : his
wife and children were shut out of their house, and compelled to
seek some other lodging in the town.
By this manner of proceeding, the hearts of all men of spirit and
judgment were wonderfully abashed and wounded, seeing and per-
ceiving these things so furiously handled upon sinister and wrong
information, men never called to their answer, nor heard, nor any
trial taken therein. Immediately thereafter, as she came to Edin-
burgh, she called to council such as pleased her Majesty, and there
complained of the said matter, alleging it to be a conspiracy and
manifest treason. And another matter likewise was complained
upon, that the Earl of Argyll (as the Queen was surely informed)
was riding with a great army to invade the Earl of Atholl and his
lands. 2 For the first matter it was concluded by the Council that
diligent inquisition should be made in the matter, and to that pur-
pose appointed the Queen's Advocates, Master John Spens of
Condie and Master Robert Grichton, to examine such as they would ;
and when the said Advocates had called before them and examined
a sufficient number, and their depositions subscribed and delivered
to the Queen, there was nothing found worthy of death nor treason :
At length the said four persons were summoned to answer at law.^
For the other matter, that the Queen's Majesty should send to the
Earls of Argyll and Atholl some of her Gouncil or familiar servants
to take order touching it. And when the 3ecretary, the Justice-
Glerk, and Lord of Saint Golm ^had passed to the said Earl of Argyll,
they found no such thing ^ ; but in Atholl there was great fear come
of a sudden fray ; for after many proclamations, the fire-cross (which
they made use of in lieu of beacons) was raised in Atholl.
Now as the day of Parliament approached, the Lords pretend-
' Town Clerk of Edinburgh
* This is also reported by Randolph in a letter to Cecil of 6 July 1565. {Calendar of
Scottish Papers, ii, No. 204)
^ To the 26 July, according to a letter from Randolph to Cecil, printed in Keith,
History, ii, 330-331. * Sir James Stewart, Commendator of Inchcolm
' See also Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 204, 205 ; Accounts Lord High Treasurer,
xi, 375
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 55
ing to consult before what should be done, as well in Religion, as
for the Commonwealth, the fifteenth day of July ^ there convened
at Stirling the Duke, the Earls of Argyll and Moray, Rothes, and
other Lords and Barons ; and as they were devising and consulting,
the Queen's Majesty taking their meeting in evil part, sent her
Advocates, Master John Spens and Master [Robert] Crichton, to
them at Stirling, requiring the cause of their meeting. They answered.
That the special occasion of their meeting was for the cause of Religion
and the assurance thereof, according as they had lately written to
the Queen's Majesty in Seaton from the town of Edinburgh, they
desiring then to prorogate the day.
Finally, when the said Advocates could by no means persuade
them to come to Edinburgh, they returned again to Edinburgh,
and declared to the Queen's Majesty according as they had found.
In the meantime the Parliament was prorogated at the Queen's
Majesty's command to the first of September next after following ^ ;
for it was thought that, the best part and principal of the chief
Nobility being absent, there could no Parliament be held : at the
same time the Queen's Majestyperceiving that the matter was already
come to a maturity and ripeness, so that the minds and secrecy
of men's hearts must needs be disclosed, she wrote to a great number
of Lords, Barons, Gentlemen, and others that were nearest in Fife,
Angus, Lothian, Merse, Teviotdale, Perth, Linlithgow, Clydesdale,
and others to resort to her, in this form of words hereafter following
3
The Queen's Letter
" Trusty friend. We greet you well : We are grieved indeed by
the evil bruit spread amongst our lieges, as that we should have
molested any man in the using of his Religion and conscience freely,
a thing which never entered into our mind * ; yet since we perceive
the too easy believing such reports hath made them careless, and so
we think it becomes us to be careful for the safety and preservation
of our State ; wherefore we pray you most affectionately, that with
all possible haste (after the receipt of this our letter) you with your
kindred, friends, and whole force, well furnished with arms for war,
provided for fifteen days after your coming, address you to come to
us, to wait and attend upon us, according to our expectation and
' On 1 8 July 1565, according to Dniry [Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, No. 1305).
See also Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 210, 211.
' Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 335, 338 1
' Cf. Keith, History, ii, 326-328 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 209. See also '
supra, 151, note 3. * But see supra, 152, note 3.
(653) VOL n 11
156 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
trust in you, as you will thereby declare the good affection you bear
to the maintenance of our authority, and will do us therein accept-
able service.
Subscribed with our hand at Edinburgh, the seventeenth day
of July, 1565."
There was likewise Proclamation made in Edinburgh, that the
Queen minded not to trouble nor alter the Religion ; and also
Proclamations made in the shires above mentioned, for the same
purpose,^ that all freeholders and other gentlemen should resort (in
the aforesaid manner) to Edinburgh, where the Earl of Ross was
made Duke of Rothesay, with great triumph, the 23rd day of July.^
The same afternoon the Queen complained grievously upon the Earl
of Moray, in open audience of all the Lords and Barons ; and the
same day the banns of the Earl of Ross and Duke of Rothesay and
the Queen's marriage were proclaimed.^ About this time the Lord
Erskine was made Earl of Mar. ^ In the meantime there were divers
messages sent from the Queen's Majesty to the Lord of Moray, first,
Master Robert Crichton, to persuade him by all means possible to
come and resort to the Queen's Majesty. His answer was, that
he would be glad to come to herself, according to his bounden duty ;
yet for as much as such persons as were most privy in her company
were his capital enemies, who also had conspired his death, he could
no ways come so long as they were in Court.
Soon after, my Lord Erskine ^ and the Master [of] Maxwell "
passed to him to St. Andrews, rather suffered and permitted by the
Queen, than sent by her Highness ; after them the Laird of Dun,
who was sent by the means of the Earl of Mar ; but all this did not
prevail with him ; and when all hope of his coming was past, an
herald was sent to him, charging him to come to the Queen's Majesty,
and answer to such things as should be laid to his charge, within
eight and forty hours next after the charge, under pain of rebellion ;
and because he appeared not the next day after the eight and forty
' See Reg. Privy Cowicil of Scotland, i, 338-339
^ On Sunday 22 July Darnley, who had previously been made Earl of Ross
{supra, 146) was raised to the Dukedom of Albany. {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, No.
131 2 ; Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 105) See also infra, 157, note 9.
' The banns were proclaimed on Sunday 22 July.
* The grant of the Earldom of Mar to John, sixth Lord Erskine, was made on 23 June
1 565 and infeftment was given on 24 July. {Scots Peerage, v, 613)
' The Earl of Mar
* John, second son of Robert, fifth Lord Maxwell ; later Lord Herries. (See Scots
Peerage, vi, 481 ; iv, 409-41 1)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 57
hours, he was denounced rebel, and put to the horn.^ The same
order they used against the Earl of Argyll ; for the Queen said she
would serve him and the rest with the same measure they had meted
to others, meaning the said Argyll. ^
In the meanwhile, as the fire was well kindled and enflamed,
all means and ways were sought to stir up enemies against the chief
Protestants that had been lately at Stirling ; for the Earl of Atholl ^
was ready bent against the Earl of Argyll : the Lord Lindsay *
against the Earl Rothes ° in Fife, they both being Protestants ; for
they had contended now a long time for the sheriffship ^ of Fife. 77;? Dis-
And that no such thing should be left undone, the Lord Gordon, being come
who now had remained near three years in prison in Dunbar, was, ^1°^^^^°^^
after some little travail of his friends, received by the Queen ; and marriage.''
being thus received into favour, was restored first to the Lordship Jl°!/^^
of Gordon, and soon after to the Earldom of Huntly, and to all his according
lands, honours, and dignities, that he might be a bar and a party Romish
in the North to the Earl of Moray. » ^'''"'
The 28th of July, late in the evenmg, near an hour after the unlawful
sun's going down, there was a proclamation made at the Market- %^^^^-^'
Cross of Edinburgh, containing in effect : cousins-
german,
" That forasmuch as at the will and pleasure of Almighty God, brother
the Queen had taken to her husband a right excellent and illustrious sister's
Prince, Harry Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Ross, Lord Darnley, '^^^j^''^'''
Therefore it was her will, that he should be held and obeyed, and degree of
reverenced as King : Commanding all letters and proclamations to ^"j^^)^^'
be made in the names of Henry and Mary in times coming." * forbidden
' Moray was denounced as an outlaw on 6 August {Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i,
349-350). See also Hay Fleming, op. cit., 1 1 1 and supporting notes.
- Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll. (See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 358, note 24)
^ John, fourth Earl of Atholl '' Patrick, sixth Lord Lindsay of the Byres
' Andrew, fifth Earl of Rothes
" In Laing's reprint {Knox, ii, 495), the erroneous word " heir-ship " has been retained.
For this dispute, see Leslie, Historical Records of the Family of Leslie, ii, 76-77 and Hist. MSS.
Commission, 4th Report, 500-502.
' Robertson {Statuta Ecclesie Scoticana, i, clxix, note) states that the Papal dispensation
arrived in Edinburgh on 22 July, the day on which the banns were proclaimed ; but
Pollen has shown that the dispensation did not reach Scotland until some time after the
marriage had taken place, and that it was ante-dated to 25 May. {Scottish Historical
Review, iv 241-248) For the dispensation, see Pollen, Papal Negotiations with Mary Queen
of Scots, Scot. Hist. Soc, 218-220.
' George, Lord Gordon, fifth Earl of Huntly. Lord Gordon was apparently received
by the Queen on 3 August 1565 {Diurnal of Occurrents, 80). See infra, 171, note 6.
* See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 345-346 ; National MSS. of Scotland, iii, No. 48,
(where the transcript gives the month, erroneously, as January), For " Rothesay " in
the text here (and elsewhere) read " Albany."
158 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
The next day following, at six hours in the morning, they were
married in the Chapel Royal of Holyrood-House, by the Dean of
Restalrig,^ the Queen being all clothed in mourning. But imme-
diately, as the Queen went to Mass, the King went not with her,
but to his pastime. ^ During the space of three or four days, there
was nothing but balling, and dancing, and banqueting.
In the meantime, the Earl Rothes, the Laird of Grange,^ the
Tutor of Pitcur, * with some gentlemen of Fife, were put to the horn
for non-appearance ; and immediately the swash,^ tabor, and drums
were stricken or beaten for men of war to serve the King and Queen's
Majesty, and to take their pay.*^ This sudden alteration and hasty
creation of Kings, moved the hearts of a great number.
Now, amongst the people there were divers bruits : for some
alleged that the cause of this alteration was not for Religion, but
rather for hatred, envy of sudden promotion or dignity, or such
worldly causes ; but they that considered the progress of the matter,
according as is heretofore declared, thought the principal cause to ^j
be only for Religion. f I
In this meantime, the Lords passed to Argyll, taking, apparently,
little care of the trouble that was to come. Howbeit they sent into
England Master Nicolas Elphinstone ' for support, who brought some
moneys in this country, to the sum of ten thousand pounds sterling.
There came one forth of England to the Queen, who got presence
the seventh of August in Holyrood-House. He was not well [re-
ceived] &c.^
About the fifteenth of August, the Lords met at Ayr, to wit, the
Duke of Hamilton,^ the Earls Argyll, Moray, Glencairn, Rothes, the
i
1 John Sinclair, Bishop of Brechin *
^ 29 July 1565. See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 347-348, notes 113, 114
' Sir William Kirkcaldy of Grange
* James Haliburton, Tutor of Pitcur, and Provost of Dundee. This was on 7 August
1565. {Diurnal of Occurrents, 81) On 2 August they had been charged to enter themselves
in ward in the Castles of Dumbarton and Dunbar within five days. {Reg. Privy Council
of Scotland, i, 348) * drum ; later mistakenly used for trumpet
" See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 348-349 (4 August 1565), and Diurnal of Occurrents,
80 (6 August 1565)
' Moray writes to Bedford, on 2 August 1565, requesting him to assist his servant
" Maistre Nychol Elphistoun " on his way from Berwick to Newcastle (Calendar of Scottish
Papers, ii. No. 223) ; on 13 August the Privy Council issue letters for Nichol Elphingstoun
to be sought and charged to surrender himself under pain of rebellion. {Reg. Privy Council
of Scotland, i, 352)
' This was John Thomworth, sent by Elizabeth at the end of July, but who, received
by Mary on 7 August, found the Scottish Queen " marvellously stout." (See Calendar
of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 220, 225, 226-229 ; Hay Fleming, Adary Queen of Scots, 110-112
and supporting notes) ' That is, Chatelherault
i
i
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 59
Lords Boyd and Ochiltree, with divers Barons and Gentlemen of
Fife and Kyle, where they concluded to be in readiness with their
whole forces the four and twentieth day of August.^ But the King
and Queen with great celerity prevented them ; for their Majesties
sent through Lothian, Fife, Angus, Strathearn, Teviotdale, and
Clydesdale, and other shires, making their proclamations in this
manner, " That forasmuch as certain Rebels, who (under colour of J^ote this
Religion) intended nothing but the trouble and subversion of the {^Z"*^
Commonwealth, were to convene with such as they might persuade
to assist them ; therefore they charged all manner of men, under
pain of life, lands, and goods, to resort and meet their Majesties at
Linlithgow, the 24 day of August." ^
This Proclamation was made in Lothian the third day of the
said month. Upon Sunday the nineteenth of August the King
came to the High Kirk of Edinburgh, where John Knox made the
sermon : his text was taken out of the six and twentieth chapter
of Isaiah his Prophecy, about the thirteenth verse, where, in the "^^^
words of the Prophet, he said, " O Lord our God, other lords than make him-
thou have ruled over us." Whereupon he took occasion to speak ^#7<"'«
r • 1 1 • popular,
ot the government of wicked prmces who, for the sins of the people, and to take
are sent as tyrants and scourges to plague them. And amongst other -^ZTJ^
things, he said, " That God sets in that room (for the offences and ''^^ Con-
ingratitude of the people) boys and women." And some other fhf pretext
words which appeared bitter in the King's ears as, " That God justly °f ^^'
punished Ahab and his posterity, because he would not take order went to
with that harlot Jezebel." And because he had tarried an hour and ^||jf ^^^^
more longer than the time appointed, the King (sitting in a throne Knox
made for that purpose), was so moved at this sermon that he would ^'^^^'^
not dine ; and being troubled, with great fury he passed in the after-
noon to the hawking. *
Immediately John Knox was commanded to come to the Council,
where, in the Secretary's chamber, were convened the Earl of Atholl,
^ Moray was on his way to Ayr on 18 August, and on 27 August Randolph reported
that the Protestant Lords were " now at Ayr ". {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 232, 237)
* Cf. Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 355 (22 August 1565)
' This marginal rubric seems to have been taken from Spottiswoode. (See History
of the Church of Scotland, Spottiswoode Society, ii, 31)
* This is reported in the Diurnal of Occurrents (81), the writer adding that the King
" was crabbit, and causit discharge the said Johne of his preitching." The sermon was
subsequently published by Knox, written out " indigestly, but yet truly so far as memory
would serve " on 31 August 1565 amid " the terrible roaring of guns and the noise of
armour " {cf infra, 161). The date added to the Preface is 19 September 1565. (Laing's
Knox, vi, 223-273)
l60 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
the Lord Ruthven, the Secretary, the Justice-Clerk,^ with the Advo-
cate.2 There passed along with the Minister a great number of the
most apparent men of the Town. When he was called, the Secretary
declared, " That the King's Majesty was offended with some words
spoken in the sermon (especially such as are above rehearsed),
desiring him to abstain from preaching for fifteen or twenty days,
and let Master Craig ^ supply the place." *
He answered, " That he had spoken nothing but according to his
text ; and if the Church would command him either to speak or
abstain, he would obey, so far as the Word of God would permit
him." '
Within four days after, the King and Queen sent to the Council
of Edinburgh, commanding them to depose Archibald Douglas,
and to receive the Laird [of] Craigmillar ^ for their Provost, which
was presently obeyed.'
The five and twentieth of August,^ the King's and Queen's
Majesties passed from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, and from thence
to Stirling, and from Stirling to Glasgow. At their [first] arrival,
their whole people were not come. The next day after their arrival
to Glasgow, the Lords came to Paisley, where they remained that
night, being in company about one thousand horse. On the morrow
they came to Hamilton, keeping the high passage from Paisley hard
by Glasgow, where the King and Queen easily might behold them.
The night following, which was the penult of August, they remained
in Hamilton with their company ; but for divers respects moving
them, they thought it not expedient to tarry ; especially because
the Earl of Argyll was not come : for his diet was not afore the second
of September following, to have been at Hamilton.
• Sir John Bellenden of Auchinoul ^ John Spgns of Condie
" Mr. John Craig, Knox's fellow-preacher in Edinburgh
• Cf. Laing's Knox, vi, 230-31
' And the Council, Bailies, and Deacons of Crafts of the Burgh, on the afternoon of
23 August, unanimously concluded and delivered " that thai will na maner of way
consent or grant that his mouth be closit or he dischargeit in preiching the trew word."
{Edinburgh Burgh Records, Burgh Rec. Soc, iii, 200) The editor of the Fifth Book again
adds a long marginal rubric — " In answering he said more than he had preached, for he
added. That as the King had (to pleasure the Queen) gone to Mass, and dishonoured the
Lord God, so should God in his justice make her an instrument of his ruin ; and so it
fell out in a very short time ; but the Queen being incensed with these words, fell out in
tears, and to please her, John Knox must abstain from preaching for a time " — which again
seems to be derived from Spottiswoode {op. cit., ii, 31).
• Sir Simon Preston ' See Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 199, 200, 201.
« On Sunday 26 August, according to Randolph {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 237)
and the Diurnal of Occurrents (82)
I
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND l6l
Finally, They took purpose to come to Edinburgh, the which
they did the next day.^ And albeit Alexander Erskine, Captain
under the Lord his brother, ^ caused to shoot forth of the Castle two
shot of cannon, they being near the town ; and likewise that the
Laird [of] Craigmillar, Provost, did his endeavour to hold the Lords
forth of the town, in causing the common bells to be rung, for the
convening of the town to the effect aforesaid ; yet they entered easily
at the West Port or Gate, without any molestation or impediment,
being in number, as they esteemed themselves, one thousand three
hundred horse. Immediately they dispatched messengers southward
and northward to assist them ; but all in vain. And immediately
after they were in their lodgings, they caused to strike or beat the
drum, desiring all such men as would receive wages for the defence
of the glory of God, that they should resort the day following to the
Church, where they should receive good pay. But they profited little
that way ; neither could they in Edinburgh get any comfort or
support, for none or few resorted unto them ^ ; yet they got more
rest and sleep when they were at Edinburgh than they had done in
five or six nights before.
The Noblemen of this company were the Duke, the Earls Moray,
Glencairn, and Rothes ; the Lords Boyd and Ochiltree ; the Lairds
of Grange, Cunninghamhead, Balcomie, and Lawers "* ; the Tutor
of Pitcur ^ ; the Lairds of Barr, Carnell, and Dreghorn •^ ; and the
Laird of Pittarrow, Comptroller,' went with them. Some said
merrily that they were come to keep the Parliament ; for the
Parliament was continued till the first day of September. Upon the
which day they wrote to the King's and Queen's Majesties a letter,
containing in effect that, albeit they were persecuted most unjustly,
which they understood proceeded not of the King's and Queen's
Majesties own nature, but only by evil counsel, yet notwithstanding,
they were willing and content to suffer according to the laws of the
Realm, providing that the true Religion of God might be established,
and the dependants thereupon be likewise reformed : beseeching
' Friday 31 August. (See Diurnal of Occurrents, 82 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos.
239, 241)
^ Sir Alexander Erskine of Gogar, second surviving son of John, fifth Lord Erskine,
and brother to John, sixth Lord Erskine, now Earl of Mar
' See also Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 245 ; Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 203-205
* These lairds were : Sir William Kirkcaldy of Grange ; William Cunningham of
Cunninghamhead ; George Learmonth of Balcomie, and John Campbell of Lawers.
' James Haliburton, Provost of Dundee
' These lairds were : John Lockhart of Barr, Hugh Wallace of Carnell, and John
Fullerton of Dreghorn. ' Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow
1 62 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
their Majesties most humbly to grant these things ; but otherwise,
if their enemies would seek their blood, they should understand it
should be dear bought. They had written twice, almost to the same
effect, to the King's and Queen's Majesties, after their passing from
Edinburgh ; for the Laird of Preston ^ presented a letter to the King's
and Queen's Majesties, and was therefor imprisoned, but soon after
released ; nevertheless they got no answer.
The same day that they departed out of Hamilton, the King's
and Queen's Majesties issued out of Glasgow in the morning betimes,
and passing towards Hamilton, the army met their Majesties near
the Bridge of Gadder. ^ As they mustered, the Master of Maxwell
sat down upon his knees, and made a long oration to the Queen,
declaring what pleasure she had done to them, and ever laid the
whole burden upon the Earl of Moray. Soon after, they marched
forward in battle array. The Earl of Lennox took the vanguard,
the Earl of Morton the middle battle, and the King and Queen the
rear. The whole number were about five thousand men, whereof
the greatest part were in the vanguard.
As the King's and Queen's Majesties were within three miles
of Hamilton, they were advertised that the Lords were departed
in the morning ; but where they pretended to be that night, it was
uncertain. Always, soon after their return to Glasgow, the King and
Queen were certainly advertised that they were passed to Edinburgh ;
and therefore caused immediately to warn the whole army to pass
with them to Edinburgh the next day, who, early in the morning,
long before the sun was risen, began to march. But there arose such
a vehement tempest of wind and rain from the west, as the like had
not been seen before in a long time ; so that a little brook turned
incontinent into a great river ; and the raging storm being in their
faces, with great difficulty went they forward.' And albeit the most
part waxed weary, yet the Queen's courage increased man-like, so
much that she was ever with the foremost. ^ There were divers persons
drowned that day in the water of Carron ; and amongst others, the
King's master, a notable Papist, who, for the zeal he bore to the Mass,
carried about his neck a round god of bread, well closed in a case,
which always could not save him.
Before the end of August, there came a post to the Queen's
* Sir David Hamilton of Singleton. (See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 363)
^ About two miles south-west of Kirkintilloch
' These details are confirmed in a letter from Randolph to Cecil, of 4 September 1565.
(Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 246) The storm of wind and rain was on Saturday,
I September.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 63
Majesty, sent by Alexander Erskine, who declared that the Lords
were in the town of Edinburgh, where there was a multitude of
innocent persons, and therefore desired to know if he should shoot.
She commanded incontinent that he should return again to the said
Alexander, and command him, in her name, that he should shoot
so long as he had either powder or bullet, and not spare for anybody.
At night, the King and Queen came well wet to the Callendar,^
where they remained that night. And about eight hours at night,
the first of September, the post came again to the Castle, and reported
the Queen's command to Alexander Erskine, who incontinently
caused to shoot six or seven shot of cannon, whereof the marks
appeared, having respect to no reason, but only to the Queen's
command.
The Lords perceiving that they could get no support in Edin-
burgh, nor soldiers for money, albeit they had travailed all that they
could ; and being advertised of the Queen's returning with her
whole company, they took purpose to depart. And so the next day
betimes, long before day, they departed with their whole company,
and came to Lanark ^ and from thence to Hamilton, where the Master
of Maxwell came to them, with his uncle, the Laird of Drumlanrig.^
And after consultation, the said Master wrote to the Queen's Majesty,
that being required by the Lords as he was passing homeward, he
could not refuse to come to them ; and after that he had given them
counsel to disperse their army, they thought it expedient to pass
to Dumfries^ to repose them, where they would consult and make
their offers, and send to their Majesties ; and thus beseeching their
Majesties to take this in good part. The town of Edinburgh sent two
of the Council of the town to make their excuse.
The next day the King and Queen passed to Stirling, and sent to
Edinburgh, and caused a proclamation to be made, commanding
all men to return to Glasgow ^ where, having remained three or four
days, and understanding that the Lords were passed to Dumfries,
they returned to Stirling, and from thence to Fife ^ ; and in their
' That is, Callendar House, near Falkirk
■'' Randolph reports them as retiring at 3 a.m. on the morning of Sunday 2 Sep-
tember. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 245) The Diurnal of Occurrents (82) says they
departed "at 12 houris at evin or thairby " of i September, " and raid to Lanerk."
^ Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig. His sister, Janet, had married Robert, fifth
Lord Maxwell,
* They arrived at Dumfries on 5 September. (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. No. 1464)
* Kilsyth, in Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 361
° The Queen left Stirling for St. Andrews on 9 September. {Calendar of Scottish Papers,
ii. No. 251)
164 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
passage, caused to take in Castle Campbell, which was delivered
without impediment to the Lord of Sanquhar,^
Before the King and Queen went out of Stirling, there came from
Edinburgh two ensigns of footmen, to convey them into Fife. In
the meantime, the Burghs were taxed in great sums unaccustomed,
for the payment of the soldiers. ^ Further, there were raised divers
troops of horsemen, to the number of five or six hundred horse. The
soldiers had taken two poor men that had received the Lords'
wages ; which two men being accused and convicted, at the Queen's
command, were hanged at Edinburgh, the third day after the Lords
departing.^ At this time. Master James Balfour, Parson of Flisk,*
had got all the guiding in the court.
The third day after the Queen's coming to Fife, the whole Barons
and Lairds of Fife convoyed her Majesty till she came to Saint
Andrews, where the said Lairds and Barons, especially the Protestants,
were commanded to subscribe to a Band, containing in effect, that
they obliged themselves to defend the King's and Queen's persons
against Englishmen and rebels : and in case they should come to
Fife, they should resist them to their utmost power ; which charge
every man obeyed.^
The second night after the Queen's coming to Saint Andrews,
she sent a band, or troop of horsemen, and another of foot, to Lundie,
and at midnight took out the Laird, being a man of eighty years old,^
then they passed to Falside, and took likewise Thomas Scott,' and
brought him to Saint Andrews ; where they, with the Laird of
Balvaird,^ and some others, were commanded to prison.^ This
manner of handling and usage, being unkend ^° and strange, was
heavily spoken of, and a great terror to others, who thought themselves
warned of greater severity to come.
In the meantime the houses of the Earls of 'Moray [and] Rothes,
and the houses of divers gentlemen, were given in keeping to such as
* Edward, seventh Lord Crichton of Sanquhar
^ Randolph speaks of the Queen having taken a " benevolence " from the burghs
of St. Andrews, Dundee, and Perth, which was given with as evil a will as ever money
was paid. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 261)
' See Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 206
* Later, Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich. On 1 9 September Bedford, writing to Cecil,
says that Riccio, Fowler, " and one Balfour " rule all. {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii,
No. 1510)
' See the " Band in Fyffe " in Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 367. (12 September
1565) ' Walter Lundie of that Ilk
' Thomas Scott of Pitgorno and Abbotshall
* Andrew Murray of Balvaird * See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 369
'" unknown
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 65
the Queen pleased, after that their children and servants had been
cast out.
At the same time the Duke, the Earls of Glencairn and Argyll,
the Lords Boyd and Ochiltree, with the Laird of Cunninghamhead,
and the rest, were charged to come and present themselves in Saint
Andrews, before the King's and Queen's Majesties, to answer to such
things as should be laid to their charge, within six days, under the
pain of rebellion.^ And the day being expired, and they not
appearing, were denounced rebels, and put to the horn.
As the Queen remained in Saint Andrews, the inhabitants of
Dundee were sore afraid, because of some evil report made of them
to the Queen, as if they had troubled the Queen in seeking men-of-
war and suffering some to be raised in their town for the Lords ;
for there was nothing done in Dundee, but it was revealed to the
Queen ; especially that the Minister ^ had received a letter from the
Lords, and delivered the same to the Brethren, persuading them to
assist the Lords ; which being granted by the Minister, the Queen
remitted it for trial. After great travail and supplication made by
some Noblemen, at length, the King and Queen being in the town,
they agreed for two thousand marks, five or six of the principal left
out, with some others, that were put to their shift. ^ After the King
and Queen had remained two nights in the town of Dundee, they
came to Saint Andrews * ; and soon after they came over Forth,
and so to Edinburgh. During this time the Master of Maxwell wrote
to the King and Queen, making offers for, and in the name of the
Lords.
The next day after the King's and Queen's coming to Edinburgh,
there was a Proclamation made at the Market Cross : And because
the same is very notable, I thought good to insert it here word by
word, albeit it be somewhat long.^
" Henry and Mary, by the Grace of God, King and Queen
of Scots ; To all and sundry, our Lieges and Subjects whom
it may concern, and to whose knowledge these letters shall
come, greeting.
" Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 365 ^ William Christison
' That is, the town " compounded " for a remission, certain persons being excepted
and left " to make what shift they could." Bedford reports that Mary thought to have
sacked Dundee, but the town bought its " quietness " for two thousand pounds Scots.
{Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, No. 1510)
* Mary apparently spent three nights in Dundee and returned to Edinburgh (on
1 7 September), not by way of St. Andrews, but by Perth and Dunfermline. (Hay Fleming,
Mary Queen of Scots, 534) ' See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 369-371
1 66 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
" Forasmuch as in this uproar lately raised up against us, by
certain rebels and their assistants, the authors thereof (to blind the
eyes of the simple people) have given them to understand that the
quarrel they have in hand is only Religion, thinking with that
cloak to cover their ungodly designs, and so, under that plausible
argument, to draw after them a large train of ignorant persons,
easy to be seduced : Now, for the preservation of our good subjects,
whose case were to be pitied, if they blindly should suffer themselves
to be induced and trapped in so dangerous a snare, it hath pleased
the goodness of God, by the utterance of their own mouths and
writings to us, to discover the poison that before lay hid in their
hearts, albeit to all persons of clear judgment the same was evident
Note how enough before : For what other thing might move the principal
with our ^ raisers of this tumult to put themselves in arms against us so un-
times naturally, upon whom We had bestowed so many benefits, but that
the great honour We did them, they being thereof unworthy, made
them misknow themselves ; and their ambition could not be satisfied
with heaping riches upon riches, and honour upon honour, unless
they retain in their hands us and our whole Realm, to be led, used,
and disposed at their pleasure. But this could not the multitude
have perceived, if God (for disclosing their hypocrisy) had not
compelled them to utter their unreasonable desire to govern ; for
now by letters, sent from themselves to us, they make plain pro-
fession that the establishing of Religion will not content them, but
We must be forced to govern by such Council as it shall please them
Let this be to appoint US ; a thing so far beyond all measure, that We think
with OUT the only mention of so unreasonable a demand is sufficient to make
times their nearest kinsfolk their most mortal enemies, and all men to run
on them ^ without further scruple, that are zealous to have their
native country to remain still in the state of a' kingdom. For what
other thing is this, but to dissolve the whole policy ; and (in a manner),
to invert the very order of nature, to make the Prince obey, and sub-
jects command. The like was never demanded of any of our most
noble progenitors heretofore, yea, not of Governors and Regents ;
but the Princes, and such as have filled their places, chose their
Council of such as they thought most fit for the purpose. When
We ourselves were of less age, and at our first returning into this
our Realm, We had free choice of our Council at our pleasure, and
now when We are at our full maturity, shall We be brought back
to the state of pupils, and be put under tutory ? So long as some
* to oppose them
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 67
of them bore the whole sway with us, this matter was never called
in question ; but now when they cannot be longer permitted to do
and undo all at their pleasure, they will put a bridle into our mouths,
and give us a Council chosen after their fantasy. This is the quarrel
of Religion they made you believe they had in hand. This is the
quarrel for which they would have you hazard your lands, lives, NotedUi-
and goods, in the company of a certain number of rebels against
your natural Princes. To speak in good language, they would be
Kings themselves, or at least the leaving to us the bare name and
title, and take to themselves the credit and whole administration
of the kingdom.
" We have thought good to make publication hereof to show
that you suffer not yourselves to be deceived, under pretence of
Religion, to follow them who, preferring their particular advance-
ment to the public tranquillity, and having no care of you, in respect
of themselves would (if you would hearken to their voice) draw you
after them, to your utter destruction. Assuring you, that [as] you
have heretofore good experience of our clemency, and under our
wings enjoyed in peace the possession of your goods, and lived at
liberty of your conscience, so may you be in full assurance of the
like hereafter, and have us always your good and loving Princes, to
so many as shall continue yourselves in due obedience, and do the
office of faithful and natural subjects.
" Given under our Signet at Saint Andrews, the tenth ^ of
September, and of our Reigns the first and twentie three
years, 1565."
Now, the Lords desired, next the establishing of Religion, that
the Queen's Majesty, in all the affairs of the Realm and Common-
wealth, should use the council and advice of the Nobility, and ancient
blood of the same ; whereas in the meantime the council of David,
and Francisco, the Italians,^ with Fowler the Englishman,^ and Master
James Balfour, parson of Flisk, was preferred before all others, * save
only the Earl of Atholl, who was thought to be a man of gross judg-
ment, but nevertheless in all things given to please the Queen. It
* In the Register the date is given as the " third day of September," presumably
the clerk's error for " thirteenth ".
^ That is, David Riccio, and Francis de Busso, who was Mary's Master of Works
' Fowler, the Englishman, was Lennox's servant.
* This charge is included in the " information" sent to Elizabeth. {Calendar of Scottish
Papers, ii, No. 264) See also supra, 164, note 4.
1 68 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
was now finally come to this point that, instead of law, justice, and
equity, only will ruled in all things.
There was throughout all the country set out a proclamation in
the King's and Queen's names, commanding all persons to come
and meet them at Stirling, the first day of October following, with
twenty days provision, under pain of life, lands, and goods. ^ It
was uncertain whether their Majesties intended to pass from Stirling
or not, and I believe the principal men knew not well at that time ;
for a report was, that by reason the Castles of Hamilton and Draffen
were kept fortified and victualled at the Duke's command, that they
would pass to siege the said houses, and give them some shot of a
cannon - : others said they would pass towards my Lord of Argyll,
who had his people always armed, whereof his neighbours were
afraid, especially the inhabitants of AthoU and Lennox ; but at
length it was concluded that they should pass to Dumfries, as shall
be declared.
During this time there were propositions made continually to the
King and Queen by the Lords, desiring always their Majesties most
humbly to receive them into their hands. Their Articles tended
continually to these two heads, viz., To abolish the Mass, root out
idolatry, and establish the true Religion : And that they and the
affairs of the Realm should be governed by the advice and council
of the true Nobility of the same ; offering themselves, and their
cause, to be tried by the laws of the country. Yet nothing could be
accepted nor taken in good part, albeit the Master of Maxwell
laboured by all means to redress the matter, who also entertained
the Lords most honourably in Dumfries, for he had the government
of all that country. But he himself incurred the Queen's wrath,^
so that he was summoned to present himself, and appear before the
King's and Queen's Majesties, after the same/orm that the rest of
the Lords were charged with ; and also commanded to give over
the house of Lochmaben, and the Castle, which he had in keeping
for the Queen. And albeit he obeyed not, yet was he not put to the
horn, as the rest. Nevertheless there was no man that doubted of
his good will and partaking with the Lords,^ who in the meantime
' See Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 258 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, 83
'' See Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 259
" Ibid., ii, No. 236
* Later Randolph spoke of him as one who laboured " tooth and nail " for recon-
ciliation. {Ibid., ii, No. 293) For a subsequent vindication of his actions, registered
in " the Books of Council," see Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 414-415.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 69
sent Robert Melville to the Queen of England, and declared their
state to her Majesty, desiring support.^
Now, the chief care and solicitude that was in the Court was
by what means they might come to have money ; for notwithstand-
ing this great preparation for war, and eminent appearance of
trouble, yet were they destitute of the sinews of war.^ Albeit the
Treasurer,^ and the Comptroller, to wit, the Laird of Tulhbardine,*
had disbursed many thousands ; yet there was no appearance of
payment of soldiers, nor scarcely how the King's and Queen's houses
and pompous trains should be upheld : there were about 600 horse-
men, besides the guard and three ensigns of footmen. The charge
of the whole would amount to j^iooo sterling every month, a thing
surpassing the usual manner of Scotland.
At this time arrived the Earl of Both well, ^ who was welcome,
and graciously received by the Queen, and immediately placed in
Council, and made Lieutenant of the West and Middle Marches,*
Now as every one of the burghs compounded to be exempted from
this meeting, the Earl of Atholl demanded of Edinburgh ;^200
sterling ; but they refused to pay it : notwithstanding, 27 September,
there was a certain number of the principal and rich persons
of the town warned by a macer to pass to the Palace of Holyrood-
house to the King and Queen, who declared to them by their own
mouths' speaking that they had use for money, and therefore know-
ing them to be honest men, and the inhabitants of the best city in
their country, they must needs charge them ; and for security they
should have other men bound for pledges, or any hand therefor.
The sum that they desired was £1000 sterhng and no less. They
being astonished, made no answer ; but Parson Flisk,^ standing by,
said, that seeing the King's and Queen's Majesties desired them so
civilly, in a thing most lawful in their necessity, they did show them-
selves not honest to keep silence and give no answer to their Majesties,
for that must needs be had of them which was required ; and if they
' See Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 255-257 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, No,
1493. See also Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 116 and supporting notes.
" See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 11 5-1 16 and supporting notes.
^ Robert Richardson * William Murray of Tullibardine
' Randolph, on 19 September, says he has been told of Bothwell's return ; and he
adds a brief and devastating character sketch. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 261) The
Diurnal of Occurrents (83) says he arrived in Scotland, out of France, on 1 7 September.
He had apparently landed at Eyemouth on 1 7 September. {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii,
No. 1509)
* See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 378, 383. His name occurs in a sederunt of the
Privy Council on 10 October {ibid., i, 379), ' James Balfour
So was the
City of
London,
for war
against
Scotland,
vexed for
levy
money '■'
170 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
would not, they should be constrained by the laws, which they
would not abide ; for some of them had deserved hanging (said he),
because they had lent large sums of money to the King's and Queen's
enemies and rebels ; and therefore they must shortly suffer great
punishment.
Soon after they were called in one by one, and demanded how
much they would lend. Some made this excuse, and some that ;
by reason there were [those] that offered to lend money. Amongst
whom there was one offered to lend ^{^20 ; to him the Earl of Atholl ^
said, thou art worthy to be hanged that speakest of ;{^20, seeing the
Princes charge thee so easily. Finally, they were all imprisoned,
and soldiers set over them, having their muskets ready charged, and
their match lighted, even in the house with them, where they re-
mained all that night, and the next day till night ; and then being
changed from one prison to another, there were six chosen out and
sent in the night to the Castle of Edinburgh, convoyed with musketeers
round about them, as if they had been murderers or most vile persons.^
At length (the third day), by means of the Laird of Craigmillar,
Provost, and some others, the sum was made more easy, to wit,
1000 marks sterling, to be paid immediately, and to have the
superiority of Leith in pledge (to wit), upon condition of redemption.*
And besides the said sum of 1000 marks sterling, they paid £1000
sterling for the meeting at Dumfries.^ At the day appointed for
electing the officers, the Queen sent, in a ticket, such as she would
have them choose for Provost, Bailies, and Council, whereof there
' John, fourth Earl of Atholl
' This must be David Buchanan's own marginal note for his edition of 1644. The
reference is to the forced loan of 1640 levied on the City of London for Charles I's war
against the Scots (the Second Bishops' War).
^ According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (83, 84) the priijcipal burgesses of Edinburgh
were summoned to Holyroodhouse on 27 September, when they refused to lend money
to the Queen and were commanded to enter themselves in ward ; on 29 September, six
of them were transferred to the Castle, there " to thole the lawis for certane crymes ;
and becaus thaj appoyntit with our soueranis, thaj wer put to libertie."
* But, according to the Burgh Records, Edinburgh was asked to lend the King and
Queen ;{^5,ooo ; after " lang avisement " the sum was increased to 10,000 marks (^{^6,666,
13s. 4d.), the security for repayment of the loan being the grant to Edinburgh of the
superiority of Leith. {Edinburgh Burgh Records, Burgh Rec. Soc, iii, 207-208, 213, 224-225,
227, 228-229) The sum was advanced by way of loan by 381 persons, whose names, and
the amount of their contributions, appear in the Records — some of the larger sums being
furnished by twenty-five persons, " men of law " ; and the Town of Edinburgh received
a charter of the Superiority of Leith, dated 4 October 1565 and presented to the Council
on 14 November.
' The burgh paid /^looo to " rem.ane and abide at hame " from the hosting at
Dumfries, on 1 7 September, 1 565. {Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 206-207)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND I7I
was a number of Papists, the rest not worthy,^ Of the number
given in by the Queen, they named such as should rule for that year ;
notwithstanding, without free election, the Laird of Craigmillar
remained Provost, ^ who showed himself most willing to set forward
Religion, to punish vice, and to maintain the Commonwealth. All
this time the Ministers cried out against the Mass, and such idolatry ;
for it was more advanced by the Queen than before.
The first day of October, met in Edinburgh the Superintendent
of Lothian,^ with all the Ministers under his charge, according to
their ordinary custom — for every Superintendent used to convene
the whole Ministry — and there it was complained on, that they could
get no payment of their stipends, not only about the city, but through-
out the whole Realm. Therefore, after reasoning and consultation
taken, they framed a supplication, directed to the King and Queen,
and immediately presented the same to their Majesties, by Master
John Spottiswoode, Superintendent of Lothian, and Master David
Lindsay, Minister of Leith. It contained in effect, that forasmuch
as it had pleased the King's and Queen's Majesties (with advice
of the Privy Council) to grant unto the Ministers of the Word their
stipends, to be taken of the Thirds of the Benefices,* which stipends
are now detained from the said Ministers by reason of the troubles,
and changing of the Comptroller, ^ whereby they are not able to live ;
and therefore most humbly craved the King's and Queen's Majesty
to cause them to be paid. Their answer was that they would cause
order to be taken therein to their contentment.
Soon after the Lord Gordon came to Edinburgh, and left the
most part of his people at Stirling with his carriage ; the King and
Queen, for hope of his good service to be done, restored him to his
father's place, to the Earldom of Huntly, the lands and heritage
thereof.^
October 8 the King and Queen marched forth of Edinburgh
* Ibid., iii, 207 (26 September 1565)
^ Sir Simon Preston of Craigmillar. He had superseded Archibald Douglas of
Kilspindie {supra 160; Diurnal of Occurrents, 81). Preston of Craigmillar remained in
office as Provost until 1568. ^ Mr. John Spottiswoode
* See infra, Appendix IX
^ Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow had been replaced by Sir William Murray of
Tullibardine.
' Supra, 157. By proclamation on 25 August 1565 he was restored " to his fame,
honour, and dignitie, and to the lordschipe of Gordoun " {Diurnal of Occurrents, 81 ;
Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 237). On 6 October he was restored to the Earldom of
Huntly {Diurnal, 84 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 278) and on 10 October he appears
in the sederunt of the Privy Council as Earl of Pluntly. {Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 379)
(653) VOL II 12
172 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
towards Dumfries,^ and as they passed from the Palace of Holyrood-
house, all men were warned with jack and spear. The first night they
came to Stirling, and the next to Crawford. The day after, the
Lairds of Drumlanrig and Lochinvar ^ met the Queen, albeit they
had been with the Lords familiar enough.
The Lords perceiving that all hope of reconciliation was past,
they rode to Annan, where they remained till the Queen came to
Dumfries, and then they passed to Carlisle. Now the Master of
Maxwell had entertained the Lords familiarly, and subscribed with
them, and had spoken as highly against their enemies as any of
themselves, and had received large money by that means, to wit,
£1000, to raise a band or troop of horsemen ; and that the same
day the King and Queen came to Dumfries ; [yet] the third day after
their coming, he came to them, conveyed by the Earl Bothwell,
with divers other Noblemen. At length the Earls of Atholl and
Huntly were sureties for him, and all things past remitted, upon
condition that he should be a faithful and obedient subject here-
after.^ The same day they made musters ; the next day the army
was dispersed, being about 18,000 men : the King and Queen passed
to Lochmaben, where the Master of Maxwell gave a banquet, and
then forthwith marched to Tweeddale, so to Peebles, and then to
Edinburgh.*
The best and chief part of the Nobility of this Realm, who also
were the principal instruments of the Reformation of Religion, and
therefore were called the Lords of the Congregation, in manner
above rehearsed, were banished and chased into England : they
Note dili- were courteously received and entertained by the Earl of Bedford,
Lieutenant, upon the Borders of England. Soon after, the Earl of
Moray took post towards London, leaving the rest of the Lords at
Newcastle ; every man supposed that the Earl of Moray should
have been graciously received of the Queen of England, and that
he should have got support according to his heart's desire. But far
beyond his expectation, he could get no audience of the Queen
of England ; but by means of the French Ambassador, called
Monsieur de Four,^ his true friend, he obtained audience. The
Queen, with a fair countenance, demanded, " How he, being a rebel
' Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 278
^ Sir James Douglas and Sir John Gordon
* These comments upon the part played by the Master of Maxwell are also to be
found in Buchanan {ed. Aikman, ii, 473-474)
* See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 1 1 7 and supporting notes
' Paul de Foix
gently
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 73
to her Sister of Scotland, durst take the boldness upon him to come
within her Realm ? " These, and the like words got he, instead
of the good and courteous entertainment expected. Finally, after
private discourse, the Ambassador being absent, she refused to give
the Lords any support, denying plainly that ever she had promised
any such thing as to support them, saying, " She never meant any NotediK-
such thing in that way" ; albeit her greatest familiars knew the Q^ee„'
contrary. In the end, the Earl of Moray said to her, " Madam, Elizabeth
whatsoever thing your Majesty meant in your heart, we are thereof
ignorant ; but thus much we know assuredly, that we had lately
faithful promises of aid and support by your Ambassador, and
familiar servants, in your name : and further, we have your own
handwriting, confirming the said promises." And afterward he took
his leave, and came northward from London, towards Newcastle.
After the Earl of Moray's departure from the Court, the Queen Here mark
sent them some aid, and wrote unto the Queen of Scotland in their dissimula-
favour : Whether [it was] she had promised it in private to the ^^''"'O.''"
Earl of Moray, or whether she repented her of the harsh reception constancy
of the Earl of Moray, [we know not] . ^
At this time David Riccio, Itahan, began to be higher exalted,
insomuch as there was no matter or thing of importance done with-
out his advice.^ And during this time the faithful within this Realm
were in great fear, looking for nothing but great trouble and per-
secution to be shortly. Yet supplications and intercessions were
made throughout all the congregations, especially for such as were
afflicted and banished, that it would please God to give them patience,
comfort, and constancy ; and this especially was done at Edinburgh,
where John Knox used to call them that were banished, the best
part of the Nobility, chief members of the Congregation. Whereof
the Courtiers being advertised, they took occasion to revile and
bewray ^ his sayings, alleging he prayed for the rebels, and desired
the people to pray for them likewise. The Laird of Lethington,
chief Secretary, in presence of the King's and Queen's Majesties
and Council, confessed that he heard the sermons, and said there
was nothing at that time spoken by the Minister whereat any man
need be offended : and further, declared plainly that by the Scrip-
ture it was lawful to pray for all men.
In the end of November, the Lords, with their complices, were
' For the flight of the Protestant Lords to England and Moray's chilly reception from
Elizabeth, see the analysis in Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 117-118 and supporting
notes. ^ Supra, 106, 148, 167 and supporting notes * distort
174 "T^E REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
summoned to appear the fourth day of February, for treason, and
Lase-majestie} But in the meantime, such of the Nobility as had
professed the Evangel of Christ, and had communicated with the
Brethren at the Lord's Table, were ever longer the more suspected
by the Queen, who began to declare herself, in the months of Novem-
ber and December, to be [a] maintainer of the Papists ^ ; for at her
pleasure the Earls of Lennox, Atholl, and Gassillis,^ with divers
others, without any dissimulation known, went to the Mass openly
in her chapel. Yet, nevertheless, the Earls of Huntly and Bothwell
went not to Mass, albeit they were in great favour with the Queen.
As for the King, he passed his time in hunting and hawking,
and such other pleasures as were agreeable to his appetite,
having in his company gentlemen willing to satisfy his will and
affections.
About this time, in the beginning of [the year 1566] as the
Court remained at Edinburgh, the banished Lords, by all means
possible, by writings and their friends, made suit and means to the
King's and Queen's Majesties, to be received into favour.
At this time the Abbot of Kilwinning ^ came from Newcastle
to Edinburgh, and after he had got audience of the King and
Queen, with great difficulty he got pardon for the Duke ^ and his
friends and servants, upon this condition, that he should pass into
France ; which he did soon after.®
The five and twentieth of December [1565] convened in Edin-
burgh the Commissioners of the churches within this Realm, for the
General Assembly. There assisted to them the Earls of Morton and
Mar, the Lord Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington, with some Barons
and gentlemen. The principal things that were agreed and con-
cluded, were that forasmuch as the Mass, with such idolatry and
Papistical ceremonies, were still maintained expressly against the
Act of Parliament, and the proclamations made at the Queen's
arrival ; and that the Queen had promised that she would hear
conference and disputation ; that the Church therefore offered to
prove, by the Word of God, that the doctrine preached within this
Realm was according to the Scriptures ; and that the Mass, with
1 Reg. of the Privy Council of Scotland, i, 409 ( i December 1 565) ; Diurnal of Occurrents,
85-86. (Proclamations at the Market Cross of Edinburgh on 18 and 19 December)
' See Randolph's reports in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, Nos. 313, 319
' Gilbert, fourth Earl of Cassiliis * Gavin Hamilton
' Chatelherault
• Diurnal of Occurrents, 86 ; Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 369, note 85
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 75
all the Papistical doctrine, was but the invention of men, and mere
idolatry. Secondly, that by reason of the change of the Comptroller,^
who had put in new collectors, forbidding them to deliver anything
to the Ministry, by these means the Ministry was like to decay
and fail, contrary to the ordinance made in the year of God 1562,^
in favour and support of the Ministry. ^
During this time, as the Papists flocked to Edinburgh for making
court, some of them that had been Friars, as Black [Friars] Aber-
cromby and Roger, presented supplication to the Queen's Majesty,
desiring in effect, that they might be permitted to preach ; which
was easily granted. The noise was further, that they offered dis-
putation. For as the Court stood, they thought they had a great
advantage already, by reason they knew the King to be of their
Religion, as well as the Queen, with some part of the Nobility who,
with the King, after declared themselves openly. And especially
the Queen was governed by the Earls of Lennox and Atholl ; but
in matters most weighty and of greatest importance, by David Riccio,
the Italian afore-mentioned, who went under the name of the French
Secretary ; by whose means, all grave matters, of what weight
soever, must pass ; providing always, that his hands were anointed.
In the meantime he was a manifest enemy to the Evangel, and there-
fore a greater enemy to the banished Lords. ^ And at this time, the
principal Lords that waited at Court were divided in opinions ; for
the Earl of Morton, Chancellor, with the Earl of Mar, and Secretary
Lethington, were on the one part ; and the Earls of Huntly and
Bothwell on the other part, so that a certain dryness was amongst
them ; nevertheless, by means of the Earl of Atholl, they were
reconciled. Now, as there was preparation made by the Papists for
Christmas, the Queen being then at Mass, the King came publicly,
and bore company ; and the Friars preached the days following,
always using another style than they had done seven years before,
during which time they had not preached publicly. They were so
little esteemed, that they continued not long in preaching.
At the same time, convened in Edinburgh the General Assembly
of the Ministers, and Commissioners of the Churches Reformed
• Sir John Wishart of Pittarrovv, a Reformer, had been succeeded as Comptroller in
1565 by Sir William Murray of Tullibardine, and by an Act of Privy Council of 22
December 1 565 the Queen had ordered certain Thirds to be set apart entirely for the royal
expenses. {Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 412-413) * Infra, Appendix IX
^ See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 65-76 ; Calderwood, History, ii, 294-310; irfra,
176-177 * See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 373, note 15
176 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
within this Realm ^ : There assisted them of the Nobility, the Earls
of Morton and Mar, the Lord Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington,
with others. The chief things that were concluded in this Assembly,
were, that for the avoiding of the plagues and scourges of God,
which appeared to come upon the people for their sins and in-
gratitude, there should be proclaimed by the Ministers a Public
Fast, to be universally observed throughout all the Reformed
Churches ; which manner of Fasting was soon after devised by John
At the end Knox, at the command of the Church, and put in print, wherefore
Book you needs not here to be recited in this place. ^ What followed upon the
^hall^find saj(j^ Fast, shall be plainly, God willing, declared. The second thing
that was ordained in this Assembly, was, concerning the Ministers,
who, for want of payment of their stipends, were like to perish, or
else to leave their Ministry ; wherefore it was found necessary that
supplication should be made to the King's and Queen's Majesties :
And for the same purpose, a certain number of the most able men
were elected to go to their Majesties aforesaid, to lament and bemoan
their case ; which persons had commission to propone some other
things, as shall be declared.
The names of them that passed from the Church to the King's and
Queen's Majesties, were. Master John Spottiswoode, Superintendent
of Lothian ; John Winram, Superintendent of Fife ; Master John
Row, Minister of Perth ; Master David Lindsay, Minister of Leith.
Who easily obtained audience of the King's and Queen's Majesties ;
and after their reverence done. Master John Row, in name of the
rest, opened the matter, lamenting and bewailing the miserable state
of the poor Ministers, who by public command had been reasonably
satisfied three years or more, by virtue of the Act made with advice
of the Honourable Privy Council, for the taking up of the Thirds
of the Benefices, which was especially made ia their favours. Never-
theless the Laird of Tullibardine, new Comptroller, would answer
them nothing ; wherefore, they besought their Majesties for relief.
Secondly, Seeing that in all supplications made to the King's and
Queen's Majesties by the Church at all times, they desired most
earnestly that all idolatry and superstition, and especially the Mass,
' Part of what follows is a repetition of the account given supra, 174-175. The repeti-
tions in, and the loose arrangement of Book V suggest that it is an unrevised draft written
from notes.
" On 28 December 1565 the Assembly " ordained Mr. Knox and Mr. Craig ministers
at Edinburgh, to set out the form " of a Public Fast, " with the exercise to be used in the
same, and to cause Robert Likprevick print it." {Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 76 ;
Calderwood's History, ii, 303-306) The Ordour and Doctrine of the General! Paste has been
reprinted by Laing. (Laing's Knox, vi, 391 ff) " This promise is unfulfilled.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 77
should be rooted out and abolished quite out of this Realm ; and
that in the last General Assembly of the Church, by their Com-
missioners, they had most earnestly desired the same ; and that their
answer was then, that they knew no impediment in the Mass ;
therefore, the Assembly desired that it might please their High-
nesses to hear disputation, to the end that such as now pretend to
preach in the Chapel Royal, and maintain such errors, the truth
being tried by disputation, that they might be known to be abusers ;
submitting themselves always to the word of God written in the
Scriptures.
To this it was answered by the Queen that she was always
minded that the Ministers should be paid their stipends ; and if
there was any fault therein, the same came by some of their own sort,
meaning the Comptroller Pittarrow,^ who had the handling of the
Thirds. Always by the advice of her Council she should cause such
order to be taken therein, that none should have occasion to complain.
As to the second, She would not jeopard her Religion upon such as
were there present ; for she knew well enough that the Protestants
were more learned.
The Ministers and Commissioners of Churches perceiving nothing
but delay, and driving of time in the old manner, went home every
one to their own churches, waiting upon the good providence of God,
continually making supplication unto Almighty God that it would
please Him of his mercy to remove the apparent plague. And in
the meantime the Queen was busied with banqueting about with
some of the Lords of the Session of Edinburgh, and after with all
men of law, having continually in her company David Riccio, who
sat at table near to herself, sometimes more privately than became
a man of his condition, for his over-great familiarity was already
suspected ; and it was thought that by his advice alone the Queen's
sharpness and extremity towards the [Protestant] Lords was main-
tained.
In the end of January, arrived an Ambassador from France,
named M. Rambouillet,"^ having with him about forty horse in train,
who came through England. He brought with him the Order of
the Cockle from the King of France, to the King, who received the
same at the Mass, in the Chapel of the Palace of Holyroodhouse.
^ Cf. supra, 175, note i
^ Jacques d'Angennes, Sieur de Rambouillet. He arrived in Edinburgh on Monday
4 February 1566, and on 10 February invested Darnley with the Order of St. Michael,
commonly called the " Order of the Cockle " {Diurnal of Occurrents, 87 ; Calendar of Scottish
Papers, ii, No. 335. And see supra, i, 102, note 13).
178 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
There assisted the Earls of Lennox, Atholl, and EgHnton,^ with
divers such other Papists as would please the Queen ; who, three
days after, caused the herald to convene in Council, and reasoned
what Arms should be given to the King. Some thought he should
have the Arms of Scotland ; some others said, Seeing it was not
concluded in Parliament that he should have the Crown Matrimonial,
he could have arms but only as Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Ross, &c.
The Queen bade give him only his due ; whereby it was perceived
her love waxed cold towards him. Finally, his Arms were left blank ;
and the Queen caused put her own name before her husband's in
all writs ; and thereafter she caused to leave out his name wholly.
And because formerly he had signed everything of any moment, she
caused to make a seal like the King's, and gave it to David Riccio,
who made use of it by the Queen's command, alleging that the King
being at his pastime, could not always be present. ^
About the same time, the Earl of Glencairn came from Berwick
to his own country. Soon after the Earl of Bothwell was married
unto the Earl of Huntly's sister.^ The Queen desired that the
marriage might be made in the Chapel at the Mass ; which the Earl
Bothwell would in no wise grant. ^ Upon Sunday, the third day of
March, began the fasting at Edinburgh.^ The seventh day of March,
the Queen came from the Palace of Holyroodhouse to the Town, in
wondrous gorgeous apparel, albeit the number of Lords and train
was not very great.^ In the meantime the King, accompanied with
seven or eight horse, went to Leith to pass his time there, for he
was not like to get the Crown Matrimonial.
In the Tolbooth were devised and named the heads of the Articles
that were drawn against the banished Lords. Upon the morrow,
* Hugh, third Earl of Eglinton
* See Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 475. Already on 25 December 1565, Randolph had
written, " A while there was nothing but ' King and Queen, his Majesty and hers ' ; now,
the ' Queen's husband ' is most common. He was wont to be first named in all writings,
but now is placed second. Certain pieces of money lately coined ' with both their faces
Hen. et Maria ' are called in, and others ' framed '." [Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 319)
^ James Hepburn, fourth Earl of Bothwell, married Lady Jane Gordon, daughter
of (the then deceased) George, fourth Earl of Huntly, on 24 February 1566. [Scots Peerage,
ii, 165 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 346)
* See the many details in Robertson's Inventaires de la Royne Descosse, Preface,
xcii-xciv and supporting notes.
' The fast was appointed for eight days from the eve of the last Sunday in February 1 566
(24 February) to the first Sunday in March (3 March). [Supra 1 76 ; Laing's Knox, vi, 393,
416, 417 ; and see the extracts from the Register of the Canongate Kirk Session printed in
Hay Fleming, op. cit., 495) But the Diurnal of Occurrents (88) supports Knox's continuator
in putting the fast a week later. Even Calderwood later confused the dates. (Laing's
Knox, vi, 389) ° See Diurnal of Occurrents, 89
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 79
and Saturday following, there was great reasoning concerning the
Attainder. Some alleged that the summons was not well libelled
or dressed ; others thought the matter of treason was not sufficiently
proved ; and indeed they were still seeking proof, for there was no
other way but the Queen would have them all attainted, albeit the
time was very short ; the twelfth day of March should have been
the day, which was the Tuesday following.^
Now, the matter was stayed by a marvellous tragedy, for by
the Lords (upon the Saturday before, which was the ninth of March,
about supper- time), David Riccio, the Italian, named the French
Secretary, was slain in the gallery, below stairs (the King, staying
in the room with the Queen, told her that the design was only to
take order with that villain), after that he had been taken violently
from the Queen's presence, who requested most earnestly for the
saving of his life : which act was done by the Earl of Morton, the
Lord Ruthven, the Lord Lindsay, the Master of Ruthven, with
divers other Gentlemen. They first purposed to have hanged him,
and had provided cords for the same purpose ; but the great haste
which they had, moved them to dispatch him with whingers or
daggers, wherewith they gave him three and fifty strokes. They sent
away and put forth all such persons as they suspected.
The Earls Bothwell and Huntly hearing the noise and clamour,
came suddenly to the Close, intending to have made work, if they
had had a party strong enough ; but the Earl Morton commanded
them to pass to their chamber, or else they should do worse. At
the which words they retired immediately, and so passed forth at a
back window, they two alone, and with great fear came forth of the
town to Edmondstone ^ on foot, and from thence to Crichton.^
This David Riccio * was so foolish, that not only he had drawn
unto him the managing of all affairs, the King set aside, but also
his equipage and train did surpass the King's ; and at the Parliament
that was to be, he was ordained to be Chancellor ^ ; which made
the Lords conspire against him. They made a bond to stand to the
religion and liberties of the country, and to free themselves of the
slavery of the villain David Riccio. The King and his father sub-
1 Ibid., 85-86 * Then about four miles south-east of Edinburgh
' About five miles south-east of Dalkeith
* For an analysis of the various accounts of the murder of Riccio, see Hay Fleming,
Mary Queen of Scots, 387-390, notes 49, 50.
' Randolph, writing to Cecil on 6 March 1566, reports that the Seal is to be taken
from Morton ' and as some say, shall be given to keep to David ' {Calendar 0/ Scottish Papers,
ii, No. 352 in Jin.). See also Spottiswoode's History, ii, 35-36.
l80 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
scribed to the bond, for they durst not trust the King's word without
his signet.^
There was a French priest (called John Daniot) who advised
David Riccio to make his fortune, and be gone,^ for the Scots would
not suffer him long. His answer was that the Scots would brag
but not fight. Then he advised him to beware of the bastard. To
this he answered that the bastard should never live in Scotland in
his time (he meant the Earl Moray) ; but it happened that one George
Douglas, bastard son to the Earl of Angus, gave him the first stroke.
The Queen, when she heard he was dead, left weeping, and declared
she would study revenge, which she did.^
Immediately it was noised in the town of Edinburgh that there
was murder committed within the King's Palace ; wherefore the
Provost * caused to ring the common bell, or, Sonner le toksain (as the
French speaks), and straightway passed to the Palace, having about
four or five hundred men in warlike manner ; and as they stood in
the outer court, the King called to the Provost, commanding him to
pass home with his company, saying the Queen and he were merry.
But the Provost desired to hear the Queen speak herself ; whereunto
it was answered by the King, " Provost, know you not that I am
King ? I command you to pass home to your houses " ; and imme-
diately they retired.^ |
The next day (which was the second Sunday of our Fast in
Edinburgh) ^ there was a proclamation made in the King's name,
subscribed with his hand, that all Bishops, Abbots, and other Papists
should avoid and depart the town ; which proclamation was indeed
observed, for they had " a flea in their hose." ^ There were letters
sent forth in the King's name, and subscribed with his hand, to the
Provost and Bailies of Edinburgh, the Bailies of Leith and Canon-
gate, commanding them to be ready in armour to assist the King
* See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 384, note 44 ; 387, notes 48, 49.
' See Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 481
' See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 127 and note 51
* Sir Simon Preston of Craigmillar
' See Diurnal of Occurrents, 90-91. Later the Town Council paid f,/^, js. 6d. for thirty-
five torches furnished to pass to the Abbey to vise the Queen's Grace immediately after the
slaughter of umquhile Seigneur David Riccio. {Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 214) The
number of torches would be about the number of the members of the Council.
" But see supra, 1 78, note 5
' But the Diurnal of Occurrents (91) says that the Proclamation charged all tlie earls,
lords, barons, and bishops that had come to Edinburgh for the Parliament to depart
within three hours under pain of treason. A second Proclamation forbade the wearing
of weapons on the street. It is significant that these proclamations ran in the King's name.
(See supra, 1 78 and note 2 )
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND l8l
and his company, and likewise other private writings directed to
divers Lords and gentlemen, to come with all expedition. In the
meantime, the Queen, being above measure enraged, offended, and
troubled, as the issue of the matter declared, sometime railing upon the
King, and sometime crying out at the windows, desired her servants
to set her at liberty ; for she was highly offended and troubled.
This same tenth of March, the Earl of Moray, with the rest of
the Lords and Noblemen that were with him, having received the
King's letter (for after the bond, above named, was subscribed, the
King wrote unto the banished Lords to return into their country,
being one of the articles of the said bond),^ came at night to the
Abbey, being also convoyed by the Lord Home, and a great company
of the Borderers, to the number of i,ooo horses. And first, after
he had presented himself to the King, the Queen was informed of
his sudden coming, and therefore sent unto him, commanding him
to come to her ; and he obeying, went to her who, with a singular
gravity received him, after that he had made his purgation, and
declared the over-great affection which he bore continually to her
Majesty. The Earls of Atholl, Caithness, ^ and Sutherland,^ departed
out of the town, with the Bishops, upon the Monday, the third day
after the slaughter of David Riccio. The Earls of Lennox, Moray,
Morton, and Rothes, Lords Ruthven, Lindsay, Boyd, and Ochiltree,
sitting in Council, desired the Queen, that forasmuch as the thing
which was done could not be undone, that she would (for avoiding
of greater inconveniences) forget the same, and take it as good service,
seeing there were so many Noblemen restored. The Queen dis-
sembling her displeasure and indignation, gave good words ; never-
theless she desired that all persons armed or otherwise (being
within the Palace at that time), should remove, leaving the Palace
void of all, saving only her domestic servants. The Lords being
persuaded by the uxorious King, and the facile Earl of Moray,
condescended to her desire, who finally, the next morning, two hours
before day, passed to Seton, and then to Dunbar, having in her com-
pany the simple King, who was allured by her sugared words. From
Dunbar immediately were sent pursuivants with letters throughout
the country ; and especially letters to the Noblemen and Barons,
commanding them to come to Dunbar, to assist the King and Queen
' See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 387, note 48 ; and, for an analysis of the subsequent events
to the "dolorous" departure of the Protestant Lords from Edinburgh on Sunday 17
March, and Mary's triumphant return the day following, see ibid., 1 27-1 28, and supporting
notes.
2 George, fourth Earl of Caithness ' John, tenth Earl of Sutherland
1 82 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
within five days.^ In the meantime the Lords being informed of the
[Queen's] sudden departure, they were astonished, and knew not
what were best for them to do. But because it was the self-same day
(to wit, the twelfth day of March) that they were summoned unto ;
therefore, having good opportunity, they passed to the Tolbooth, which
was richly hung with tapestry, and adorned (but not for them), and
set themselves making protestations, ^ the Earl of Glencairn, and
some others being present. The Earl of Argyll, who was written for
by the King, came to Linlithgow ; and being informed of the matter,
he remained there.
After this manner above specified, to wit, by the death of David
Riccio, the Noblemen were relieved of their trouble, and restored
to their places and rooms. And likewise the Church Reformed,
and all that professed the Evangel within this Realm, after fasting
and prayer, were delivered and freed from the apparent dangers
which were like to have fallen upon them ; for if the Parliament
had taken effect, and proceeded, it was thought by all men of the
best judgment that the true Protestant Religion should have been
wrecked, and Popery erected ; and for the same purpose, there were
certain wooden altars made, to the number of twelve, found ready
in the Chapel of the Palace of Holyrood-house, which should have
been erected in Saint Giles's Church.
The Earls Bothwell and Huntly, being informed of the King and
Queen's sudden departure forth of Edinburgh, came to Dunbar,
where they were most graciously received by the Queen's Majesty ;
who consulting with them and the Master of Maxwell, together
with Parson Oyne ^ and Parson Flisk,* chief Councillors, what was
best to be done, and how she should be revenged upon the murderers,
at first they did intend to go forward, leaving no manner of cruelty
unpractised, and putting to death all such as -were suspected. This
was the opinion of such as would obey their Queen's rage and fury
for their own advantage ; but in the end they concluded that she
should come to Edinburgh with all the force and power she could
make, and there proceed to justice. And for the same purpose, she
caused to summon, by open proclamation, all persons of defence,
^ The summons was at first to Haddington and Musselburgh for 17 to 19 March.
{Diurnal of Occurrents, 93-94 ; Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 436)
■* See Diurnal of Occurrents, 93
' John Lesley, Parson of Oyne, later Bishop of Ross
* James Balfour, Parson of Flisk, shortly to be appointed Clerk Register in place
of Mr. James M'Gill, one of the conspirators in the murder of Riccio ; later to be Lord
President as Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 83
and all Noblemen and Gendemen, to come to her in Dunbar in-
continent. In the meantime, the Captains laboured by all means
to take up and enrol men and women. The Earls of Morton, Moray,
Glencairn, [and] Rothes, with the rest that were in Edinburgh,
being informed of the Queen's fury and anger towards the committers
of the slaughter, and perceiving they were not able to make any
party, thought it best to give place to her fury for a time ; for they
were divided in opinions, and finally departed out of Edinburgh,
upon Sunday the seventeenth of March, every one a several way ;
for the Queen's Majesty was now bent only against the slayers of
David Riccio ; and to the purpose she might be the better revenged
upon them, she intended to give pardon to all such as before had
been attainted for whatsoever crime.
The eighteenth day of March, the King and Queen came to
Edinburgh, having in their company horse and foot to the number
of 8000 men ; whereof there were four companies of foot-men of
war. The Town of Edinburgh went out to meet them, for fear of
war. And finally, coming within the town, in most awful manner
they caused to place their men of war within the town, and likewise
certain field-pieces against their lodging, which was in the middle
of the town, over against the Salt Tron.^ Now, a little before the
Queen's entrance into the town, all that knew of her cruel pretence
and hatred towards them, fled here and there, and amongst others,
Master James M'Gill, the Clerk Register, the Justice-Clerk, and
the common clerk of the town.^ The chief Secretary Lethington
was gone before ; likewise John Knox passed west to Kyle. ^ The
men of war likewise kept the ports or gates. Within five days after
their entry, there was a proclamation made at the Market-Cross,
for the purgation of the King from the aforesaid slaughter ^ ; which
^ See Randolph's account in Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 363. According to
the Diurnal of Occurrents (93-94), Mary had 2,000 horsemen "and lugeit not in thair
palice of Halyrudhous, hot lugeit in my lord Homes lugeing, callit the auld bischope
of Dunkell his lugeing, [for]anent the salt trone in Edinburgh." The ' Bishop of Dunkeld's
lodging ' lay on the north side of the High Street, on the opposite side to the Tron, a little
to the west of Halkerston's Wynd — now lost through the cutting of Cockburn Street.
^ That is, Mr. James M'Gill, Sir John Bellenden, and Alexander Guthrie. David
Chalmers of Ormond received the gift from the Queen of the common clerkship of
Edinburgh. [Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 212-213) For Mr. James M'Gill, see also
Pollen, Papal Negotiatioru with Mary Queen of Scots, Scot. Hist. Soc, 273, note.
' According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (94), at two o'clock on the afternoon of Sunday
17 March, " with ane greit murnyng of the godlie of religioun." Although Knox
thoroughly approved of the murder of Riccio [supra, \, 44, 112), it cannot be shown that
he knew of the murder beforehand (see the analysis of the evidence in Hay Fleming,
Mary Queen of Scots, 395, note 58). * See also Diurnal of Occurrents, 96
184 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
made all understanding men laugh at the passage of things, since
the King not only had given his consent, but also had subscribed
the bond afore-named ^ ; and the business was done in his name,
and for his honour, if he had had wisdom to know it.
After this proclamation, the King lost his credit among all men,
and also his friends, by this his inconstancy and weakness. And in
the meantime, the men of war committed great outrages in breaking
up doors, thrusting themselves into every house ; and albeit the
number of them was not great, yet the whole town was too little
for them. Soon after, the King and Queen passed to the Castle, and
caused to warn all such as had absented themselves, by open pro-
clamation, to appear before their Majesties and the Privy Council
within six days, under pain of rebellion - ; which practice was devised
in the Earl of Huntly's case, before the battle of Corrichie. And
because they appeared not, they were denounced rebels, and put to
the horn, and immediately thereafter, their escheats given or taken
up by the Treasurer. There was a certain number of the townsmen
charged to enter themselves prisoners in the Tolbooth,^ and with
them were put in certain gentlemen : where, after they had remained
eight days, they were convoyed down to the Palace by the men of
war, and then kept by them eight days more. And of that number
was Thomas Scott, sheriff-depute of Saint Johnston, who was con-
demned to death, and executed cruelly, to wit, hanged and quartered,
for keeping the Queen in prison, as was alleged, although it was by
the King's command. And two men likewise were condemned to
death, and carried likewise to the ladder foot ; but the Earl Both-
well presented the Queen's ring to the Provost, who then was justice, "^
for safety of their life. The names of those two were John Mowbray,
merchant, and William Harlaw, saddler.^ About the same time,
notwithstanding all this hurlyburly, the Minisjiers of the Church and
professors of Religion ceased not ; as for the people, they convened
to pubhc prayers and preaching with boldness ; yea, a great number
of Noblemen assisted likewise. The Earl Bothwell had now, of all
men, greatest access and familiarity with the Queen, so that nothing
of any great importance was done without him ; for he showed
favour to such as liked him ; and amongst others, to the Lairds of
' Supra, 179-180
'^ Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 436-437 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, 95
" Diurnal of Occurrents, 96-97 ; Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 442
* That is, holding a commission of justiciary
^ Further details will be found in Pitcairu's Criminal Trials, i, 480*, and Diurnal of
Occurrents, 97-98.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 85
Ormiston, Halton, and Calder,^ who were so reconciled unto him
that by his favour they were reheved of great trouble.
The Earls of Arg^^ll and Moray, at the Queen's command, passed
to Argyll, where, after they had remained about a month, they were
sent for by the Queen ; and, coming to Edinburgh, they were
received by the Queen into the Castle, and banqueted, the Earls
of Huntly and Bothwell being present. At this time the King grew
to be contemned and disesteemed, so that scarcely any honour was
done to him, and his father likewise.
About Easter the King passed to Stirling, where he was shriven
after the Papist manner : and in the meantime, at the Palace of
Holyrood-house, in the Chapel, there resorted a great number to
the Mass, albeit the Queen remained still in the Castle, with her
priests of the Chapel Royal, where they used ceremonies after the
Popish manner.
At the same time departed this life Master John Sinclair, Bishop
of Brechin and Dean of Restalrig, of whom hath been oft mention,
President of the College of Justice, called the Session ^ ; who succeeded
in the said office and dignity after the decease of his brother, Master
Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, Dean of Glasgow, who departed this
life at Paris, about a year before.^ They were both learned in the
laws, and given to maintain the Popish religion, and therefore great
enemies to the Protestants. A little before died Master Abraham
Crichton, who had been President likewise.* Now, in their rooms,
the Queen placed such as she pleased, and had done her service
(always very unfit). The patrimony of the Kirk, Bishoprics, Abbeys,
and such other Benefices, was disponed by the Queen to courtiers,
dancers, and flatterers. The Earl Bothwell, whom the Queen
preferred above all others, after the decease of David Riccio, had
for his part Melrose, Haddington, and Newbattle ; likewise the
Castle of Dunbar was given to him, with the principal lands of the
Earldom of March, which were of the patrimony of the Crown.^
' That is, John Cockburn of Ormiston, William Lauder of HaUon, and James Sandi-
lands of Calder
^ He died in April 15G6. [Diurnal of Occurrents, 98 ; Dovvden's Bishops, 191-192)
' He had died in January 1565. [Diurnal of Occurrents, "j^; Dowden's ^tf/iopj, 228-229)
* Abraham Crichton, Provost of Dunglass, Official of Lothian, an ordinary Senator,
was never President of the College of Justice. He had died before 15 November 1565.
(Brunton and Haig, Senators of the College of Justice, 1836, 92-93)
' Apart from Dunbar there appears to be no official record of these grants, and, again
apart from Dunbar, they are not mentioned in the ratification of 1 9 April 1 567. [Acts Pari.
Scot., ii, 550, c. 6) Randolph reports on 7 June 1566 that "Bothwell has the whole
inheritance of Dunbar given him, the castle reserved to the Queen." [Calendar of Scottish
Papers, ii. No. 393)
1 86 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
At the same time, the Superintendents, with the other ministers of
the Churches, perceiving the Ministry hke to decay for lack of payment
of stipends to Ministers, they gave this suppHcation at Edinburgh :
The Supplication of the Ministers to the Queen
" Unto your Majesty, and your most honourable Council, most
humbly and lamentably complain your Highness's poor Orators,
the Superintendents, and other Ministers of the Reformed Church
of God, travailing throughout all your Highness's Realm in teaching
and instructing your lieges in all quarters in the knowledge of God,
and Christ Jesus his Son : That where your Majesty, with the advice
of the Council and Nobility aforesaid, moved by godly zeal, concluded
and determined that the travailing ministry through this Realm,
should be maintained upon the rents of the Benefices of this Realm
of Scotland ; and for that cause your Majesty, with the advice of
the Council and Nobility aforesaid, upon the 15 day of December
1562, in like manner concluded and determined that if the said
part of the rents of the whole Benefices Ecclesiastical within this
Realm would be sufficient to maintain the Ministers throughout
the whole Realm, and to support your Majesty in the setting forward
of your common aflfairs, [it] should be employed accordingly : Fail-
ing thereof, the Third part of the said fruits, or more, to be taken
up yearly in time coming, until a general order be taken therein ;
as the act made thereupon at more length bears. Which being
afterward considered by your Majesty, the whole Thirds of the
fi"uits aforesaid were propounded to the uses aforesaid, by Act of
Council.^ And we your Majesty's poor Orators [were] put in
peaceable possession of the part assigned by your Majesty to us,
by the space of three years or thereabouts, which we did enjoy
without interruption. Notwithstanding all 'this, now of late we,
your Majesty's poor Orators aforesaid, are put wrongfully and un-
justly from our aforesaid part of the above specified Thirds, by
your Majesty's officers, and thereby brought to such extreme penury
and extreme distress as we are not able any longer to maintain
ourselves. And albeit we have given in divers and sundry complaints
to your Majesty herein, and have received divers promises of redress,
yet have we found no relief Therefore, we most humbly beseech
your Majesty to consider our most grievous complaint, together with
the right above specified, whereon the same is grounded. And if
' See infra, Appendix IX. The date, 15 December 1562, given in the text above, is
incorrect.
t
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 87
your Majesty, with the advice of your Council aforesaid, finds our
right sufficient to continue us in possession of our part assigned to
us, while and until a general order be taken (which possession was
ratified by the yearly allowance of your Majesty's Exchequer's
account), that your Majesty would grant us letters upon the afore-
said Act, and Ordinance passed thereupon, against all intromettors
and meddlers with the aforesaid Thirds, to answer and obey, accord-
ing to the aforesaid Act and Ordinance of our possession proceeding
thereupon. And likewise, that we may have letters, if need be, to
arrest and stay the aforesaid Thirds in the possessor's hands, while
and until sufficient caution be found to us for our part aforesaid.
And your Answer most humbly we beseech."
This Supplication being presented by the Superintendent of
Lothian, ^ and Master John Craig, in the Castle of Edinburgh, was
graciously received by the Queen, who promised that she would
take sufficient order therein, so soon as the Nobility and Council
might convene.
The 19 of June, the Queen was delivered of a man-child, the
Prince (in the aforesaid Castle), and immediately sent into France
and England her posts, to advertise the neighbour Princes, and to
desire them to send gossips ^ or witnesses to the Prince's baptism.
In the meantime, there was joy and triumph made in Edinburgh,^
and such other places where it was known, after thanks and praises
given unto God, with supplications for the godly education of the
Prince ; and principally, wishing that he should be baptized accord-
ing to the manner and form observed in the Reformed Churches
within this Realm.
About the same time, to wit, the 25 of June, the General Assembly
of the whole Church convened at Edinburgh.^ The Earls of Argyll
and Moray assisted at the Assembly. Paul Methven, who before. The order
as we heard, was excommunicated,^ gave in his Supplication, and Methven's
desired to be heard, as he had done divers times ; for the said Paul ^^P^f^^^^^
had written oft times out of England to the Laird of Dun, and to
divers others, most earnestly desiring to be received again into the
fellowship of the Church. After reasoning of the matter, it was
finally granted that he should be heard. And so, being before the
Assembly, and falling upon his knees, burst out with tears, and said,
he was not worthy to appear in their presence ; always he desired
^ Mr. John Spottiswoode ^ god-parents or sponsors
* See. Diurnal of Occurrents, loo
* See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 77-81 * Supra, 66-67
(es3) VoLH 13
1 88 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
them, for the love of God, to receive him to the open expression of his
repentance. Shortly after, they appointed certain of the ministers
to prescribe to him the form of his declaration of repentance, which
was thus in effect : First, that he should present himself bare-foot
and bare-head, arrayed in sack-cloth, at the principal entry of Saint
Giles's Kirk in Edinburgh, at seven hours in the morning, upon the
next Wednesday, and there to remain the space of an hour, the whole
people beholding him, till the prayer was made, psalms sung, and
[the] text of Scripture was read, and then to come into the place
appointed for expression of repentance, and tarry the time of sermon ;
and to do so likewise the next Friday following, and also upon the
Sunday ; and then, in the face of the whole church, to declare his
repentance with his own mouth. The same form and manner he
should use in Jedburgh and Dundee ; and that being done, to
present himself again at the next General Assembly following in
winter, where he should be received to the communion of the Church.
When the said Paul had received the said Ordinance, he took it very
grievously, alleging they had used over-great severity. Nevertheless,
being counselled and persuaded by divers notable personages, he
began well in Edinburgh to proceed, whereby a great number were
moved with compassion of his state ; and likewise in Jedburgh ;
but he left his duty in Dundee, and passing again into England, the
matter, not without offence to many, ceased.
The Ministers complaining that they could not be paid their
stipends, were licensed by the Assembly to pass to other churches to
preach, but in no wise to leave the ministry. And because that the
Queen's Majesty had promised often before to provide remedy, it
was thought expedient that supplication should be yet made, as
before, that the Queen's Majesty should cause such order to be
taken that the poor ministers might be paid^their stipends. The
Bishop of Galloway, who was brother to the Earl of Huntly, ^ and now
a great man in the court, travailed much with the Queen's Majesty
in that matter, and got of her a good answer, and fair promises. A
few years before, the said Bishop of Galloway desired of the General
Assembly to be made Superintendent of Galloway ^ ; but now being
^ Alexander Gordon, Bishop of the Isles {c. 1553), of Galloway (1559), and titular
Archbishop of Athens, was the brother of George, fourth Earl of Huntly.
^ Alexander Gordon had early joined the Reformers {supra, i, 310, 315, 335), but in
certain quarters was not over- trusted {cf. supra, 73, and Booke of the Universall Kirk, i,
1 5, 39-40) . For an analysis of his work in the Reformed Church, however, see Gordon
Donaldson, 'Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, 1559-1575 ', in Trans. Dumfries-
shire and Galloway Nat. Hist, and Antiquarian Soc, vol. xxiv.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 89
promoted to great dignity, as to be of the number of the Lords of the
Privy Council, and hkewise one of the Session,^ he would no more be
called Over-looker, or Over-seer of Galloway, but Bishop. Always -^^^ '«
truth it is, that he laboured much for his nephew the Earl of Huntly, sense
that he might be restored to his lands and honours ; for the said ^''''"^.
o _ ... ambitious
Earl was now Chancellor, since the slaughter of David Riccio,^ and men take
had for his clawback ^ the Bishop of Ross, Master John Lesley, one ofBidiop
of the chief Councillors to the Queen. But of all men the Earl
Both well was most in the Queen's favour, so far that all things passed
by him ; yea, by his means the most part of all those that were par-
takers in the slaughter of David Riccio, got remission and relief But ^^ i^ ^aid
from that day he was not present at any sermon, albeit before he
professed the Evangel by outward speaking, yet he never joined to
the Congregation. About this time the Earl of Cassillis was contracted
with the Lord of Glamis's sister,* by whose persuasion he became
a Protestant, and caused in the month of August to reform his
churches in Carrick, and promised to maintain the doctrine of the
Evangel.
The Queen, not yet satisfied with the death of her man David,
caused in August to be apprehended a man called Harry,
who sometime had been of her Chapel-Royal, but afterward
became an Exhorter in a Reformed Church ; and for want of
stipend, or other necessaries, passed in service to my Lord
Ruthven, and chanced that night to be present when the said
David was slain ; and so, finally, he was condemned, and hanged,
and quartered.^
The King being now contemned of all men, because the Queen This in-
cared not for him, he went sometime to the Lennox to his father, you^g man
and sometime to Stirling, whither the Prince was carried a little ^'""/'^'^^
before. Always he was destitute of such things as were necessary for himself for
him, having scarcely six horses in train. And being thus desolate, l/f^Jf.'
and half desperate, he sought means to go out of the country : and, witness
1 He was appointed an Extraordinary Lord of Session on 26 November 1 565. (Brunton
and Haig, Senators of the College of Justice, 129)
* George, fifth Earl of Huntly, was appointed Chancellor in March 1 566 in place of
the Earl of Morton, who had fled after Riccio's murder. {Diurnal of Occurrents, 95-96)
' a. flattering supporter ; toady
* Gilbert, fourth Earl of Cassillis, married (contract 30 September 1566) Margaret
Lyon, daughter of John, seventh Lord Glamis, and sister of John, eighth Lord Glamis.
' This was Henry Yair, sometime a priest, and afterwards a retainer of Lord Ruthven.
He was " delattit of treason " on i April 1566, for accession to Riccio's murder, and was
sentenced to be hanged and quartered, and his goods forfeited. (Pitcairn's Criminal
Trials, i, 481* -482*)
I go THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
his last about the same time, by the advice of fooHsh cagots, ^ he wrote to
now/or L the Pope, to the King of Spain, and to the King of France, com-
^%"^^' h pl^^ining of the state of the country, which was all out of order, all
left God, because that Mass and Popery were not again erected, giving the
feftl^Him wholc blame thereof to the Queen, as not managing the Catholic
cause aright. By some knave, this poor Prince was betrayed, and
the Qjueen got a copy of these letters into her hands, and therefore
threatened him sore ; and there was never after that any appearance
of love betwixt them.^
The Churches of Geneva, Berne, and Basle, with other Reformed
Churches of Germany and France, sent to the whole Church of
Scotland the sum of the Confession of their Faith, desiring to know
if they agreed in uniformity of doctrine, alleging that the Church of
Scotland was dissonant in some Articles from them. Wherefore the
Superintendents, with a great part of the other most qualified
Ministers, convened in September in Saint Andrews, and reading
the said letters, made answer, and sent word again, that they agreed
in all points with those Churches, and differed in nothing from them ;
albeit in the keeping of some Festival days our Church assented not,
for only the Sabbath-day was kept in Scotland. ^
In the end of this month, the Earl Bothwell, riding in pursuit of
the thieves in Liddesdale, was ill hurt, and worse terrified by a thief;
for he believed surely to have departed forth of this life, and sent
word thereof to the Queen's Majesty, who soon after passed forth of
Jedburgh to the Hermitage to visit him, and give him comfort.^
And within a few days after, she took sickness in a most extreme
manner, for she lay two hours long cold dead, as it were without
breath, or any sign of life : at length she revived, by reason they had
^ hypocrites. The entry in the Oxford English Dictionary is hopelessly incorrect. See
Littr6, Dictionnaire de la Langue Frangdise s.v. cagot, and the quotation there given from
Pasquier's Recherches. The meaning given in Craigie's Dictionary of the Older Scottish
Tongue, s.v. cagot, " an affectedly pious person," is equivalent to Moliere's use of the word
in Tartuffe to mean " an excessive outward show of religion ".
2 For an analysis of these statements see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 415, note 63.
' The Helvetian Confession was drawn up by the Pastors of Zurich in 1566. It was
approved by the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, and the translation made
by Mr. Robert Pont was ordered to be printed ; but no copy of this translation is known
to be extant. In the " epistle " to be sent to Zurich a marginal note was to be added
regarding " the remembrance of some holy days." [Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 90 ;
Calderwood, History of the Kirk of Scotland, ii, 331-332) The letter, addressed to Beza,
dated from St. Andrews, 4 September 1 566, and signed by forty-one Ministers, is printed
in ^iirich Letters, Second Series (Parker Society), 362-365.
* For an analysis of this well-known incident see Hay Fleming, op. cit., 415, notes
64, 65.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND I9I
bound small cords about her shackle bones/ her knees, and great toes,
and speaking very softly, she desired the Lords to pray for her to God.
She said the creed in English, and desired my Lord of Moray, if she
should chance to depart, that he would not be over extreme to such
as were of her Religion ; the Duke ^ and he should have been Regents.
The bruit went from Jedburgh in the month of October 1566, that
the Queen was departed this life, or, at least, she could not live any
time,^ wherefore there were continually prayers publicly made at
the Church of Edinburgh, and divers other places, for her conversion
towards God and amendment.* Many were of opinion that she
should come to the preaching and renounce Popery ; but all in vain,
for God had some other thing to do by her. The King being
advertised, rode post from Stirling to Jedburgh,^ where he found
the Queen somewhat convalesced, but she would scarce speak to
him, and hardly give him presence or a good word ; wherefore he
returned immediately to Stirling, where the Prince was, and after to
Glasgow to his father.^
There appeared great trouble over the whole Realm, and
especially in the countries near the Borders, if the Queen had
departed at that time. As she began to recover, the Earl Bothwell
was brought in a chariot ' from the Hermitage to Jedburgh,
where he was cured of his wounds ; in whose presence the Queen
took more pleasure than in all the rest of the world. Always, by
his means, most part of all that were outlawed for the slaughter of
David Riccio got rehef; for there was no other means, but all
things must needs pass by him. Wherefore every man sought to
him, where immediately favour was to be had, as before to
David Riccio.
Soon after, the Queen passing along the Borders, she came
within the bounds of Berwick, where she viewed the town at her
pleasure afar off, being within half a mile and less. All the ordnance
within Berwick were discharged ; the Captain came forth, with
fourscore horses bravely arrayed, to do her honour, and offer her
* zvrists. For fuller details of Mary's illness see the letter written to James Beaton,
Archbishop of Glasgow, by John Lesley, Bishop of Ross, from Jedburgh, 26, 27 October
1566, and printed in Keith's History, iii, 286-289. " Chatelherault
^ Lethington, writing to Cecil on 26 October 1566, says " for the space
off half an hour, we wer all desperate off her lyfe." {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii,
No. 435)
« See Birrel's Diary (in Dalyell, Fragments of Scotish History, 6) ; Diurnal of Occurrents, loi
" But see Hay Fleming, op. cit., 418, note 73
• Ste Diurnal of Occurrents, 101-102 ; Historie of King James the Sext {^a.nnz.\.yntC\\i\i), ^
' a horse-litter
igS THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
lawful service.^ Then she came to Craigmillar, where she remained
in November, till she was advertised of the coming of the Ambassadors
to the baptism of the Prince. And for that purpose there was great
preparation made, not without the trouble of such as were supposed
to have money in store, especially of Edinburgh ; for there was
borrowed a good round sum of money for the same business. ^ All her
care and solicitude was for that triumph. At the same time arrived
the Count de Briance,^ Ambassador of the King of France, who had
a great train. Soon after the Earl of Bedford * went forth of England,
with a very gorgeous company, to the number of fourscore horses,
and passing to Stirling, he was humanely received of the Queen's
Majesty, and every day banqueted. The excessive expenses, and
superfluous apparel, which was prepared at that time, exceeded far
all the preparation that ever had been devised or set forth afore that
time in this country.
The 17 of December 1566, in the great hall ^ of the Castle of
Stirling, was the Prince baptized by the Bishop of Saint Andrews,**
at five a clock at even, with great pomp, albeit with great pain could
they find men to bear the torches, wherefore they took boys. The
Queen laboured much with the Noblemen to bear the salt, grease,
and candle, and such other things, but all refused ; she found at
last the Earls of Eglinton, Atholl, and the Lord Seton,'' who assisted
at the baptism, and brought in the said trash. ^ The Count de
Briance (being the French Ambassador), assisted likewise. The
Earl of Bedford brought for a present from the Queen of England
a font of gold, valued to be worth three thousand crowns.^ Soon
after the said baptism, as the Earl was in communing with the Queen,
who entertained him most reverently, he began to say merrily to her,
amongst other talking, " Madam, I rejoice very greatly at this time,
seeing your Majesty hath here to serve you 'SO many Noblemen,
especially twelve Earls, whereof two only assist at this baptism to
' See the account by Lethington, printed in Keith's History, ii, 469-471
" See the arrangements for the taxation of /^i 2,000 for the expenses of the baptism
of the Prince (Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 485-487)
' Jean de Luxembourg, Comte de Brienne et de Ligny, a favourite of Henry III of
France. Melville's comment is that he was " na courteour, bot a semple man." {Memoirs,
Bannatyne Club, 171) * Francis Russell, Earl of Bedford
' In the chapel. The subsequent banquet was held in the great hall.
' John Hamilton
' George, fifth Lord Seton ; but possibly a mistake for Robert, third Lord Sempill
* See the details given in Diurnal of Occurrents, 103-104
' It is said to have weighed three hundred and thirty-three ounces. (Hay Fleming,
op. cit., 426, note 99)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 93
the superstition of Popery." * At the which saying the Queen kept
good countenance. Soon after they banqueted in the said great hall,
where they wanted no prodigahty. During the time of the Earl of
Bedford's remaining at Stirling, the Lords, for the most part, waited
upon him, and conveyed him every day to the sermon, and after to
banqueting.
The King, who remained at Stirling all that time (never being
present), kept his chamber. His father hearing how he was used,
wrote to him to repair unto him ; who soon after went (without
good-night) toward Glasgow, to his father. He was hardly a mile
out of Stirling, when the poison (which had been given him) wrought
so upon him, that he had very great pain and dolour in every part
of his body. At length, being arrived at Glasgow, the blisters broke
out, of a bluish colour ; so the physicians presently knew the disease
to come by poison. He was brought so low, that nothing but death
was expected ; yet the strength of his youth at last did surmount the
poison. 2
During the time of this triumph, the Queen was most liberal
in all things that were demanded of her. Amongst other things, she
subscribed a writing for the maintenance of the Ministers in a reason-
able proportion,^ which was to be taken up of the Thirds of Benefices ;
which writing, being purchased by the Bishop of Galloway, was
presented at the General Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh,
the five and twentieth day of December 1566, where were convened
the Superintendents and other Ministers in reasonable number, but
very few Commissioners.* The first matter that was there proponed,
was concerning the said writing lately obtained ; and the most part
of the Ministers being demanded their opinions in the matter, after
advice, and passing a little aside, they answered very gravely that
it was their duty to preach to the people the word of God truly and
sincerely, and to crave of the auditors the things that were necessary
for their sustentation, as of duty the Pastors might justly crave of
their flocks ; and, further, it became them not to have any care.
Nevertheless, the Assembly taking into consideration that the said
gift granted by the Queen's Majesty was not to be refused, they
' Huntly, Moray, and Bothwell — as well as the Earl of Bedford — had stood outside
the chapel, because the baptism had been according to the rites of the Roman Church.
{Ibid., 144; Diurnal of Occurrents, 104)
* But the disease may have been small-pox, or perhaps syphilis. (See the analysis of
the evidence in Hay Fleming, Alary Queen of Scots, 430, notes 114, 115; and the article by
Karl Pearson in Biometrika, 1928, xx^, 1-104)
' Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 494-495
* See Booke of the Uniuersall Kirk, i, 83
194 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
ordained that certain faithful men of every shire should meet, and
do their utmost diligence for gathering and receiving the said corn
and money ; and likewise appointed the Superintendent of Lothian/
and Master John Row, to wait upon the Bishop of Galloway, and
concur and assist him for further expedition in the Court, that the
said gift might be despatched through the Seals.
In the same Assembly there was presented a remonstrance by
writ, by some gentlemen of Kyle, containing in effect that inasmuch
as the tithes ought to be given only to the Ministers of the Word,
and Schools, and for maintenance of the poor, that therefore the
Assembly would statute and ordain that all the Professors of the
Evangel should keep the same in their own hands, to the effects
aforesaid, and no way permit the Papists to meddle therewith. This
writing took no effect at that time, for there was none else but the
gentlemen of Kyle of that opinion.'^ It was statute in the said
Assembly that such public fornicators and scandalous livers as
would not confess their offences, nor come to declare their repentance,
should be declared by the Minister to be out of the Church, and
not of the body thereof, and their names to be declared publicly upon
the Sunday. ^
The After this Assembly, the Bishop of Galloway (with the Super-
munding intendent of Lothian and Master John Row) passing to Stirling,
vengeance obtained their demands in an ample manner at the Queen's
upon the , . , . i i-i • i
poor King, Majesty's hand, accordmg to their desire ; and likewise, they
Z'^lovT^ obtained for every burgh, a gift or donation of the altarages, annuals,
with the and obits, which before were given to the Papists, now to be disponed
sZhwell, for the maintenance of the Ministers and Schools within the burghs,
grants to g^^d the rcst to the poor or hospitals.^
the PfOtBS-
tants their * It was Ordained that humble supplication should be made to
£'X' ^^^ Lords of Secret Council concerning the Commission of Jurisdic-
may be tiou supposcd to be granted to the Bishop of Saint Andrews,^ to the
ZurouL effect their honours might stay the same, in respect that the causes
her plots for the most part judged by his usurped authority pertain to the
true Kirk ; and also, because in respect of that coloured Commis-
1 Mr. John Spottiswoode ^ But see Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 83-84
' See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 497-498
* This paragraph, together with the SuppUcation of the Assembly and Knox's Letter
to the Professors, appear in the Edinburgh (1644) edition of the History, but not in the
London edition of that same year. It may be surmised with some probability that the
additions were supplied by Calderwood. (Cf Calderwood's History, ii, 335-340)
' By a grant under the Privy Seal, of 23 December 1566, proceeding upon the Queen's
signature, Mary had restored Archbishop Hamilton to all his former consistorial juris-
diction. (See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 145-146 and supporting notes)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 95
sion, he might assume again his old usurped authority, and the same
might be a means to oppress the whole Kirk. The tenor of the
Supplication followeth ^ :
" The General Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland convened
AT Edinburgh the 25 of December 1566, to the Nobility
OF THIS Realm that profess the Lord Jesus with them,
AND have renounced THAT RoMAN ANTICHRIST, DeSIRES CON-
STANCY IN FAITH, AND THE SPIRIT OF RIGHTEOUS JUDGMENT.
" Seeing that Satan, by all our negligences (Right Honourable),
hath so far prevailed within this Realm of late days that we do
stand in extreme danger, not only to lose our temporal possessions, John^
but also to be deprived of the glorious Evangel of Jesus Christ, and suppUca-
so we and our posterity to be left in damnable darkness ; We could ^l^"- ^°.j^^
no longer contain ourselves, nor keep silence, lest by so doing we recall the
might be accused as guilty of the blood of such as shall perish for '^°^q^^^'
lack of admonition, as the Prophet threateneth. We, therefore, in granted to
the fear of our God, and with grief and anguish of our heart, com- hi^hop
plain unto your Honours (yea, we must complain unto God, and °f^^-
to all his obedient creatures), that that conjured enemy of Jesus
Christ, and cruel murderer of our dear brethren, most falsely styled
Archbishop of Saint Andrews, is reponed and restored, by signature
passed, to his former tyranny: For not only are his ancient jurisdictions
(as they are termed) of the whole Bishopric of Saint Andrews granted
unto him, but also the execution of judgment, confirmation of testa-
ments, and donation of benefices, as more amply in his signature is
expressed. If this be not to cure ^ the head of that venomous beast,
which once within this Realm by the potent hand of God was so
broken down and banished, that by tyranny it could not have hurt
the faithful, judge ye. His ancient jurisdiction was, that he with
certain colleagues collaterals, might have damned of heresy upon
probation as pleased him, and then to take all that were suspected
of heresy. What they have judged to be heresy heretofore, ye can-
not be ignorant of ; and whether they remain in their former malice
or not, their fruits and travails openly declare. The danger may be
feared, say ye. But what remedy ? It is easy, and at hand (Right
Honourable), if ye will not betray the cause of God, and leave your
brethren, who will never more be subject to that usurped tyranny
than they will be to the Devil himself. Our Queen belike is not
well informed. She ought not, nor justly may not break the laws
' Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 88-90 " restore
igG THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
of this Realm ; and so consequently she may not set up against
us, without our consent, that Roman Antichrist again. For in a
lawful and the most free Parliament that ever was in this Realm
before, was that odious beast deprived of all jurisdiction, office and
authority within the Realm. ^ Her Majesty at her first arrival, and
by divers proclamations since, hath expressly forbidden any other
form and face of Religion, than that which she found publicly
established at her arrival. Therefore she may not bring us (the
greatest part of the subjects of this Realm) back again to bondage,
till that as lawful and as free a Parhament as justly damned that
Antichrist and his usurped tyranny, hath given decision betwixt us
and him. If hereof, and of other things which no less concern your-
selves than us, ye plainly and boldly admonish our Sovereign, and
without tumult only crave justice, the tyrants dare no more be seen
in lawful judgment, than dare the owls in daylight. Weigh this
matter as it is, and ye will find it more weighty than it appeareth
to many. Further at this present we complain not, but humbly
crave of your Honours a reasonable answer what ye will do, in case
such tyrants and devouring wolves begin to invade the flock of Jesus
Christ within this Realm, under v/hat title soever it be. For this we
boldly profess, that we will never acknowledge such either pastors
to our souls, or yet judges to our causes. And if, for denial thereof,
we suflfer either in body or in goods, we doubt not but we have not
only a judge to punish them that unjustiy trouble us, but also an
advocate and strong champion in Heaven to recompense them who,
for his name's sake, suffer persecution : Whose Holy Spirit rule your
hearts in his true fear to the end.
" Given in the General Assembly and third Session thereof, at
Edinburgh, the 27 of December, 1566."
Besides this Supplication of the Assembly to the Nobility penned
(as appeareth by the style) by John Knox, a letter was written
by John Knox in particular to the Professors, to advertise them of
the danger of this commission or power granted to the said bastard,
Bishop of Saint Andrews, the tenor whereof doth follow ^ :
" The Lord cometh, and shall not tarry. Blessed shall he be
whom He shall find fighting against impiety.
*' To deplore the miseries of these our most wicked days (Beloved
Brethren) can neither greatly profit us, neither yet relieve us of our
* Supra, i, 340-341 * Calderwood, History of the Kirk of Scotland, ii, 337-340
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 97
present calamities ; and yet utterly to keep silence, cannot lack the >^«,
suspicion of apostasy, and plain defection from God, and from his Letter
truth, once by us publicly professed. For now are matters (that in ^ '^*
years bypast have been denied) so far discovered, that he who seeth
not the plain subversion of all true Religion within this Realm to
be concluded, and decreed in the hearts of some, must either con-
fess himself bhnd, or else an enemy to the Religion which we profess.
For besides the open erecting of idolatry in divers parts of this Realm,
and besides the extreme poverty wherein our Ministers are brought
(by reason that idle bellies are fed upon that which justly appertaineth
to such as truly preach Jesus Christ, and rightly and by order minister
his blessed Sacraments), that cruel murderer of our brethren, falsely
called Archbishop of Saint Andrews, most unjustly, and against all
law, hath presumed to his former tyranny, as a signature passed for
his restitution to his ancient jurisdiction (as it is termed) more fully
doth proport. What end may be looked for of such beginnings, the
half-blind may see, as we suppose. And yet we have heard that
a certain sum of money and victuals should be assigned by the
Queen's Majesty for sustentation of our Ministry. But how that
any such assignation, or any promise made thereof, can stand in
any stable assurance, when that Roman Antichrist (by just laws
once banished from this Realm) shall be intruded above us, we can
no wise understand. Yea, farther, we cannot see what assurance any
within this Realm that have professed the Lord Jesus can have of
life or inheritance, if the head of that odious beast be cured ^ amongst
us. And therefore we yet again, in the bowels of Christ Jesus, crave
of you to look into this matter, and to advertise us again, with
reasonable expedition of your judgments, that in the fear of God,
and with unity of minds, we may proceed to crave justice, and
oppose ourselves to such tyranny, as most unjustly is intended
against us. For, if we think not that this last erecting of that wicked
man is the very setting up again of that Roman Antichrist within
this Realm, we are deprived of all right judgment. And what is
that else, but to separate us and our posterity from God ; yea, and
to cut ourselves from the freedom of this Realm. We desire there-
fore that the wisest amongst you may consider the weight of this
cause, which long hath been neglected, partly by our sloth, and
pardy by believing fair promises, by which to this hour we have
been deceived. And therefore we ought to be the more vigilant and
circumspect, especially seeing a Parliament is proclaimed.
* restored
essors
igS THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
" We have sent to you the form of a Supphcation and Articles,
which we would have presented to the Queen's Majesty. If it please
you, we would ye should approve it by your subscriptions ; or if
you would alter it, we desire you so to do, and we shall allow what-
soever you shall propound, not repugnant to God. If it shall be
thought expedient that Commissioners of Counties shall convene,
to reason upon the most weighty matters that now occur, the time
and place being appointed by you, and due advertisement being
given to us, by God's grace, there shall no fault be found in us ;
but as from the beginning we have neither spared substance nor
life, so mind we not to faint unto the end, to maintain the same,
so long as we can find the concurrence of brethren ; of whom (as
God forbid) if we be destitute, yet are we determined never to be
subject to that Roman Antichrist, neither yet to his usurped tyranny.
But when we can do no further to suppress that odious beast, we
mind to seal with our blood, to our posterity, that the bright know-
ledge of Jesus Christ hath banished that man of sin, and his venomous
doctrine, from our hearts and consciences. Let this our letter and
request bear witness before God, before his angels, before the world,
and before our own consciences, that we require you that have pro-
fessed the Lord Jesus within this Realm, as well Nobility, as Gentle-
men, Burgesses, and Commons, to deliberate upon the estate of things
present ; and specially whether that this usurped tyranny of that
Roman Antichrist shall be any longer suffered within this Realm,
seeing that by just law it is already abolished. Secondly, Whether
that we shall be bound to feed idle bellies upon the patrimony of the
Kirk, which justly appertaineth unto Ministers, Thirdly, Whether
that idolatry, and other abominations, which now are more than
evident, shall any longer by us be maintained and defended. Answer
us as ye will answer to God, in whose fear we send these letters unto
you, lest that our silence should be counted for consent unto such
impiety. God take from our hearts the blind love of ourselves, and
all ungodly fear. Amen. Let us know your minds with expedition."
Notwithstanding the domestic troubles that the Church of God
had in Scotland in this turbulent time within the kingdom, yet they
were not unmindful of the affliction of Jacob everywhere upon the
face of the earth ; namely, they had before their eyes the state and
condition of the Church of God in England : Witness this Letter
from the General Assembly to the Rulers of the Church of God in
England ; [wherein they entreat them to deal gently with the
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 99
preachers their brethren about the surphce and other apparel.
John Knox formed the Letter in name of the Assembly, as follows] ^ :
" The Superintendents, with other Ministers and Commis-
sioners OF the Church of God in the Kingdom of Scot-
land, TO their Brethren, the Bishops and Pastors of
God's Church in England, who profess with us in Scot-
land the truth of Jesus Christ.
*' By word and letters it is come to our knowledge (Reverend
Brethren, Pastors of God's word in the Church of England), that
divers of our Brethren (of whom some be of the most learned in
England) are deprived from all ecclesiastical function, namely, are
forbidden to preach, and so by you are stopped to promote the
Kingdom of God, because they have a scruple of conscience to use
at the command of Authority such garments as idolaters in time
of greatest darkness did use in their superstitious and idolatrous
service ; which report cannot but be very grievous to our hearts,
considering the sentence of the Apostle, ' If ye bite and devour one
another, take heed ye be not consumed one of another.' We intend
not at this present to enter into the question, which we hear is agitated
and handled with greater vehemency by either party than well
liketh us, to wit, Whether such apparel be accounted amongst things
indifferent or not ; wherefore (through the bowels of Jesus Christ)
we crave that Christian charity may so far prevail with you, who
are the pastors and guides of Christ's flock in England, that ye do
one to another as ye desire others to do to you. You cannot be
ignorant what tenderness is in a scrupulous conscience, and all that
have knowledge are not alike persuaded. The consciences of some
of you stir not with the wearing of such things ; on the other side,
many thousands (both godly and learned) are otherways persuaded,
whose consciences are continually stricken with these sentences,
' What hath Christ to do with Belial ? ' ' What fellowship is there
betwixt light and darkness ? ' If surplice, corner-cap and tippet
have been the badges of idolaters in the very act of their idolatry,
what hath the preachers of Christian liberty, and the rebukers of
superstition to do with the dregs of that Romish Beast ? Yea, what
is he that ought not to fear, either to take in his hand, or on his
forehead, the prints and mark of that odious Beast ? The brethren
* See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 85-88 ; Calderwood's History, ii, 332-335. Again,
the words in square brackets, which are added to the Edinburgh edition of 1644, appear
to have been supphed by Calderwood. {Cf. Calderwood's History, ii, 332)
200 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
that refuse such unprofitable apparel, do neither condemn nor molest
you who use such trifles. On the other side, if ye that use these things
will do the like to your brethren, we doubt not but therein you
shall please God, and comfort the hearts of many, which are wounded
to see extremity used against these godly brethren. Humane argu-
ments or coloured rhetoric we use none to persuade you, only in
charity we desire you to mind the sentence of Peter, ' Feed the flock
of Christ which is committed to your charge, caring for it, not by
constraint, but willingly ; not being as lords of God's heritages, but
being examples to the flock.' We further desire you to meditate
upon that sentence of Paul, ' Give no offence, neither to Jews, nor
Gentiles, nor to the church of God.' In what condition of time
you and we both travail for the promoting of Christ's kingdom,
you are not ignorant ; therefore we are the more bold to exhort
you to deal more wisely than to trouble the godly for such vanities ;
for all things which seem lawful, edify not. If Authority urge you
further than your consciences can bear, we pray you remember,
that the Ministers of the Church are called the ' Light of the world,'
and ' Salt of the earth ' ; all civil authority hath not always the
light of God shining before their eyes, in statutes and commands,
for their aflfections savour too much of the earth and worldly wisdom.
Therefore we tell you, that ye ought to oppose yourselves boldly,
not only to all power that dare extol itself against God, but also
against all such as dare burden the consciences of the faithful further
than God chargeth them in his own word. But we hope you will
excuse our freedom in that we have entered in reasoning further
than we intended in the beginning. Now, again we return to our
former request, which is. That the brethren among you, who refuse
the Romish rags, may find of you, who use and urge them, such
favour as our Head and Master commandeth eajch one of his members
to show to another, which we look to receive of your courtesy, not
only because you will not offend God in troubling your brethren
for such vain trifles, but also because you will not refuse the earnest
request of us your Brethren, and fellow Ministers ; in whom, although
there appear no worldly pomp, yet we are assured, you will esteem
us as God's servants, travailing to set forth his glory against the
Roman Antichrist. The days are evil, iniquity aboundeth, and
charity (alas) waxeth cold ; wherefore we ought to walk diligently,
for the hour is uncertain when the Lord shall come, before whom
we must all give an account of our administration. In conclusion,
yet once more we desire you to be favourable one to another. The
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 201
Lord Jesus rule your hearts in his fear unto the end, and give to
you and us victory over that conjured enemy of true Religion (the
Pope), whose wounded head Sathan by all means strives to cure
again ; but to destruction shall he go, and all his maintainers, by
the power of our Lord Jesus, to whose mighty protection we commit
you.
" From our General Assembly, December 27, 1566."
^ At the same time the Bishop of Saint Andrews, by means of
the Earl Both well, procured a writing from the Queen's Majesty,
to be obeyed within the diocese of his jurisdiction, in all such causes
as before in time of Popery were used in the Consistory, and there-
fore to discharge the new Commissioners ^ ; and for the same pur-
pose came to Edinburgh in January, having a company of one
hundred horses, or more, intending to take possession, according to
his gift lately obtained. The Provost being advertised thereof by
the Earl of Moray, they sent to the Bishop three or four of the Council,
desiring him to desist from the said matter, for fear of trouble and
sedition that might rise thereupon ; whereby he was persuaded to
desist at that time.
Soon after, the Queen came to Edinburgh, where she remained
a few days. In the month of January she was informed that the
King was recovered of the poison given him at Stirling, and there-
fore she passed to Glasgow to visit him, and there tarried with him
six days, using him wonderfully kindly, with many gracious and
good words ; and likewise his father, the Earl of Lennox, insomuch
that all men marvelled whereto it should turn, considering the great
contempt and dryness that had been before so long together. The
Queen, notwithstanding all the contempt that was given him, with
a known design to take away his life, yet by her sweet words gains
so far upon the uxorious husband, and his facile father, that he went
in company with her to Edinburgh, where she had caused to lodge
him at the Kirk of Field, in a lodging, lately bought by Master
James Balfour, Clerk Register, truly very unmeet for a King. The
* An interpolated paragraph is here omitted, and at the head of the present paragraph
appears the following long marginal note : As she had lately gratified the Protestants
by granting their Petition, so at this time she yields unto the Papists their demands also,
that she might be stopped by neither of them in her design of vengeance and new love.
2 By a writ of 8 February 1 564, the Queen had appointed four Commissaries, sitting
at Edinburgh, to exercise the jurisdiction formerly exercised by the Officials of the Roman
Church ; but with Mary's restoration of consistorial jurisdiction to the Archbishop of
St. Andrews, the newly appointed Commissaries were discharged of all office within the
diocese of St. Andrews. (Robertson, Concilia Scotia, i, Preface, clxxv-clxxviii)
202 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Queen resorted often to visit him, and lay in the house two nights
by him (although her lodging was in the Palace of Holyrood-
house). Every man marvelled at this reconciliation and sudden
change. The ninth of February, the King was murdered, and the
house where he lay burned with powder, about twelve of the clock
in the night ^ : his body was cast forth in a yard, without the town
wall, adjoining close by. There was a servant likewise murdered
beside him, who had been also in the chamber with him. The
people ran to behold this spectacle ; and wondering thereat some
judged one thing, some another.
Shortly thereafter, Bothwell came from the Abbey with a com-
pany of men of war, and caused the body of the King to be carried
to the next house. Where, after a little, the surgeons being convened
at the Queen's command to view and consider the manner of his
death, most part gave out, to please the Queen, that he was blown
in the air, albeit he had no mark of fire ; and truly he was strangled.
Soon after, he was carried to the Abbey, and there buried. ^
[When many of the common people had gazed long upon the
King's corpse, the Queen caused it to be brought down to the Palace
by some pioneers. She beheld the corpse without any outward show
or sign of joy or sorrow. When the Lords had concluded amongst
themselves that he should be honourably buried, the Qjueen caused
his corpse to be carried by some pioneers in the night without
solemnity, and to be laid beside the sepulchre of David Riccio.^
If there had been any solemn burial, Buchanan had wanted wit to
relate otherwise, seeing there would have been so many witnesses
to testify the contrary. Therefore the contriver of the late History
of Queen Mary * wanted policy here to convey a lie.
The Queen, according to the ancient custom, should have kept
herself forty days within, and the doors and windows should have been
closed in token of mourning ; but the windows were opened, to let
^ About two o'clock in the morning of lo February
* In place of these words " Soon after, he was carried to the Abbey, and there buried,"
the Edinburgh (1644) edition contains the two following paragraphs, enclosed within
square brackets. Both appear to come direct from Calderwood's History (ii, 346, 347).
^ See Hay Fleming, Alary Queen of Scots, 441, note 34. For a critical examination
of the tragedy of Kirk o' Field, see ibid., 148-152 and supporting notes.
* Laing suggests that this is probably a reference to [W. Udall], The Historie of the
Life and Death of Mary Stuart, Qiieene of Scotland, published in London in 1636. (Laing's
Knox, ii, 550, note) In the Detectio Buchanan stated that Darnley's corpse was carried
and buried hard by Riccio, " without any funeral honour, upon a vile bier, and in the
night time by the common carriers of dead bodies " ; and certainly the author of the
Historie refers to the Detectio as " of small credit," Buchanan being an adversary of the
Queen who had been " wonne by money to write." {Historie, etc., 1 15)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 203
in light, the fourth day. Before the twelfth day, she went out to
Seton, Bothwell never parting from her side. There she went out
to the fields to behold games and pastimes.^ The King's armour,
horse, and household stuff were bestowed upon the murderers. A
certain tailor, when he was to reform the King's apparel to Both-
well, said jestingly, He acknowledged here the custom of the country,
by which the clothes of the dead fall to the hangman. ^]
This tragical end had Henry Stewart, after he had been King
eighteen months. A Prince of great lineage, both by mother and
father. He was of a comely stature, and none was like unto him
within this island. He died under the age of one and twenty years ^ ;
prompt and ready for all games and sports ; much given to hawk-
ing and hunting, and running of horses, and likewise to playing on
the lute, and also to Venus chamber. He was liberal enough. He
could write and dictate well ; but he was somewhat given to wine,
and much feeding, and likewise to inconstancy ; and proud beyond
measure, and therefore contemned all others. He had learned to
dissemble well enough, being from his youth misled up in Popery.
Thus, within two years after his arriving in this Realm, he was highly
by the Queen alone extolled ; and, finally, had this unfortunate
end by her procurement and consent. To lay all other proofs aside,
her marriage with Bothwell, who was the main executioner of the
King, notwithstanding all the advices and counsels that the King
of France, and the Queen of England, did earnestly and carefully
give her, as other friends did likewise,* witness anent their guilt.
Those that laid hands on the King to kill him, by Bothwell's direction,
were Sir James Balfour, Gilbert Balfour, David Chalmers, black
John Spens, Francis, Sebastien, John de Bordeaux, and Joseph, the
brother of David Riccio.^ These last four were the Queen's domestics,
and strangers. The reason why the King's death was so hastened,
was because the affection or passion of the Earl Bothwell could not
bear so long a delay as the procurement of a bill of divorce required,
although the Romish clergy offered their service willingly to the
business, namely. Bishop Hamilton, and so he became great again at
court. And he for the advancement of the business, did good offices
to increase the hatred betwixt the King and Queen ; yea, some that
had been the chief instruments of the marriage of the King and
^ See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 152, 442, notes 35, 36
* See Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 499 ^ See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 437, note 20
* See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 456, note 1 ; Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 477
* These were the " suspected murderers " named by the Earl of Lennox, Darnley's
father. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 488 ; Keith's History, ii, 529-531)
(668) VOL n 14
204 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Queen, offered their service for the divorce, seeing how the Queen's
incHnation lay. So unhappy are Princes, that men, for their own
ends, further them in all their inclinations and undertakings, be
they never so bad or destructive to themselves.
The Earl of Lennox, in the meantime, wrote to the Queen, to
cause punish Bothwell, with his other complices, for murdering the
King.^ The Queen, not daring openly to reject the Earl of Lennox's
solicitation, did appoint a day for the trial of Bothwell, by an
assize ^ ; the members whereof were the Earl of Caithness, Pre-
sident, ^ the Earl of Gassillis * (who at the first refused, but thereafter,
being threatened to be put in prison, and under the pain of treason,
was present by the Queen's command), John Hamilton, Com-
mendator of Arbroath,^ Lord Ross,^ Lord Sempill,'' Lord Boyd,^
Lord Herries,^ Lord Oliphant ^^ ; the Master of Forbes, ^^ the Lairds of
Lochinvar,^^ Langton,^^ Cambusnethan,^* Barnbougle,^^ and Boyne.^^
They, to please the Queen, and for fear, did pronounce Bothwell
not guilty, notwithstanding the manifest evidences of the cruel fact
committed by Bothwell who, before the trial, did make himself
strong by divers means ; namely, by the possession of the Castle
of Edinburgh,^^ so that the accusers durst not appear, not being
strong enough. The Earl of Mar did retire to Stirling, and had
committed to his charge the young Prince. All this was done in
February.
* Keith's History, ii, 529-530
* A copy of the proceedings of 12 April 1567, before the Court of Justiciary in the
Tolbooth of Edinburgh, attested by Sir John Bellenden, the Justice-Clerk, is printed in
J. Anderson, Collections relating to the History of Mary Queen of Scotland, ii, 97-114. See also
Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 488 (abridging a " Copy of the processe . . . subscrivit
be the Justice-Clerk"), and Keith's History, ii, 539-548. Knox's continuator has omitted
Andrew, fifth Earl of Rothes, from the assize.
' George, fourth Earl of Caithness, was chancellor or foreman of the jury.
* Gilbert, fourth Earl of Gassillis '
' John Hamilton, third son of the Duke of Chatelherault ; later (1599) Marquess of
Hamilton ° James, fourth Lord Ross ' Robert, third Lord Sempill
» Robert, fifth Lord Boyd
* John, second son of Robert, fifth Lord Maxwell, usually called " The Master of
Maxwell." He assumed the title of Lord Herries as the husband of Agnes, eldest daughter
of William, third Lord Herries, and, sua jure, Lady Herries.
^^ Laurence, fourth Lord Oliphant
*' John, son of William, seventh Lord Forbes ; later eighth Lord Forbes
*' Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar
*' James Cockburn of Langton (Berwickshire)
'* James Somerville of Cambusnethan (Lanarkshire)
*^ Sir John Mowbray of Barnbougle (West Lothian)
*• Alexander Ogilvy of Boyne (Banffshire)
*' See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 443, note 45
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 205
In April, Bothwell called together sundry of the Lords, who had
come to Edinburgh, to a meeting that was there ; and having
gained some before, made them all, what by fear, what by fair
promises, first of their private state, and then of advancing the
Papist's Religion, to consent by their subscriptions to the marriage
with the Queen. ^ Then the Queen goes to Stirling, to see her son.
Bothwell makes a show as if he were going to the Borders to suppress
robbers, and so he raiseth some men of war ; which, when he had
done, he turneth towards the way to Stirling, where he meets the
Queen, according to appointment betwixt them, and carrieth her
to Dunbar, as it had been by force, although every one knew it was
with the Queen's liking.^ The prime Nobility convened at Stirling,
and from thence sent to her, to know whether or not she was taken
against her will. She answered that it was true she was taken
against her will but, since her taking, she had no occasion to com-
plain ; yea, the courteous entertainment she had, made her forget
and forgive all former offences. These expressions were used by
way of preface to the pardon which was granted immediately there-
after to Bothwell ; for, by Letters Patent, he was pardoned by the
Queen for laying violently hands upon her Majesty, and for all
other crimes. So by these [means] the murder of the King was
pardoned. During the Queen's abode in Dunbar, there were letters
of divorce demanded and granted unto Bothwell from his Lady
(who afterward was married to the Earl Sutherland ^), she was
sister to the Earl of Huntly. The ground of divorce was, the parties,
being within the degrees prohibited, could not be lawfully joined ;
next, because Bothwell was an adulterer, the marriage was void.
The bill of divorce was granted by the Papistical Court of the Arch-
bishop of Saint Andrews.* And here mark how they juggle in sacred
things ; for when it pleaseth them, they untie the bond of marriage, as
now, and as we have seen in the First Book of this History. When the
Queen fell in distaste of the late King her husband, it was proposed
1 See ibid., 446, note 60. The bond, commonly known as that of" AinsHe's Supper,"
is printed in Keith's History, ii, 562-569.
* See Hay Fleming, Mary Qiieen of Scots, 156 and supporting notes
' Alexander, eleventh Earl of Sutherland. After his death (1594), Lady Jean Gordon
married, thirdly (1599), Alexander Ogilvy of Boyne.
* There was a double process for divorce. Lady Bothwell received a divorce from the
Commissary Court of Edinburgh ; Bothwell received a decision from the newly re-
instituted Consistorial Court of St. Andrews {supra, 1 94, note 5) that his marriage had been
null for lack of a dispensation. (But a dispensation had been granted. See Hay Fleming,
op. cit., 1 57 ; 453, note 76.) The sederunt in each of the two courts is given in Spottiswoode's
History, ii, 52.
206 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
unto her to have divorce upon the same ground from the King.
To which, at first ear was given, but after second thoughts, a bill
of divorce was too tedious (as we have now said) and could not be
stayed for ^ ; therefore the King must be despatched.
The Queen, when Bothwell had obtained by the Archbishop
a letter of divorce from his lawful wife, sent a letter signed with her
own hand to Master John Craig, minister of Edinburgh, commanding
him to publish the band of matrimony betwixt her and Bothwell.
Master John Craig, the next sermon day thereafter, declared in full
congregation, that he had received such a command, but in conscience
he could not obey it ; the marriage was altogether unlawful ; and
of that he would declare the reasons to the parties, if he had audience
of them, otherwise he would make known his just reasons in the
hearing of the people. Immediately thereafter, Bothwell sends for
Master Craig to the Council, where Master Craig told, first, that
by an Act of the Assembly, it was forbidden to allow the marriage
of any divorced for adultery ; the divorce of Bothwell from his
lawful wife was by collusion, witness the quick dispatch thereof, ^
for it was sought and had within ten days, and his contracting with
the Queen instantly thereafter ; then his rape of the Queen, and the
guilt of the King's death, which was confirmed by this marriage.
Withal, he desired the Lords to stop the Queen from that infamous
marriage. The Sunday after, he told publicly to the people what
he had said to the Council ; and he took heaven and earth to witness
that he detested that scandalous and infamous marriage ; and that
he discharged his conscience unto the Lords, who seemed unto him
as so many slaves, what by flattery, what by silence, to give way to
that abomination. Upon this, he was called to the Council again,
and was reproved, as if he had exceeded the bounds of his calling.
Whereunto he answered. That the bounds of his commission were
the word of God, right reason, and good laws', against which he had
said nothing ; and by all these, offered to prove this marriage to be
scandalous and infamous. At this he was stopped by Bothwell, and
sent from the Council.^ Notwithstanding all this done and said by
Master Craig, and the opposition of many that wished well to the
Queen, and were jealous of her honour, the marriage went on, and
* But there was also the important consideration that a divorce would affect the
legitimacy of the infant Prince James, for, in the Roman Church, a divorce could proceed
only upon the ground that the marriage had been, from the first, null and void.
* See Spottiswoode's History, ii, 52
' See Mr. John Craig's " purgation " registered in the Records of the General
Assembly {Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 11 5-1 16)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 2O7
they were married the 15 of May. This makes good the Latin
proverb, Mala nubunt mense Maio.^ And a Bishop must bless the
marriage. The good Prelate was Bishop of Orkney. ^ If there -^o'*
be a good work to be done, a Bishop must do it. Here mark the
difference betwixt this worthy minister, Master Craig, and this base
bishop.
The Earl of Atholl, immediately after the murder of the King,
had retired home, waiting for the occasion to revenge the King's
death. But, seeing this abominable marriage, he went to Stirling,
where other honest Lords with him had a meeting, and made a
bond, to defend the young Prince from the murderers of his father ^ ;
as already they had had one plot to cut him off, which God in his
mercy did prevent. The Nobles that entered in this bond, were the
Earls of Argyll,* Atholl,^ Morton,** Mar,^ and Glencairn * ; the Lords
Lindsay'' and Boyd.^" Argyll thereafter, seduced by some fair words,
fell off ; and Boyd became a great factionary for Bothwell in all
things. The Queen, soon after the marriage, was advised to send
abroad an Ambassador to acquaint her foreign friends and kindred ;
and this must be a Bishop. It is pity that any good work should be
done without a Bishop : was not this a worthy employment for a
pastor in God's Church ? ^^
Bothwell, seeing the bond made at Stirling, caused the Queen
to write to sundry of the Nobility. Divers repaired unto her, where
they found a bond tendered unto them, by which they were to bind
themselves to defend the Queen and Bothwell. Some that were
• The correct form is, Metise malas Maio nubere vulgus ait. Keith {History, ii, 586),
says this Latin phrase was found affixed to the gate of the Palace of Holyrood on the
night of the marriage. And on Sunday, 15 June 1567, exactly a month after the fateful
wedding, Mary was to persuade Bothwell " to loup on horsebak and ryd away," never
again to see one another.
^ Adam Bothwell, successor to Bishop Reid. He had joined the Reformers, and the
marriage of Mary and Bothwell was solemnized " not with the Mass, but with preaching."
Later, December 1567, he was delated before the General Assembly for various offences
including " Because he solemnized the marriage of the Queen and the Earl of Bothwell,
which was altogether wicked, and contrary to God's law and statutes of the Kirk." {Booke
of the Universall Kirk, i, 112, 131)
' See Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. No. 501 ; Hay Fleming, op. cit., 463, note 25
' Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll ' John, fourth Earl of Atholl
' James, fourth Earl of Morton
' John, sixth Lord Erskine, Earl of Mar
* Alexander, fourth Earl of Glencairn
» Patrick, sixth Lord Lindsay of the Byres >" Robert, fifth Lord Boyd
'^ This was William Chisholm [II], Bishop of Dunblane. His instructions for his embassy
to France, and also the instructions for Sir Robert Melville for England, are printed in
Keith's History, ii, 592-606.
208 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
corrupt, did willingly subscribe ; others for fear did the same. And
there was not one that went to Court that did refuse but the Earl ot
Moray, who, refusing absolutely to enter into a bond with Bothwell,
said it was not the part of a good subject ; yet since he had been
made friends with him some time before, he would keep his promise
unto the Queen ; and to enter into a bond with the Queen, it was
needless and unfit, since he was to obey her in all lawful and just
things. Upon this, he got leave, although with great difficulty, to
go into France.
The Queen receives now Hamilton, Archbishop of Saint Andrews,
into favour since these changes ; who was no less a faithful councillor
to her, than he was a good pastor of Christ's flock ; that is, he
betrayed her, and disobeyed God. With this a proclamation comes
out in favour of the poor Protestants, whereby the Queen declares
that she will keep and confirm all that she had promised at her
arrival into Scotland. ^ This was done to stop the people's mouths ;
but all in vain, for the people were universally against the abomination
of the court.
Within few days, Bothwell and the Queen were raising men,
under pretext to go to the Borders to repress the robbers there ^ ;
but in effect to go to Stirling, to have the Prince in their custody,
that they might dispose of him according to their mind. Then a
new proclamation came out that the Queen hereafter would rule
only by the advice of the Nobles of the land, as her best predecessors
had done. The Lords at Stirling, hearing of this plot, strive to prevent
it, and to this purpose they appointed with the Lord Home ^ to
besiege the Castle of Borthwick, where the Queen and Bothwell
were. But because the Earl of Atholl did not come at the hour
appointed, they had not men enough to environ and compass the
Castle ; so that Bothwell, having notice given him of the business,
escaped to Dunbar, and the Queen after him, in man's clothes.*
The Lords, failing of their design at Borthwick Castle, went to
Edinburgh, whereof they made themselves masters easily, having
the affections of the people, notwithstanding the Earl Huntly's and
the Archbishop of Saint Andrews' persuasion to the contrary. These
two, with their associates, were constrained to retire to the Castle,
* See the Queen's declaration of 23 May 1567 {Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 513-514)
* See the proclamations of 28 May 1567. {Ibid., i, 516-517)
* Alexander, fifth Lord Home
* Bothwell slipped out of Borthwick Castle probably on the night of 10 June, and
Mary, in male attire, on the night of 1 1 June. (Birrel, Diary, in Dalyell, Fragments ofScotish
History, 9 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, 11 2- 113)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 2O9
where they were received by Sir James Balfour, left there by
Bothwell.i
The twelfth of June, which was the next day following, the Lords
at Edinburgh caused to publish a proclamation, whereby they
declared that the Earl Bothwell, who had been the principal author,
deviser, and actor of the cruel murder of the late King, had since
laid hand upon the Queen's person, and had her for the present in
Dunbar in his power ; and, finding her utterly destitute of all good
counsel, had seduced her to a dishonest and unlawful marriage with
himself ; yea, that now he was gathering forces, and stirring himself
to get the young Prince in his hands, that he might murder the child
as he had murdered the father. This wicked man the Nobles of the
land resolved to withstand, and deliver the Queen out of his bondage ;
wherefore they did charge all lieges within the kingdom that could
come to them, to be in readiness at three hours' warning to assist
them (the Nobles) for the freeing of the Queen from captivity, and
bringing the said Earl Bothwell to a legal trial and condign punish-
ment for the aforesaid murder and other crimes. All such that would
not side with the Lords were by this proclamation commanded to
depart from Edinburgh within four hours, under the pain of being
accounted enemies, &c.^
Notwithstanding this proclamation, the people did not join unto
these Lords as was expected, for sundry of the Nobles were adver-
saries to the business, others stood as neutrals ; and withal, those that
were convened together were not well provided of arms and munition
for exploits of war ; so that they were even thinking to dissolve and
leave off their enterprise till another time, and had absolutely done
so, but God had ordained other ways, as the event did show (if the
Queen and Bothwell could have had patience to stay at Dunbar for
three or four days without any stir).^ But the Queen and Bothwell,
having gathered together about four or five thousand men, trusting
in their force (the Queen being puffed up by flatterers), set forth and
marched towards Leith. Being come forward as far as Gladsmuir,
she caused public proclamation against the aforesaid Lords, calling
them a number of conspirators, and that she now discerned their
inward malice against her and her husband, the Duke of Orkney
(for so now they called Bothwell).* They had endeavoured to appre-
* Diurnal of Occurrents, 113. Sir James Balfour of Pittendriech, the Clerk-Register,
had been made Captain of Edinburgh Castle on 8 May. {Ibid., iii)
^ See the proclamation in Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 520-521
* See the comment by Lord Herries, Memoirs (Abbotsford Club), 93
« Mary had created Bothwell Duke of Orkney on 1 2 May. {Diurnal of Occurrents, in)
210 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
hend her and her husband at Borthwick, and had made a seditious
proclamation, under pretence of seeking the revenge of the King her
late husband, and to free her from captivity ; giving out, that the
Duke her husband had a mind to invade the Prince her son ; all
which was false, for the Duke her husband had used all means to
clear himself, both by a legal way and by the offer of a combat to
any that did accuse him, as they knew well enough. As touching her
captivity, she was in none, but was in company with her husband,
unto whom she was publicly married in the view of the world, and
many of the Nobles had given their consent unto this her marriage.
As for the Prince her son, it was but a specious pretence to the treason
and rebellion against her their natural Sovereign and her posterity,
which they intended to overthrow ; wherefore she declared herself
necessitated to take arms, hoping that all her faithful subjects would
adhere unto her, and that those who were already assembled with
her, would with good hearts and hands stand to her defence ; and
for the recompense of their valour they should have the lands and
goods of these unnatural rebels.^ After this proclamation, the army
went on, and the Queen that night came to Seton, where she lay.
About midnight the Lords of Edinburgh were advertised of the
Queen's approach ; presently they took arms, and at the sun-rising
they were at Musselburgh, where they refreshed themselves with
meat and rest. The Queen's camp was not yet stirring. About mid-
day the scouts that the Lords had sent out brought word that the
enemy was marching towards them ; presently they put themselves
in two battles ; the first was conducted by the Earl Morton and the
Lord Home ; the second by the Earls Atholl, Glencairn, the Lords
Lindsay, Ruthven, Sempill, and Sanquhar,^ with the Lairds Drum-
lanrig,3 Tullibardine,* Cessford,^ and Grange,® with divers others.
Their number was almost as great as the Quepn's, their men better,
being many of them expert men — I say nothing of the cause. The
Queen had gained a hill called Carberry, which the Lords (by reason
of the steepness of the ascent) could not well come at ; wherefore
they wheeled about to get a more convenient place to go to the hill,
where the enemy was, and to have the sun behind them in the
time of the fight. At first the Queen, seeing their thus going about,
1 So also in Spottiswoode's History, ii, 59. Specific rewards for the slaying of those who
opposed her are stated in Diurnal of Occurrents, 115; Historie of King James the Sext
(Bannatyne Club), 12 ; and Calderwood, History, ii, 362.
■^ Edward, seventh Lord Crichton of Sanquhar
^ Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig * Sir William Murray of Tullibardine
' Sir Walter Ker of Cessford * Sir William Kirkcaldy of Grange
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 2 1 I
did imagine they were fleeing away to Dalkeith, but when she saw
them come directly towards her, she found herself deceived.
The French Ambassador,^ seeing them ready to fight, strove to
take up the business, and having spoken with the Queen, went to
the Lords, telling them, that the Queen was disposed to peace, and
to forgive and pardon this insurrection : wherefore it was very fit
to spare blood and to agree in a peaceable way. The Earl of Morton (in
the name of all the rest) answered that they had taken up arms,
not against the Queen, but against the murderer of the King whom,
if she would deliver to be punished, or at least put from her company,
she should find a continuation of dutiful obedience by them, and all
other good subjects ; otherwise no peace : besides, we are not to ask
pardon for any offence done by us. The Ambassador, seeing their
resolution to stand to the right of their cause, withdrew, and went to
Edinburgh.
While the French Ambassador was thus labouring for accommoda-
tion, Bothwell came out of the camp (which was in the trench that
the Englishmen had left at their last being in these places, as we have
said in the former Books ^), well mounted, with a defiance to any
that would fight with him. James Murray, brother to the Laird
of Tullibardine, who before had accepted of Bothwell's challenge,
when he made the rhodomontade at Edinburgh, immediately after the
King's death (but then James Murray did not make known his
name), [accepted the challenge]. Bothwell refused to fight with
James Murray, alleging he was not his equal. Upon this the elder
brother, William Murray, Laird of Tullibardine, answered that he
would fight with him, as being his better in estate, and in antiquity
of house many degrees above him. Yet Bothwell refused him, saying
that he was not a Peer of the Kingdom, as he was. Then sundry
Lords would have gone to fight with Bothwell ; but the Lord
Lindsay said to the rest of the Lords and Gentlemen that he would
take it as a singular favour of them, and as a recompense of his service
done to the State, if they would suffer him to fight with the bragga-
docio.^ Bothwell seeing that there was no more subterfuge nor
excuse, under-hand made the Queen to forbid him. After this
' Philibert du Croe, Sieur du Croc, ambassador 1565-67. Sir James Melville speaks
of him as " a graif agit and discret gentilman, advancit be the house of Guise." {Memoirs,
Bannatyne Club, 181)
* The site was that of the Battle of Pinkie {supra, i, 9&-101).
' There are various accounts of this challenge to single combat. (See Sir James
Melville's Memoirs, Bannatyne Club, 183; Calderwood's //utor)', ii, 363-364 ; George
Neilson, Trial by Combat, 299-301)
212 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
challenge and answers, Bothwell's accomplices and followers were
very earnest to fight, but others that had come only for the Queen's
sake, became [a] little cold, saying that Bothwell would do well to
fight himself, and spare the blood of divers gentlemen that were there.
Some counselled to delay the battle till the Hamiltons came, whom
they did expect. All this the Queen heard with anger ; and riding
up and down, burst out in tears, and said they were all cowards
and traitors that would not fight. Immediately after thus vapouring,
the Queen, perceiving sundry to leave her, she advised Bothwell to
look unto himself, for she said to him, she would render herself unto
the Noblemen. Upon this she sent for James Kirkcaldy of Grange,
with whom she kept discourse for a while, till that she was assured
Note how that Bothwell was out of danger. Then she went to the Lords,
whom she did entertain with many fair words, telling them that it
was neither fear, nor want of hope of victory, that made her come unto
them, but a mere desire to spare shedding of innocent blood :
withal she promised to be ruled and advised by them. With this
she was received with all respect. But shortly after, declaring that
she would go to the Hamiltons, with promise to return, they restrained
her liberty, and brought her along with them to Edinburgh at night.
She was very slow in marching, looking to be rescued by the
Hamiltons ; but in vain. She lay that night in the Provost's house.
The next day, the Lords sent the Queen to the Castle that is within
an isle of Lochleven. ^ Sir James Balfour, seeing the Queen com-
mitted, and Bothwell consequently defeated, he capitulated with
the Lords for the delivery of the Castle. Bothwell, finding himself
thus in disorder, sent a servant to Sir James Balfour, to save a little
silver cabinet which the Queen had given him. Sir James Balfour
delivers the cabinet to the messenger, and under-hand giveth advice
of it to the Lords. In this cabinet had Bothwell kept the letters of
privacy he had from the Queen. Thus he kept her letters, to be an
awe-bond upon her, in case her affection should change. By the
taking of this cabinet, many particulars betwixt the Queen and
Bothwell were clearly discovered. Tliese letters were after printed.
They were in French, with some sonnets of her own making. ^
* Mary surrendered to the Confederate Lords on Sunday 1 5 June, and was imprisoned
in Lochleven on Tuesday 17 June. (See Hay Fleming, op. cit., 164-165 and supporting
notes)
* For an examination of the whole of the difficult problem of the " Casket Letters,"
see T. F. Henderson, Mary Queen of Scots, and The Casket Letters and Mary Queen of Scots ;
Andrew Lang, The Mystery of Mary Stuart ; and the discussion between those two writers in
Scottish Historical Review, v, 1-12 ; 160-174
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 213
[About this time the Earl Bothwell was declared by open pro-
clamation not only the murderer of the King, but also the committer
of it with his own hand ; and a thousand crowns were offered to any
man that would bring him in.^]
Few days after the commitment of the Queen, the Earl of Glen-
cairn with his domestics went to the Chapel of Holyroodhouse,
where he broke down the altars and the images : which fact, as it
did content the zealous Protestants, so it did highly offend the
Popishly affected. 2 The Nobles, who had so proceeded against
Bothwell, and dealt so with the Queen, hearing that the Hamiltons
had a great number of men, and had drawn the Earls of Argyll and
Huntly to their side, sent to Hamilton, desiring those that were there
to join with them, for the redress of the disorders of the Kirk and
State. But the Hamiltons, thinking now they had a fair occasion
fallen unto them to have all again in their hands, and to dispose of
all according to their own mind, did refuse audience to the message
sent by the Lords. ^
Upon this, the Lords moved the General Assembly, then met in
Edinburgh, in the month of June, to write to the Lords that either
were actually declared for the Hamiltons or were neutrals : and so
several letters were directed to the Earls of Argyll, Huntly, Caithness,
Rothes, Crawford, and Menteith ; to the Lords Boyd, Drummond,
Graham, Cathcart, Yester, Fleming, Livingston, Seton, Glamis,
Ochiltree, Gray, Oliphant, Methven, Innermeath, and Somerville,
as also to divers other men of note. Besides the letters of the Assembly,
commissioners were sent from the Assembly to the Lords above-
named, to wit, John Knox, John Douglas, John Row, and John
Craig, who had instructions conform to the tenor of the letters, to
desire these Lords and others, to come to Edinburgh, and join with
the Lords there, for the settling of God's true worship in the Church,
and Policy reformed according to God's Word, a maintenance for the
* Diurnal of Occunents, 116. This paragraph appears in the Edinburgh (1644) edition
of the History, but not in the London edition of that same year. It may well have been
supplied by Calderwood. [Cf. Calderwood's History, ii, 367)
^ So also in Spottisvvoode's History, ii, 62-63. And see Hay Fleming, The Reformation
tn Scotland, 446, note
' For the Hamiltons were still next in succession to the Crown. On 18 July 1567
Throckmorton wrote to Elizabeth that the Hamiltons would concur with the Confederate
Lords " in anye extremytie agaynst the Quene " on the understanding that Darnley's
brother would not inherit the Crown should the infant Prince die without issue. [Calendar
of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 563) And on 20 August, in a letter to Cecil, Throck-
morton does not spare his words in his opinion of the Hamiltons. {Ibid., ii, No.
605)
214 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Ministers, and support for the poor.^ But neither the commissioners
nor the letters did prevail with these men ; they excused [themselves],
that they could not repair to Edinburgh with freedom, where there
were so many armed men, and a garrison so strong. ^ But for the Church
affairs they would not be any ways wanting, to do what lay in them.
The Lords at Edinburgh, seeing this, joined absolutely with
the Assembly (which had been prorogated to the 20 of July, upon
the occasion of these letters and commissioners aforesaid), and
promised to make good all the Articles they thought fit to resolve
upon in the Assembly. But how they performed their promises,
God knows. Always the Articles they agreed upon were these ^ :
1. That the Acts of [the] Parliament held at Edinburgh the
24 of August 1560, touching Religion, and abolishing the Pope's
authority, should have the force of a public law ; and consequently
this Parliament defended as a lawful Parliament, and confirmed by
the first Parliament that should be kept next.*
2. That the Thirds of the Tithes, or any more reasonable pro-
portion of Benefices, should be allowed towards the maintenance
of the Ministry ; and that there should be a charitable course taken
concerning the exacting of the tithes of the poor labourers.
3. That none should be received in the Universities, Colleges,
or Schools, for instruction of the youth, but after due trial both of
capacity and probity.
4. That all crimes and offences against God should be punished
according to God's word ; and that there should be a law made
thereanent, at the first Parliament to be held.
5. As for the horrible murder of the late King, husband to the
Queen, which was so heinous before God and man, all true professors,
in whatsoever rank or condition, did promise to strive that all persons
should be brought to condign punishment who are found guilty
of the same crime.
6. They all promised to protect the young Prince against all
* The General Assembly had met on 25 June 1567, and on 26 June it was " thought
good by all the brethren " that a further Assembly should convene on 20 July " for the
setting forward of such things as shall at that time be proponed." The Letters sent out
to the Earls, Lords, and Barons, and the names of those to whom they were addressed are
printed in Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 94-96.
^ See the " Letters of Excusation " of the Earl of Argyll, of the Commendators of
Arbroath and Kilwinning (Lord John Hamilton and Gavin Hamilton), and of Lord Boyd,
in Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, loi, 102.
' The Articles are here given in an abridged form. They are printed in full, together
with the names of those who subscribed to them, in Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 106-1 10.
' See supra, i, 340 343
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 215
violence, lest he should be murdered as his father was ; and that
the Prince should be committed to the care of four wise and godly
men, that by a good education he might be fitted for that high calhng
he was to execute one day.
7. The Nobles, Barons, and others, doth promise to beat down and
abolish Popery, idolatry, and superstition, with anything that may con-
tribute unto it ; as also to set up and further the true worship of God,
his government, the Church, and all that may concern the purity of
Religion and life ; and for this to convene and take arms, if need require.
8. That all princes and kings hereafter in this Realm, before
their coronation, shall take oath to maintain the true Religion now
professed in the Church of Scotland, and suppress all things contrary
to it, and that are not agreeing with it.
To these Articles subscribed the Earls of Morton, Glencairn,
and Mar, the Lords Home, Ruthven, Sanquhar, Lindsay, Graham,
Innermeath, and Ochiltree, with many other Barons, besides the
Commissioners of the Burghs.^
This being agreed upon, the Assembly dissolved. Thereafter the
Lords Lindsay and Ruthven were sent to Lochleven to the Queen,
to present unto her two writs. The one contained a renunciation
of the Crown and royal dignity in favour of the Prince her son ;
with a Commission to invest him into the Kingdom, according to
the manner accustomed. Which, after some reluctance, with tears,
she subscribed by the advice of the Earl of Atholl, who had sent to
her, and of Secretary Lethington, who had sent to her Robert Melville
for that purpose. So there was a procuration given to the Lords
Lindsay and Ruthven by the Queen, to give up and resign the rule
of the Realm, in presence of the States.
The second writ was, to ordain the Earl of Moray Regent during
the Prince's minority, if he would accept the charge. And in case
he refused, the Duke [of] Chatelherault, the Earls of Lennox, Argyll,
Atholl, Morton, Glencairn, and Mar should govern conjunctly.-
' See the names of the subscribers, numbering in all seventy-seven, printed in Booke
of the Universall Kirk, i, no.
2 Actually there were three writs. The second writ appointed Moray to act as Regent
until the Prince was seventeen ; and the third writ appointed Chatelherault, Lennox,
Argyll, Atholl, Morton, Glencairn, and Mar to act as Regents until Moray's return, or
to act in case of his death, or to act with him if he refused to accept the office of Regent
singly. All three documents are dated 24 July 1567, the date of Mary's signature at Loch-
leven, under her Privy Seal. All three are printed in Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 531-
533' 539-541- For an analysis of the evidence relating to the pressure brought to bear
upon the Queen and of the conditions under which she signed, see Hay Fleming, Mary
Queen of Scots, 474, note 68.
2l6 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
These writs were published the 29 of July 1567, at the Market
Cross of Edinburgh. Then at Stirling was the Prince crowned King,
where John Knox made the sermon. The Earl Morton and the Lord
Home took the oath for the King, that he should constantly live in
the profession of the true Religion, and maintain it ; and that he
should govern the Kingdom according to [the] law thereof, and do
justice equally to all.^
In the beginning of August the Earl Moray, being sent for,
cometh home. In all haste he visits the Queen at Lochleven, and
strives to draw the Lords that had taken part with the Hamiltons,
or were neutrals, to join with those that had bound themselves to
stand for the King's authority. He was very earnest with divers,
by reason of their old friendship, but to little purpose. The twentieth
of August, he received his Regency, after mature and ripe delibera-
tion, at the desire of the Queen, and Lords that were for the King,
and so was publicly proclaimed Regent, and obedience showed
unto him by all that stood for the young King. ^
' See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 537-542, where only the Earl of Morton takes the
oath in name and upon the behalf of the infant King.
^ Moray, after an absence of four months, reached Edinburgh 1 1 August 1 567 ;
on 15 and 16 August he had long interviews with Mary at Lochleven ; and on 22 August
he was proclaimed Regent. In the Parliament which met in December 1567, Mary's
demission of the Government was declared " lawful and perfect " ; the Prince's corona-
tion and investiture were held to be as valid as those of any of his predecessors ; Moray's
appointment as Regent was confirmed ; and the Acts of the " Reformation Parliament "
of 1560 were ratified and approved together with the " Confession of the Faith and
Doctrine believed and professed by the Protestants of the Realm of Scotland ".
THE END OF THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, TILL
THE YEAR 1 567, AND MONTH OF AUGUST
I
APPENDICES
I "Patrick's Places" 219
II Alexander Seton's Letter to King James V , . . . 230
III The Condemnation and Martyrdom of George Wishart . 233
IV The Letter of John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews, to
Archibald, Earl of Argyll ; and Argyll's Answers thereto 246
V " The Beggars' Summonds " 255
VI The Confession of Faith 257
VII The Form and Order of the Election of Superintendents,
Elders and Deacons 273
VIII The Book of Discipline 280
IX Acts of the Privy Council relating to the " Thirds of the
Benefices " 326
X " Ane Epistle direct fra the Holye Armite of Allarit, to his
Bretheren the Gray Freires " 333
217
APPENDIX I
" PATRICK'S PLACES " i
Kow that all men may understand what was the singular erudition and godly
knowledge of the said Mr. Patrick, we have inserted this little pithy work containing
his Assertions and Determviations concerning the Law, and the Office of the same ;
concerning Faith, and the fruits thereof— first by the foresaid Master Patrick
collected in Latin, and after translated in English.
A BRIEF TREATISE OF Mr. PaTRICK HAMILTON, CALLED PaTRICK's
Places, translated into English by John Frith ; with the Epistle
OF the said Frith prefixed before the same, as followeth : ^
John Frith unto the Christian Reader ^
Blessed be God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, which in these
last and perilous times, hath stirred up, in all countries, witnesses unto
his Son, to testify the truth unto the unfaithful, to save at the least some
from the snares of Antichrist, which lead unto perdition, as ye may
here perceive by that excellent and well-learned young man, Patrick
[Hamilton], born in Scotland of a noble progeny ; who, to testify the
truth, sought all means, and took upon him priesthood (even as Paul
circumcised Timothy to win the weak Jews), that he might be admitted
to preach the pure word of God. Notwithstanding, as soon as the Cham-
berlain [Chancellor *], and other Bishops of Scotland, had perceived
that the light began to spring which disclosed their falsehood that they
convey in darkness, they laid hands on him, and because he would not
deny his Saviour Christ, at their instance, they burnt him to ashes. Never-
theless, God of his bounteous mercy (to publish unto the whole world
what a man the monsters have murdered), hath reserved a little Treatise,
made by this Patrick, which, if ye list, ye may call Patrick's Places
(for it entreateth exactly of certain common places) ; which known, ye
have the pith of all Divinity. This Treatise have I turned into the
English tongue, to the profit of my nation ; to whom I beseech God
give light, that they may espy the deceitful paths of perdition, and return
to the right way which leadeth unto life everlasting. Amen,
* In the manuscript this treatise follows immediately upon the description of the
martyrdom of Patrick Hamilton {supra, i, 14).
^ This title, and Frith's Preface, are not given by Knox, but are here given for clarity.
The title has been taken from Foxe's Acts and Monuments (London, 1631), ii, 229a.
^ Frith's Preface has been taken from the original work in Dyvers Frutful Gatheringes of
Scrypture concernyng Fayth and Workes (London, ? 1532)
* Evidently James Beaton, Archbishop of St. Andrews
(653) 219 VOL n 15
220 APPENDIX I
PATRICK'S PLACES
[The Doctrine] ^ of the Law
The Law is a doctrine that biddeth good, and forbiddeth evil, as the
Commandments here contained do specify :
The Ten Commandments
I Thou shalt worship but one God. 2 Thou shalt make thee none
image to worship it. 3 Thou shalt not swear by his name in vain. 4 Hold
the Sabbath day holy. 5 Honour thy father and mother. 6 Thou shalt
not kill. 7 Thou shalt not commit adultery. 8 Thou shalt not steal.
9 Thou shalt bear no false witness. 10 Thou shalt not desire aught that
belongeth unto thy neighbour.
[All these Commandments are briefly comprised in these two here-
under ensuing] : — " Love the Lord thy God with all thine heart, with
all thy soul, and with all thy mind" (Deut 6.). — " This is the first and
great commandment. The second is like unto this, Love thy neighbour
as thy self. On these two commandments hang all the Law and the
Prophets" (Matt. 12.).
[Certain General Propositions proved by the Scripture]
I He that loveth God, loveth his neighbour. — " If any man say,
I love God, and yet hateth his neighbour, he is a liar : He that loveth
not his brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God whom he hath
not seen ? " (i John 4).
II He that loveth his neighbour as himself, keepeth the whole com-
mandments of God. — " Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto
you, even so do unto them : for this is the law and the prophets " (Matt. 7).
He that loveth his neighbour fulfiUeth the law. " Thou shalt not
commit adultery : Thou shalt not kill : Thou shalt not steal : Thou
shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour : Thou shalt not
desire ; and so forth. And if there be any other commandment, all
are comprehended under this saying. Love thy neighbour as thyself"
[All the Law is fulfilled in one word ; that is, love thy neighbour as
thyself] (Rom. 13 ; Gal. 5).
" He that loveth his neighbour, keepeth all the commandments of
God." "He that loveth God, loveth his neighbour" (Rom. 13; i John 4).
Ergo, he that loveth God, keepeth all his commandments.
* In all cases the words included within brackets have been supplied from Foxe's
Acts and Monuments (London, 1631), ii, 229-233. Minor variations in phraseology have
not been indicated.
"Patrick's places" 221
III He that hath the faith, loveth God. — " My father loveth you,
because ye love me, and believe that I came of God" (John 19). He
that hath the faith keepeth all the commandments of God. He that hath
the faith, loveth God ; and he that loveth God, keepeth all the command-
ments of God. — Ergo, he that hath faith, keepeth all the commandments
of God.
IV He that keepeth one commandment, keepeth them all. — " For
without faith it is impossible to keep any of the commandments of God."
— And he that hath the faith, keepeth all the commandments of God. —
Ergo, he that keepeth one commandment of God, keepeth them all.
V He that keepeth not all the commandments of God, he keepeth
none of them. — He that keepeth one of the commandments, he keepeth
all. — Ergo, he that keepeth not all the commandments, he keepeth none
of them.
VI It is not in our power, without grace, to keep any of God's com-
mandments.— Without grace it is impossible to keep one of God's com-
mandments ; and grace is not in our power. — Ergo, it is not in our power
to keep any of the commandments of God.
Even so may ye reason concerning the Holy Ghost, and faith : [For-
somuch as neither without them we are able to keep any of the command-
ments of God, neither yet be they in our power to have.]
VII The law was given to show us our sin. — " By the law cometh
the knowledge of the sin. I knew not what sin meant, but through the
law. I knew not what lust had meant, except the law had said. Thou shalt
not lust. Without the law, sin was dead " : that is. It moved me not,
neither wist I that it was sin, which notwithstanding was sin, and for-
bidden by the law.
VIII The law biddeth us do that which is impossible for us. — For
it biddeth us keep all the commandments of God : yet it is not in our
power to keep any of them. — Ergo, it biddeth us do that which is impossible
for us.
Thou wilt say, " Wherefore doth God command us that which is
impossible for us." I answer, " To make thee know that thou art but evil,
and that there is no remedy to save thee in thine own hand, and that
thou mayest seek remedy at some other ; for the law doeth nothing but
command thee."
[The Doctrine] of the Gospel
The Gospel is as much to say, in our tongue, as Good Tidings : like
as every one of these sentences be —
Christ is the Saviour of the world,
Christ is our Saviour.
Christ died for us.
Christ died for our sins.
Christ offered himself for us.
Christ bore our sins upon his back.
Christ bought us with his blood.
Christ washed us with his blood.
222 APPENDIX I
Christ came In the world to save sinners. i
Christ came in the world to take away our sins. ■
Christ was the price that was given for us and for our sins.
Christ was made debtor for our sins.
Christ hath paid our debt, for He died for us.
Christ hath made satisfaction for us and for our sin.
Christ is our righteousness. j
Christ is our wisdom. j
Christ is our sanctification.
Christ is our redemption.
Christ is our satisfaction.
[Christ is our peace.]
Christ is our goodness.
Christ hath pacified the Father of Heaven.
Christ is ours, and all his.
Christ hath delivered us from the law, from the devil, and hell.
The Father of Heaven hath forgiven us for Christ's sake. Or any
such other, as declare unto us the mercies of God.
The Nature [and Office] of the Law, and of the Gospel
The Law showeth us.
Our sin.
Our condemnation :
Is the word of ire.
Is the word of despair.
Is the word of displeasure.
The Gospel showeth us,
A remedy for it.
Our redemption :
Is the word of grace.
Is the word of comfort.
Is the word of peace.
A Disputation betwixt the Law and the Gospel ; [Where is
SHOWED the Difference or Contrariety between them Both]
The Law sayeth,
Pay thy debt.
Thou art a sinner desperate.
And thou shalt die.
The Gospel sayeth,
Christ hath paid it,
Thy sins are forgiven thee.
Be of good comfort, thou shalt be saved.
ii „.™,x^^^^,'o ^T . /-.T^r, '>
PATRICK S PLAGES 223
The Law sayeth,
Make amends for thy sin.
The Father of Heaven is wrath with thee.
Where is thy righteousness, goodness, and satisfaction ?
Thou art bound and obhgate unto me, [to] the devil, and [to] hell.
The Gospel sayeth,
Christ hath made it for thee.
Christ hath pacified Him with his blood.
Christ is thy righteousness, thy goodness, and satisfaction.
Christ hath delivered thee from them all.
[The Doctrine] of Faith
Faith is to believe God ; " Like as Abraham believed God, and it was
accounted unto him for righteousness" (Gen. 15). "He that believed
God, believed his word " (John 5). To believe in Him, is to believe his
word, and account it true that He speaketh. He that believeth not God's
word, believeth not Himself He that beUeveth not God's word, he
accounteth Him false, and a liar, and believeth not that He may and will
fulfil his word ; and so he denieth both the might of God and [God]
himself
IX Faith is the gift of God. — " Every good thing is the gift of God "
(James i). Faith is good. — Ergo, faith is the gift of God.
X [Faith is not in our power.] — The gift of God is not in our power. —
" Faith is the gift of God." — Ergo, faith is not in our power.
XI [He that lacketh faith cannot please God.] — " Without faith it is
impossible to please God" (Heb. 11). All that cometh not of faith, is
sin ; for without faith can no man please God. — Besides that, he that
lacketh faith, he trusteth not God. He that trusteth not God, trusteth not
in his word. He that trusteth not in his word, holdeth Him false,
and a Har. He that holdeth Him false and a liar, he believeth not that
He may do that He promiseth, and so denieth he that He is God. And how
can a man, being of this fashion, please Him ? No manner of way. Yea,
suppose he did all the works of man and angel.
XII All that is done in faith, pleaseth God. — " Right is the word of
God, and all his works in faith." " Lord, thine eyes look to faith." That
is as much to say as, Lord, Thou delightest in faith. God loveth him that
believeth in Him. How can they then displease Him ?
XIII He that hath the faith, is just and good. — And a good tree
bringeth forth good fruit. — Ergo, all that is in faith done pleaseth God.^
XIV [He that hath faith, and beheveth God, cannot displease him.]
— Moreover, he that hath the faith believeth God. — He that believeth
God, believeth his word. He that believeth his word, woteth ^ well that
He is true and faithful, and may not lie : But knoweth well that He may
^ In Foxe, this argument runs : He that is a good tree bringing forth good fruit,
is just and good. — -He that hath faith is a good tree bringing forth good fruit. — Ergo,
he that hath faith is just and good. ^ knoweth
224 APPENDIX I
and will both fulfil his word. How can he then displease Him ? For thou
canst not do a greater honour unto God, than to count Him true. Thou
wilt then say, that theft, murder, adultery, and all vices, please God ?
None, verily ; for they cannot be done in faith ; " For a good tree beareth
good fruit." He that hath the faith, woteth ^ well that he pleaseth God ;
for all that is done in faith pleaseth God (Heb. 1 1).
XV Faith is a sureness. — " Faith is a sure confidence of things which
are hoped for, and a certainty of things which are not seen" (Heb. ii).
*' The same spirit certifieth our spirit that we are the children of God "
(Rom. 8). Moreover, he that hath the faith, woteth well that God will
fulfil his word. — Ergo, faith is a sureness.
A Man is Justified by Faith
" Abraham believeth God, and it was imputed unto him for righteous-
ness." " We suppose therefore that a man is justified (saith the Apostle)
without the works of law " (Rom. 4). "He that worketh not, but
believeth in him that justifieth the ungodly, his faith is accounted unto him
for righteousness." "The just man liveth by faith " (Habak. 2 ; Rom. i).
" We wote, that a man that is justified, is not justified by the works of
the law, but by the faith of Jesus Christ [and we believe in Jesus Christ
that we may be justified by the faith of Christ], and not by the deeds of
the law."
Of the Faith of Christ
The faith of Christ is, to believe in Him ; that is, to believe his word,
and to believe that He will help thee in all thy need, and deliver thee from
evil. Thou wilt ask me, What word ? I answer, The Gospel. " He that
believeth on Christ shall be saved." " He that believeth the Son hath
eternal life." " Verily, verily, I say unto you, he that believeth on me
hath everlasting life " (John 6). " This I write unto you, that believing
in the name of the Son of God, ye may know that ye have eternal life "
(i John 5). " Thomas, because thou hast seen me thou believest ; but
happy are they that have not seen, and yet believe in me." " All the
Prophets to him bare witness that whosoever believeth in Him shall have
remission of their sins " (Acts 10). " What must I do that I may be
saved ? " The Apostle answered, " Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and
thou shalt be saved." " If thou acknowledge with the mouth, that Jesus
is the Lord, and believe in thine heart that God raised Him up from the
death, thou shalt be saved " (Rom. 10). " He that believeth not in
Christ shall be condemned." " He that believeth not the Son shall never
see life ; but the ire of God abideth upon him " (John 3). " The Holy
Ghost shall reprove the world of sin, because they believe not in me."
" They that believe in Jesus Christ are the sons of God." Ye are all the
sons of God, because ye believe in Jesus Christ.
He that believeth in Christ the Son of God is saved (Gal. 3). " Peter
said. Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God. Jesus answered and said
* knoweth
" Patrick's places " 225
unto him, Happy art thou, Simon, the son of Jonas ; for flesh and blood
hath not opened unto thee that, but my Father which is in heaven "
(Matt. 16). " We have beheved and know that thou art Christ the Son
of the living God." " I believe that thou art Christ the Son of the living
God, which should come into the world." " These things are written
that ye might believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God, and that in
believing ye might have life. I believe that Jesus is the Son of the living
God" (John 9).
XVI He that believeth God, believeth the Gospel. ^ — He that believeth
God, believeth his Word : — And the Gospel is his Word. Therefore he
that beheveth God, believeth his Gospel. As Christ is the Saviour of the
world, Christ is our Saviour. Christ bought us with his blood. Christ
washed us with his blood. Christ offered himself for us. Christ bore our
sins upon his back.
XVn He that believeth not the Gospel, believeth not God. — He that
believeth not God's Word believeth not [God] himself: — And the Gospel is
God's Word. — Ergo, he that believeth not the Gospel believeth not God
himself ; and consequently they that believe not as is above written, and
such other, believe not God.
XVni He that believeth the Gospel, shall be saved. — " Go ye into
all the world and preach the Gospel unto every creature : He that
believeth and is baptised shall be saved ; but he that believeth not shall
be condemned."
A Comparison Betwix Faith and Incredulity
Faith is the root of all good : —
Maketh God and man friends.
Bringeth God and man together.
Incredulity is the root of all evil : — •
Maketh them deadly foes.
Bringeth them sunder.
All that proceeds from Faith pleaseth God.
All that proceedeth from Incredulity displeaseth God.
Faith only maketh a man good and righteous.
Incredulity maketh him unjust and evil.
Faith only maketh a man,
The member of Christ ;
The inheritor of heaven ;
The servant of God.
Faith showeth God to be a sweet Father.
Faith holdeth stiff by the Word of God : Counteth God to be true.
Faith knoweth God : Loveth God and his neighbour.
Faith only saveth : Extolleth God and his works.
» In Foxe, this proposition is inverted : He that believeth the Gospel, believeth God.
226 APPENDIX I
Incredulity maketh him,
The member of the devil ;
The inheritor of hell ;
The servant of the devil.
Incredulity maketh God a terrible Judge : It causeth man wander
here and there : Maketh him false and a liar.
Incredulity knoweth Him not.
Incredulity loveth neither God nor neighbour : Only condemneth :
Extolleth flesh and her own deeds.
Of Hope
Hope is a trusty looking for of things that are promised to come unto
us : as we hope the everlasting joy which Christ hath promised unto all
that believe on Him. We should put our hope and trust in God only,
and no other thing. " It is good to trust in God, and not in man." " He
that trusteth in his own heart, he is a fool." " It is good to trust in God,
and not in princes" (Ps. 117). "They shall be like unto images that
make them, and all that trust in them." He that trusteth in his own
thoughts doeth ungodly. " Cursed be he that trusteth in man." " Bid
the rich men of this world, that they trust not in their unstable riches, but
that they trust in the living God." " It is hard for them that trust in
money to enter in the kingdom of God." Moreover, we should trust in
him only, that may help us : [God only may help us.] — Ergo, we should
trust in Him only. Well is them that trust in God : and woe to them that
trust Him not. " Well is the man that trusts in God ; for God shall be
his trust." He that trusteth in Him shall understand the truth. " They
shall all rejoice that trust in Thee : they shall all ever be glad ; and Thou
wilt defend them."
Of Charity
Charity is the love of thy neighbour. The rule of charity is to do as thou
wouldst were done unto thee : for charity ^ esteemeth all alike ; the rich
and the poor ; the friend and the foe ; the thankful and the unthankful ;
the kinsman and stranger. '
A Comparison Betwix Faith, Hope, and Charity
Faith Cometh of the word of God : Hope cometh of faith ; and
Charity springs of them both.
Faith beheves the word : Hope trusteth after that which is promised
by the word : and Charity doeth good unto her neighbour, through the
love that she hath to God, and gladness that is within herself
Faith looketh to God and his word : Hope looketh unto his gift and
reward : Charity looketh unto her neighbours' profit.
Faith receiveth God : Hope receiveth his reward : Charity looketh
• In Foxe, /or Christ
'< -r^ • r^T^-rx-,T-^'« ^■.- . y-,T,^ "
PATRICK S PLACES 227
to her neighbour with a glad heart, and that without any respect of
reward.
Faith pertaineth to God only : Hope to his reward, and Charity to
her neighbour.
[The Doctrine] of Good Works
No manner of works make us righteous. — " We believe that a man
shall be justified without works " (Gal. 3). " No man is justified by the
deeds of the law ; but by the faith of Jesus Christ. And we believe in
Jesus Christ, that we may be justified by the faith of Christ, and not by
the deeds of the law. If righteousness came by the law, then Christ died
in vain." That no man is justified by the law, it is manifest : for a
righteous man llveth by his faith ; but the law is not of faith. Moreover,
since Christ, the maker of heaven and earth, and all that therein is,
behoved to die for us, we are compelled to grant, that we were so far
drowned in sin, that neither our deeds, nor all the treasures that ever God
made, or might make, might have helped us out of it : Ergo, no deeds
nor works may make us righteous.
No works make us unrighteous. — For if any [evil] works made us
unrighteous, then the contrary works would make us righteous. But it
is proven, that no works can make us righteous : Ergo, no works make
us unrighteous.
Works Make Us neither Good nor Evil
It is proven, that works neither make us righteous nor unrighteous :
Ergo, no works neither make us good nor evil. For righteous and good
are one thing, and unrighteous and evil, one. Good works make not a
good man, nor evil works an evil man : But a good man maketh good
works, and an evil man evil works. Good fruit maketh not the tree good,
nor evil fruit the tree evil : But a good tree beareth good fruit, and an evil
tree evil fruit. A good man cannot do evil works, nor an evil man good
works ; for an evil tree cannot bear good fi:'uit, nor a good tree evil fruit.
A man is good before he do good works, and an evil man is evil before he
do evil works ; for the tree is good before it bear good fi:-uit, and evil
before it bear evil fruit. Every man is either good or evil. [Every tree,
and the fruits thereof, are either good or evil.] Either make the tree
good, and the fruit good also, or else make the tree evil, and the fruit
likewise evil. Every man's works are either good or evil : for all fruits
are either good or evil. " Either make the tree good and the fruit also,
or else make the tree evil and the fruit of it likewise evil " (Matt. 13).
A good man is known by his works ; for a good man doeth good works,
and an evil, evil works. " Ye shall know them by their fruit ; for a good
tree bringeth forth good fruit, and an evil tree evil fruit" (Matt. 7"). A
man is likened to the tree, and his works to the fruit of the tree. " Beware
of the false prophets, which come unto you in sheep's clothing ; but
inwardly they are ravening wolves. Ye shall know them by their
fruits."
228 APPENDIX I
None of Our Works neither Save Us, nor Condemn Us
It is proven, that no works make us either righteous or unrighteous,
good nor evil : but first we are good before that we do good works, and
evil before we do evil works : Ergo, no works neither save us nor condemn
us. Thou wilt say then, Maketh it no matter what we do ? I answer thee,
Yes ; for if thou doest evil, it is a sure argument that thou art evil, and
wantest faith. If thou do good, it is an argument that thou art good and
hast faith ; for a good tree beareth good fruit, and an evil tree evil fruit.
Yet good fruit maketh not the tree good, nor evil fruit the tree evil. So
that man is good before he do good works, and evil before he do evil
works.
The man is the tree : the works are the fruit. Faith maketh the good
tree : Incredulity the evil tree. Such a tree, such a fruit : such man,
such works. For all that is done in faith pleaseth God, and are good
works ; and all that is done without faith displeaseth God, and are evil
works. Whosoever thinketh to be saved by his works, denieth Christ
is our Saviour, that Christ died for him, and, finally, all things that
belongeth to Christ. For how is He thy Saviour, if thou mightest save thy
self by thy works ? Or to what end should He have died for thee, if any
works of thine might have saved thee ? What is this to say, Christ died for
thee ? It is that thou shouldest have died perpetually, and that Christ,
to deliver thee from death, died for thee, and changed thy perpetual
death in his own death. For thou made the fault, and He suffered the
pain, and that for the love He had to thee, before ever thou wert born,
when thou hadst done neither good nor evil. Now, since He hath paid
thy debt, thou diest not : no, thou canst not, but shouldst have been
damned, if his death were not.^ But since He was punished for thee, thou
shalt not be punished. Finally, He hath delivered thee from thy con-
demnation, and desireth nought of thee, but that thou shouldst acknow-
ledge what He hath done for thee, and bear it in mind ; and that thou
wouldst help others for his sake, both in word and deed, even as He hath
helped thee for nought, and without reward. O how ready would we
be to help others, if we knew his goodness and gentleness towards us !
He is a good and a gentle Lord, and He doeth all things for nought. Let
us, I beseech you, follow his footsteps, whom all the world ought to praise
and worship. Amen.
He that Thinketh to be Saved by His Works, Calleth Himself
Christ
For he calleth himself a Saviour, which appertaineth to Christ only.
What is a Saviour, but he that saveth ? And thou sayest, I save myself ;
which is as much to say as, I am Christ ; for Christ is only the Saviour of
the world.
We should do no good works for that intent to get the inheritance of
* Foxe gives this sentence : " Now, seeing He hath paid thy debt, thou needest not,
neither canst thou pay it, but shouldst be damned, if his blood were not."
" Patrick's plages " 229
heaven, or remission of sins through them. For whosoever believeth to
get the inheritance of heaven or remission of sins, through works, he
beheveth not to get that for Christ's sake. And they that beheve not, that
their sins are forgiven them, and that they shall be saved for Christ's sake,
they believe not the Gospel ; for the Gospel sayeth, You shall be saved for
Christ's sake : sins are forgiven you, for Christ's sake.
He that believeth not the Gospel, believeth not God. And conse-
quently, they which believe to be saved by their works, or to get remission
of sins by their own deeds, believe not God, but account Him a liar, and
so utterly deny Him to be God. Thou wilt say. Shall we then do no good
works ? I say not so, but I say. We should do no good works for that
intent to get the kingdom of heaven, or remission of sins. For if we believe
to get the inheritance of heaven through good works, then we believe not
to get it through the promise of God. Or, if we think to get remission
of our sins, as said is, we believe not that they are forgiven us by Christ,
and so we account God a liar. For God sayeth, Thou shalt have the in-
heritance of heaven for my Son's sake. You say, It is not so ; but I will
win it through my own works. So, I condem.n not good works ; but I
condemn the false trust in any works ; for all the works that a man putteth
confidence in, are therewith intoxicate or empoisoned, and become evil.
Wherefore, do good works ; but beware thou do them to get any good
through them ; for if thou do, thou receivest the good, not as the gift of
God, but as debt unto thee, and makest thyself fellow with God, because
thou wilt take nothing from Him for nought. What needeth He anything
of thine, who giveth all things, and is not the poorer ? Therefore do nothing
to Him but take of Him ; for He is a gentle Lord, and with a gladder heart
will give us all things that we need, than we take it of Him. So that if
we want anything, let us wit ^ ourselves. Press not then to the inheritance
of heaven, through presumption of thy good works ; for if thou do, thou
accountest thyself holy and equal unto Him, because thou wilt take nothing
of Him for nought ; and so shalt thou fall as Lucifer fell from heaven for
his pride.
Thus ends the said Master Patrick's Articles. And so we return to our History.'^
' wite, that is, blaine * That is, supra, i, 15
APPENDIX II
ALEXANDER SETON'S LETTER TO KING JAMES V i
Most Gracious and Sovereign Lord under the Lord and King of
all ; of whom only thy Highness and Majesty has power and authority
to exercise justice within this thy Realm, under God, who is King and
Lord of all thy realms, and thy Grace and all mortal kings are but only
servants unto that only immortal Prince Christ Jesus, etc. It is not (I
wate ^) unknown to thy gracious Highness, how that thy Grace's umquhile
servant and orator^ (and ever shall be to my life's end), is departed out
of thy Realm unto the next adjacent of England. None the less I believe
the cause of my departing is unknown to thy gracious Majesty : which
only is, because the Bishops and Kirkmen of thy Realm has had heretofore
such authority upon thy subjects, that apparently they were rather King,
and thou the subject (which unjust regiment is of the self false, and
contrary to holy Scripture and law of God), than thou their King and
master, and they thy subjects (which is very true, and testified expressly
by the Word of God) , And also, because they will give no man of any
degree or state (whom they oft falsely call Heretics) audience, time, nor
place to speak and have defence ; which is against all law, both the Old
law, called the Law of Moses, and the New law of the Evangel. So that,
if I might have had audience and place to speak, and have shown my just
defence, conform to the law of God, I should never have fled to any other
realm, suppose it should have cost me my life. But because I beheved
that I should have had no audience nor place to answer (they are so great
with thy Grace), I departed, not doubting, but moved of God, unto a
better time that God illuminate thy Grace's eyn * to give every man
audience (as thou should and may, and is bound of the law of God), who
are accused to the death. And to certify thy Highness that these are no
vain words, but of deed and effect, here I offer mc to thy Grace to come
in thy realm again, so that thy Grace will give me audience, and hear what
I have for me of the law of God : and cause any Bishop or Abbot, Friar
or Secular, which is most cunning ^ (some of them can not read their
matins who are made judges in heresy !) to impugn me by the law of God ;
and if my part be found wrong, thy Grace being present and judge, I
refuse no pain worthy or condign for my fault. And if that I convict
them by the law of God, and that they have nothing to lay to my charge,
but the law of man, and their own inventions to uphold their vain glory
and prideful life, and daily scourging of thy poor lieges ; I report me to thy
Grace, as judge, Whether he has the victory that holds him at the law of
* From supra, i, 2 1 '^ know
^ Probably here used in the sense oi petitioner * eyes
' knowledgeable
230
ALEXANDER SETON S LETTER 23 1
God, which cannot fail nor be false, or they that holds them at the law
of man, which is right oft plain contrary and against the law of God, and
therefore of necessity false, and full of lesings ^ ? For all thing that is
contrary to the verity (which is Christ and his law), is of necessity lesing.
And to witness that this comes of all my heart, I shall remain in
Berwick while I get thy Grace's answer, and shall without fail return,
having thy hand writ that I may have audience, and place to speak. No
more I desire of thee ; whereof if I had been sure, I should never have
departed. And that thou may know the truth thereof : if fear of the
justness of my cause, or dredour of persecution for the same, had moved
me to depart, I would not so pleasingly revert ^ ; only distrust therefore
was the cause of my departing. Pardon me to say that which lies to thy
Grace's charge. Thou art bound by the law of God (suppose they falsely
lie, saying it pertains not to thy Grace to intromett ^ with such matters),
to cause every man, in any case, accused of his life, to have his just defence,
and his accusers produced conform to their own law. They blind thy
Grace's eyn, that knows nothing of their law : but if I prove not this out
of their own law, I offer me to the death. Thy Grace, therefore, by
experience may daily learn (seeing they neither fear the King of Heaven,
as their lives testify, neither thee their natural Prince, as their usurped
power in thy actions shows), why thy Highness should lie no longer
blinded. Thou may consider, that they pretend nothing else but only the
maintenance and upholding of their barded mulls,* augmenting of their
insatiable avarice, and continual down-thringing ^ and swallowing up
thy poor lieges ; neither preaching nor teaching out of the law of God,
(as they should), to the rude, ignorant people, but aye contending who
may be most high, most rich, and nearest thy Grace, to put the temporal
Lords and lieges out of thy council and favour, who should be, and are,
most tender servants to thy Grace in all time of need, to the defence of
thee and thy crown.
And where they desire thy Grace to put at ^ thy temporal Lords and
lieges, because they despise their vicious lives, what else intend they but
only thy death and destruction ? As thou may easily perceive, suppose
they colour "^ their false intent and mind with the pursuit of heresy.
For when thy barons are put down, what art thou but the King of Bean ^ ?
And then of necessity must [thou] be guided by them : and there (no
doubt), where a blind man is guide, must [there] be a fall in the mire.
Therefore let thy Grace take hardiment ^ and authority, which thou has
of God, and suffer not their cruel persecution to proceed, without audience
giving to him that is accused, and just place of defence. And then (no
doubt), thou shalt have thy lieges' hearts, and all that they can or may do
in time of need ; tranquillity, justice, and policy in thy realm, and finally,
* lies ; falsehoods ' willingly return * to intermeddle
' Probably richly caparisoned mules. The bardit horse was armoured — see the interesting
letter in letters and Papers, Henry VIII, xix, i, No. 713. ° destruction ; downcasting
° to exert his power against ' camouflage
* King of the Bean : a mock-king, chosen on the Vigil of the Epiphany (which is some-
times called the King's Even, as supra, i, no) ; similar to the Lord of Misrule, etc.
(See the explanation in Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary, s.v. Bane) • boldness
232 APPENDIX II
the kingdom of the heavens. Please to gar ^ have this, or the copy, to
the clergy and kirkmen, and keep the principal, and thy Grace shall have
experience if I go against one word that I have hecht.^ I shall daily
make my heartly devotion for thy Grace, and for the prosperity and
welfare of thy body and soul. I doubt not but thy gracious Highness will
give answer to these presents unto the presenter of this to thy Highness.
Of Berwick, by thy Highness's servant and orator,
{Sic subscribitur)
Alexander Seton.
This letter was delivered to the King's own hands, and of many read. But what
could greatly ^ admonitions avail, where the pride and corruption of prelates com-
manded what they pleased, and the flattery of courtiers fostered the insolent Prince
in all impiety.
' cause * promised ' weighty
I
APPENDIX III
THE CONDEMNATION AND MARTYRDOM OF GEORGE
WISHART 1
Upon the last of February, was sent to the prison, where the servant
of God lay, the Dean of the town, by the commandment of the Cardinal
and his wicked council, and they summoned the said Master George
that he should, upon the morn following, appear before the Judge then and
there to give account of his seditious and heretical doctrine. To whom
the said Master George answered, " What needeth (said he), my Lord
Cardinal to summon me to answer for my doctrine openly before him,
under whose power and dominion I am thus straitly bound in irons?
May not my Lord compel me to answer to his extorte ^ power ? Or
believeth he that I am unprovided to render account of my doctrine ?
To manifest yourselves what men ye are, it is well done that ye keep your
old ceremonies and constitutions made by men."
Upon the next morn, my Lord Cardinal caused his servants to dress
themselves in their most warlike array, with jack, knapscall,^ splint,*
spear, and axe, more seeming for the war than for the preaching of the
true word of God. And when these armed champions, marching in
warlike order, had conveyed the Bishops unto the Abbey Church, incon-
tinently they sent for Master George, who was conveyed unto the said
Church by the Captain of the Castle, and the number of an hundred men,
dressed in manner foresaid, like a lamb led they him to sacrifice. As he
entered in at the Abbey Church door, there was a poor man lying vexed
with great infirmities, asking of his almous,^ to whom he flung his purse.
And when he came before the Cardinal, by and by the Subprior of the
Abbey, called Dean John Winram, stood up in the pulpit, and made a
sermon to all the congregation there then assembled, taking his matter
out of the xiii chapter of Matthew ; whose sermon was divided into four
principal parts. The First, was a short and brief declaration of the
Evangelist. The Second, of the interpretation of the good seed ; and
because he called the Word of God the good seed, and Heresy the evil
seed, he declared what Heresy was, and how it should be known. He Bona
defined it on this manner : " Heresy is a false opinion, defended with ^'^'^^P"
pertinacity, clearly repugning to the word of God." The Third part of
his sermon was, the cause of Heresy within that realm, and all other realms.
" The cause of Heresy (quod he), is the ignorance of them which have
the cure of men's souls, to whom it necessarily belongeth to have the true
understanding of the word of God, that they may be able to win against
the false doctors of heresies, with the sword of the Spirit, which is the word
' See supra, i, 74, note 6 * extortionate ' headpiece
' leg-armour ' alms
233
234 APPENDIX III
of God ; and not only to win against, but also to overcome : — as saith
Paul, ' A bishop must be faultless, as becometh the minister of God, not
stubborn, not angry, no drunkard, no fighter, not given to filthy lucre ;
but harberous,^ one that loveth goodness, sober minded, righteous, holy,
temperate, and such as cleaveth unto the true word of the doctrine, that
he may be able to exhort with wholesome learning, and to improve that
which they say against him.' " The Fourth part of his sermon was, how
Heresies should be known. " Heresies (quod he) be known on this
manner : As the goldsmith knoweth the fine gold from the imperfect, by
the touchstone, so likewise may we know heresy by the undoubted
touchstone, that is, the true, sincere, and undefiled word of God." At
the last, he added, " That heretics should be put down in this present
life : To the which proposition the Gospel appeared to repugn which he
entreated of, ' Let them both grow unto the harvest ' : The harvest is
the end of the world ; nevertheless, he affirmed that they should be put
down by the Civil Magistrate and law."
And when he ended his Sermon, incontinent they caused Master
George to ascend into the pulpit, there to hear his Accusation and Articles.
For right against him stood up one of the fed flock, ^ a monster, John
Lauder,^ laden full of cursings, written in paper, of the which he took out
a roll both long and also full of cursings, threatenings, maledictions, and
words of devilish spite and malice, saying to the innocent Master George
so many cruel and abominable words, and hit him so spitefully with the
Pope's thunder, that the ignorant people dreaded lest the earth then
would have swallowed him up quick. Notwithstanding, he stood still
with great patience hearing their sayings, not once moving or changing his
countenance. When that this fed sow had read throughout all his lying
menacings, his face running down with sweat, and frothing at the mouth
like a bear, he spat at Master George's face, saying, " What answerest
thou to these sayings, thou runagate, traitor, thief, which we have duly
proved by sufficient witness against thee ? " Master George hearing this,
sat down upon his knees in the pulpit, making his prayer to God. When
he had ended his prayer, sweetly and Christianly he answered to them
all in this manner :
Master George's Oration'
" Many and horrible sayings unto me, a Christian man, many words
abominable for to hear, ye have spoken here this day, which not only to
teach, but also to think, I thought it ever great abomination. Wherefore,
I pray your discretions quietly to hear me, that ye may know what were
my sayings, and the manner of my doctrine. This my petition, my Lords,
' providing shelter or protection ; ' given to hospitality '
^ It has been observed that Foxe drew his account of the martyrdom of Wishart from
an earher black-letter tract, printed by Day and Seres (M'Crie, Life of John Knox, 5th. edn.,
i, 382-383), and Andrew Lang regarded that tract as Knox's first printed work {John Knox
and the Reformation, 20-21). Certainly, phrases such as " the fed flock," " the fed sow,"
and " two false fiends (I should say, Friars)" ring remarkably like Knox.
' For details of Lauder's career, see St. Andrews Formulare (Stair Soc), i, vii-ix ; ii,
ix-xvii.
MARTYRDOM OF GEORGE WISHART 235
I desire to be heard for three causes : The First is, Because through
preaching of the word of God his glory is made manifest : it is reasonable
therefore, for the advancing of the glory of God, that ye hear me teaching
truly the pure and sincere word of God, without any dissimulation. The
Second reason is. Because that your health springeth of the word of God,
for he worketh all things by his word : it were therefore an unrighteous
thing if ye should stop your ears from me teaching truly the word of God.
The Third reason is. Because your doctrine speaketh forth many pesti-
lentious, blasphemous, and abominable words, not coming by the in-
spiration of God, but of the devil, on no less peril than my life. It is just
therefore, and reasonable, [for] your discretions to know what my words
and doctrine are, and what I have ever taught in my time in this realm,
that I perish not unjustly, to the great peril of your souls. Wherefore,
both for the glory and honour of God, your own health, and safeguard of
my life, I beseech your discretions to hear me, and in the meantime I
shall recite my doctrine without any colour.
First and chiefly, since the time I came into this realm, I taught
nothing but the Ten Commandments of God, the Twelve Articles of the
Faith, and the Prayer of the Lord, in the mother tongue. Moreover, in
Dundee, I taught the Epistle of Saint Paul to the Romans ; and I shall
show your discretions faithfully what fashion and manner I used when I
taught, without any human dread, so that your discretions give me your
ears benevolent and attent."
Suddenly then, with an high voice, cried the Accuser, the fed sow,
" Thou heretic, runagate, traitor, and thief, it was not lawful for thee
to preach. Thou hast taken the power at thine own hand, without any
authority of the Church. We fore think that thou hast been a preacher so
long." Then said all the whole congregation of the Prelates, with their
complices, these words, " If we give him licence to preach, he is so crafty,
and in Holy Scriptures so exercised, that he will persuade the people to
his opinion, and raise them against us."
Master George, seeing their malicious and wicked intent, appealed
[from the Lord Cardinal to the Lord Governor, as ^] to an indifferent ^
and equal judge. To whom the Accuser, John Lauder foresaid, with
hoggish voice answered, " Is not my Lord Cardinal the second person
within this realm, Chancellor of Scotland, Archbishop of Saint Andrews,
Bishop of Mirepoix, Commendator of Arbroath, Legatus Matus, Legatus a
Latere ? " ^ And so reciting as many titles of his unworthy honours
as would have laden a ship, much sooner an ass. " Is not he (quod John
Lauder) an equal judge apparently to thee ? Whom other desirest thou
to be thy judge ? "
To whom this humble man answered, saying, " I refuse not my Lord
Cardinal, but I desire the word of God to be my judge, and the Temporal
Estate, with some of your Lordships, mine auditors ; because I am here
* The words within brackets are supplied from Foxe. ' impartial
' Beaton was Chancellor, Cardinal Priest of St. Stephen-on-the-Caelian, Archbishop
of St. Andrews, Primate of Scotland, Legatus Natus, Legate a latere, Bishop (administrator)
of Mirepoix, and Abbot (Commendator) of Arbroatli.
(b53) Vol u 16
236 APPENDIX III
my Lord Governor's prisoner." Whereupon the prideful and scornful
people that stood by, mocked him, saying, " Such man, such judge,"
speaking seditious and reproachful words against the Governor, and other
the Nobles, meaning them also to be Heretics. And incontinent, without
all delay, they would have given sentence upon Master George, and that
without further process, had not certain men there counselled my Lord
Cardinal to read again the Articles, and to hear his answers thereupon,
that the people might not complain of his wrongful condemnation.
And shortly for to declare, these were the Articles following, with his
Answers, as far as they would give him leave to speak ; for when he
intended to mitigate their lesings,^ and show the manner of his doctrine,
by and by they stopped his mouth with another Article.
The First Article
Thou false Heretic, runagate, traitor, and thief, deceiver of the people,
despisest the Holy Church, and in like case contemnest my Lord Governor's
authority. And this we know for surety, that when thou preached in
Dundee, and was charged by my Lord Governor's authority to desist,
nevertheless thou wouldst not obey, but persevered in the same.^ And
therefore the Bishop of Brechin ^ cursed thee, and delivered thee into the
Devil's hands, and gave thee in commandment that thou shouldst preach
no more. Yet notwithstanding, thou didst continue obstinately.
The Answer
My Lords, I have read in the Acts of the Apostles that it is not lawful
for the threats and menacings of men to desist from the preaching of the
Evangel. Therefore it is written, " We shall rather obey God than men."
I have also read [in] the Prophet Malachi, " I shall curse your blessings,
and bless your cursings, says the Lord " : believing firmly, that he would
turn your cursings into blessings.
The Second Article » |
I
Thou false Heretic did say that a priest standing at the altar saying M
Mass was like a fox wagging his tail in July.
The Answer
My Lords, I said not so. These were my sayings : The moving of the
body outward, without the inward moving of the heart, is nothing else but
the playing of an ape, and not the true serving of God ; for God is a secret
searcher of men's hearts : Therefore, who will truly adorn and honour
God, he must in spirit and verity honour him.
Then the Accusator stopped his mouth with another Article.
lies * But see supra, i, 60-61
John Hepburn. But apparently this was in 1538. (See Laing's Knox, i, 535)
MARTYRDOM OF GEORGE WISHART 237
The Third Article
Thou false Heretic preachest against the Sacraments, saying, That
there are not seven Sacraments.
The Answer
My Lords, if it be your pleasure, I taught never of the number of the
Sacraments, whether they were seven, or an eleven. So many as are
instituted by Christ, and are shown to us by the Evangel, I profess openly.
Except it be the word of God, I dare afBrm nothing.
The Fourth Article
Thou false Heretic hast openly taught that Auricular Confession is
not a blessed Sacrament ; and thou sayest that we should only confess
us to God, and to no priest.
The Answer
My Lords, I say that Auricular Confession, seeing that it hath no
promise of the Evangel, therefore it can not be a Sacrament. Of the
Confession to be made to God, there are many testimonies in Scripture ;
as when David sayeth, " I thought that I would acknowledge my iniquity
against myself unto the Lord ; and he forgave the trespasses of my sins."
Here, Confession signifieth the secret knowledge of our sins before God :
when I exhorted the people on this manner, I reproved no manner of
Confession. And further. Saint James sayeth, " Acknowledge your sins
one to another, and so let you to have peace among yourselves." Here
the Apostle meaneth nothing of Auricular Confession, but that we should
acknowledge and confess ourselves to be sinners before our bretliren, and
before the world, and not to esteem ourselves as the Grey Friars do,
thinking themselves already purged.
When that he had said these words, the horned Bishops and their
complices cried, and girned ^ with their teeth, saying, " See ye not what
colours he hath in his speech, that he may beguile us, and seduce us to his
opinion."
The Fifth Article
Thou Heretic didst say openly that it was necessary to every man to
know and understand his Baptism, and that it ^ was contrary to General
Councils, and the Estates of Holy Church.
The Answer
My Lords, I believe there be none so unwise here, that will make
merchandise with a Frenchman, or any other unknown stranger, except
'■ To girn is to distort the countenance. Thus, girned may mean grinned ; but also it
may mean, as here, snarled and showed their teeth.
^ That is, infant baptism, where tlie infant could not know the promise made unto
God.
238 APPENDIX III
he know and understand first the condition or promise made by the
Frenchman or stranger. So hkewise I would that we understood what
thing we promise in the name of the infant unto God in Baptism. For
this cause, I beheve, ye have Confirmation.
Then said Master Bleiter/ chaplain, that he had the Devil within him,
and the spirit of error. Then answered him a child, saying, " The Devil
can not speak such words as yonder man doth speak."
The Sixth Article
Thou false Heretic, traitor, and thief, thou saidst that the Sacrament
of the Altar was but a piece of bread, baked upon the ashes, and
no other thing else ; and all that is there done is but a superstitious
rite against the commandment of God.
The Answer
Oh Lord God ! so manifest lies and blasphemies the Scripture doth
not so teach you. As concerning the Sacrament of the Altar (my Lords),
I never taught any thing against the Scripture, the which I shall (by
God's grace) make manifest this day, I being ready therefor to suffer
death.
The lawful use of the Sacrament is most acceptable unto God : but
the great abuse of it is very detestable unto Him. But what occasion they
have to say such words of me, I shall shortly show your Lordships. I once
chanced to meet with a Jew, when I was sailing upon the water of Rhine.^
I did inquire of him, what was the cause of his pertinacity, that he did not
believe that the true Messiah was come, considering that they had seen
all the prophecies, which were spoken of Him, to be fulfilled : moreover,
the prophecies taken away, and the Sceptre of Judah. By many other
testimonies of the Scripture, I vanquished him, and proved that Messiah
was come, the which they called Jesus of Nazareth. This Jew answered
again unto me, " When Messiah cometh. He shall restore all things, and
He shall not abrogate the Law, which was given to our fathers, as ye do.
For why ? We see the poor almost perish through hunger among you,
yet you are not moved with pity towards them ; but'among us Jews, though
we be poor, there are no beggars found. Secondly, It is forbidden by the
Law to feign any kind of imagery of things in heaven above, or in the
earth beneath, or in the sea under the earth ; but one God only to honour ;
but your sanctuaries and churches are full of idols. Thirdly, A piece of
bread baked upon the ashes, ye adore and worship, and say that it is your
God." I have rehearsed here but the sayings of the Jew, which I never
affirmed to be true.
Then the Bishops shook their heads and spat into the earth. And
what he meant in this matter, further they would not hear.
* Perhaps Mr. Nonsense, for the word may be taken from " blether " or from " bleat."
" Leslie says Wishart " had remaned long in Germanic." [History, Bannatyne Club,
19O
MARTYRDOM OF GEORGE WISHART 239
The Seventh Article
Thou false Heretic did say that Extreme Unction was not a Sacrament.
The Answer
My Lord, forsooth, I never taught any thing of Extreme Unction in
my doctrine, whether it were a Sacrament or not.
The Eighth Article
Thou false Heretic saidst that the Holy Water is not so good as wash,
and such like. Thou contemnest conjuring,^ and sayest that Holy Church's
cursing availed not.
The Answer
My Lords, as for Holy Water, what strength it is of, I taught never
in my doctrine. Gonjurings and exorcisms, if they were conformable to
the word of God, I would commend them. But in so far as they are not
conformable to the commandment and word of God, I reprove them.
The Ninth Article
Thou false Heretic and runagate hast said that every layman is a
Priest ; and such like thou sayest, that the Pope hath no more power than
any other man.
The Answer
My Lords, I taught nothing but the word of God. I remember that
I have read in some places in Saint John and Saint Peter, of the which
one sayeth, " He hath made us kings and priests " ; the other sayeth, " He
hath made us the kingly priesthood " : Wherefore, I have affirmed any
man being cunning ^ and perfect in the word of God, and the true faith of
Jesus Christ, to have his power given him from God, and not by the
power or violence of men, but by the virtue of the word of God, the which
word is called the power of God, as witnesseth Saint Paul evidently enough.
And again, I say, any unlearned man, and not exercised in the word of
God, nor yet constant in his faith, whatsoever estate or order he be of,
I say, he hath no power to bind or loose, seeing he wanteth the instrument
by the which he bindeth or looseth, that is to say, the word of God.
After that he had said these words, all the Bishops laughed, and
mocked him. When that he beheld their laughing, " Laugh ye (sayeth
he) , my Lords ? Though that these my sayings appear scornful and worthy
of derision to your Lordships, nevertheless they are very weighty to me,
and of a great value ; because that they stand not only upon my life, but
also the honour and glory of God." In the meantime many godly men,
beholding the wodness ^ and great cruelty of the Bishops, and the in-
* The invocation of relics or saints " wise ' rage
240 APPENDIX III
vincible patience of the said Master George, did greatly mourn and
lament.
The Tenth Article
Thou false Heretic saidst that a man hath no Free Will ; but is like
to the Stoics, which say, That it is not in man's will to do any thing, but
that all concupiscence and desire cometh of God, of whatsoever kind it
be of.
The Answer
My Lords, I said not so, truly. I say, that as many as believe in Christ
firmly, unto them is given liberty, conformable to the saying of Saint John,
" If the Son make you free, then shall ye verily be free." Of the contrary,
as many as believe not in Christ Jesus, they are bound servants of sin :
" He that sinneth is bound to sin."
The Eleventh Article
Thou false Heretic sayest. It is as lawful to eat flesh upon Friday, as on
Sunday.
The Answer
Pleaseth it your Lordships, I have read in the Epistles of Saint Paul,
" They who are clean, unto them all things are clean." Of the contrary,
" To the filthy man, all things are unclean." A faithful man, clean and
holy, sanctifieth by the word the creature of God ; but the creatiire
maketh no man acceptable unto God : so that a creature may not sanctify
any impure and unfaithful man. But to the faithful man, all things are
sanctified, by the prayer of the word of God.
After these sayings of Master George, then said all the Bishops, with
their complices, " What needeth us any witness against him : hath he not
openly here spoken blasphemy ? "
The Twelfth Article
Thou false Heretic dost say, That we should not pray to Saints, but
to God only : Say whether thou hast said this or not, say shortly.
The Answer
For the weakness and the infirmity of the hearers he said, without
doubt plainly, that Saints should not be honoured nor called upon. My
Lords (said he), there are two things worthy of note : the one is certain,
and the other ur>certain. It is found plainly and certain in Scriptures
that we should worship and honour one God, according to the saying of
the first Commandment, " Thou shalt only worship and honour thy Lord
God with all thy heart." But as for praying to and honouring of Saints,
there is great doubt among many, whether they hear or not invocation
MARTYRDOM OF GEORGE WISHART 24 1
made unto them. Therefore, I exhorted all men equally in my doctrine,
that they should leave the unsure way, and follow the way which was
taught us by our Master Christ :
He is our only Mediator, and maketh intercession for us to God his
Father :
He is the door, by which we must enter in :
He that entereth not in by this door, but climbeth another way, is a
thief and a murderer :
He is the Verity and Life :
He that goeth out of this way, there is no doubt but he shall fall into
the mire ; yea, verily, he is fallen into it already. This is the fashion
of my doctrine, the which I have ever followed. Verily that which I have
heard and read in the word of God, I taught openly and in no corners,
and now ye shall witness the same, if your Lordships will hear me : Except
it stand by the word of God, I dare not be so bold to affirm anything.
These sayings he rehearsed divers times.
The Thirteenth Article
Thou false Heretic hast preached plainly, saying, That there is no
Purgatory ; and that it is a feigned thing, any man, after this life, to be
punished in Purgatory.
The Answ^er
My Lords, as I have oftentimes said heretofore, without express
witness and testimony of Scripture I dare affirm nothing. I have oft and
divers times read over the Bible, and yet such a term found I never, nor
yet any place of Scripture applicable thereunto. Therefore, I was
ashamed ever to teach of that thing, which I could not find in Scripture.
Then said he to Master John Lauder, his accuser, " If you have any
testimony of the Scripture, by the which ye may prove any such place,
show it now before this auditure ^." But that dolt had not a word to say
for himself, but was as dumb as a beetle ^ in that matter.
The Fourteenth Article
Thou false Heretic hast taught plainly against the vows of Monks,
Friars, Nuns, and Priests, saying. That whosoever was bound to such like
vows, they vowed themselves to the estate of damnation : Moreover,
that it was lawful for Priests to marry wives, and not to live sole.
The Answer
Of sooth, my Lords, I have read in the Evangel that there are three
kinds of chaste men : some are gelded from their mother's womb ; some
are gelded by men ; and some have gelded themselves for the kingdom of
heaven's sake. Verily, I say, these men are blessed by the Scriptxue of
* audience " a heav7 wooden mallet used for beating {e.g. clothes)
242 APPENDIX III
God. But as many as have not the gift of Chastity, nor yet for the Evangel
have not overcome the concupiscence of the flesh, and [yet] have vowed
chastity, ye have experience ; ahhough I should hold my tongue, to what
inconvenience they have vowed themselves.
When he had said these words, they were all dumb, thinking better
to have ten concubines, than one married wife.
The Fifteenth Article
Thou false Heretic and runagate sayest. That thou wilt not obey our
General nor Provincial Councils.
The Answer
My Lords, what your General Councils are, I know not. I was never
exercised in them ; but to the pure word of God I gave my labours.
Read here your General Councils, or else give me a book, wherein they
are contained, that I may read them : If that they agree with the word of
God, I will not disagree.
Then the ravening wolves turned into madness, and said, " Whereunto
let we him speak any fmther ? Read forth the rest of the Articles, and
stay not upon them." Amongst these cruel tigers, there was one false
hypocrite, a seducer of the people, called John ^ Scott, standing behind
John Lauder's back, hastening him to read the rest of the Articles, and
Friar"^^ not to tarry upon his witty ^ and godly answers ; " For we may not abide
Scott them (quod he) , no more than the Devil may abide the sign of the cross,
when it is named."
The Sixteenth Article
Thou Heretic sayest. That it is vain to build to the honour of God
cosdy churches, seeing that God remaineth not in churches made by
men's hands, nor yet can God be in so little space, as betwix the Priest's
hands.
The Answer
My Lords, Solomon sayeth, " If that the heaven of heavens cannot
comprehend thee, how much less this house that I have built." And Job
consenteth to the same sentence, saying, " Seeing that he is higher than
the heavens, therefore what can thou build unto him ? He is deeper than
the hell, then how shalt thou know him ? He is longer than the earth,
and broader than the sea." So that God cannot be comprehended into
one space, because that He is infinite. These sayings notwithstanding,
I said never that churches should be destroyed ; but of the contrary, I
affirmed ever that churches should be sustained and upheld, that the
people should be congregate in them to hear the word of God preached.
Moreover, wheresoever is the true preaching of the word of God, and the
' In the manuscript (folio 55 recto) there is a space between Johnne and Scot. Perhaps
the copyist could not read the missing word Gray-finde {Grey-fiend, that is. Grey Friar)
which occurs in Foxe. " wise
fi
MARTYRDOM OF GEORGE WISHART 243
lawful use of the Sacraments, undoubtedly there is God Himself. So that
both these sayings are true together : God cannot be comprehended into
any one place : And, " Wheresoever there are two or three gathered in
his name, there is He present in the midst of them." Then said he to his
Accuser, " If thou thinkest any otherwise than I say, show forth thy reasons
before this auditory." Then, he, without all reason, was dumb^, and
could not answer a word.
The Seventeenth Article
Thou false Heretic contemnest Fasting, and sayest, Thou shouldst
not fast.
The Answer
My Lords, I find that Fasting is commended in the Scripture ; there-
fore I were a slanderer of the Gospel, if I contemned fasting. And not so
only, but I have learned by experience that fasting is good for the health
and conservation of the body. But God knoweth only who fasteth the
true fast.
The Eighteenth Article
Thou false Heretic hast preached openly, saying, That the souls of
men shall sleep to the latter day of judgment, and shall not obtain life
immortal until that day.
The Answer
God, full of mercy and goodness, forgive them that sayeth such things
of me. I know surely by the word of God, that he which hath begun to
have the faith of Jesus Christ, and believeth firmly in Him, I know surely
that the soul of that man shall never sleep, but ever shall live an immortal
life ; the which life, from day to day, is renewed in grace and augmented ;
nor yet shall ever perish, or have an end, but shall ever live immortal with
Christ their head : To the which life all that believe in Him shall come,
and rest in eternal glory. Amen.
When that the Bishops, with their complices, had accused this innocent
man, in manner and form aforesaid, incontinently they condemned him
to be burnt as an Heretic, not having respect to his godly answers and
true reasons which he alleged, nor yet to their own consciences, thinking
verily that they should do to God good sacrifice, conformable to the
sayings of Jesus Christ in the Gospel of Saint John,- chapter 16 : " They
shall excommunicate you ; yea, and the time shall come, that he which
killeth you shall think that he hath done to God good service."
The Prayer of Master George
" O IMMORTAL God ! how long shalt Thou suffer the woodness ^ and
great cruelty of the ungodly to exercise their fury upon thy servants,
* having no reason to offer, was dumb • rage
244 APPENDIX III
which do further thy word in this world, seeing they desire to do the
contrary, that is, to choke and destroy thy true doctrine and verity, by
the which Thou hast showed Thee unto the world, which was all drowned in
blindness and misknowledge of thy name. O Lord, we know surely, that
thy true servants must needs suffer, for thy name's sake, persecution,
affliction, and troubles in this present life, \vhich is but a shadow, as Thou
has showed to us, by thy Prophets and Apostles. But yet we desire Thee
(Merciful Father), that Thou conserve, defend, and help thy Congregation,
which Thou hast chosen before the beginning of the world, and give them
thy grace to hear thy word, and to be thy true servants in this present
life."
Then, by and by, they caused the common people to remove,^ whose
desire was always to hear that innocent speak. And the sons of darkness
pronounced their sentence definitive, not having respect to the judgment
of God. When all this was done and said, my Lord Cardinal caused his
tormentors to pass again with the meek lamb unto the Castle, until such
time [as] the fire was made ready. When he was come into the Castle,
then there came two Grey fiends. Friar Scott and his mate, saying, " Sir,
ye must make your confession unto us." He answered, and said, " I will
make no confession unto you. Go fetch me yonder man that preached
this day, and I will make my confession unto him." Then they sent for
the Subprior of the Abbey, ^ who came to him with all diligence ; but
what he said in this confession, I cannot show.
When the fire was made ready, and the gallows, at the West ^ part
of the Castle, near to the Priory, my Lord Cardinal, dreading that Master
George should have been taken away by his friends, therefore he com-
manded to bend all the ordnance of the Castle right against the place of
execution, and commanded all his gunners to be ready, and stand beside
their guns, unto such time as he were burned.* All this being done, they
bound Master George's hands behind his back and led him forth with
their soldiers, from the Castle, to the place of their cruel and wicked
execution. As he came forth of the Castle gate, there met him certain
beggars, asking of his alms, for God's sake. To whom he answered, " I
want ^ my hands, wherewith I [was] wont to give ^ you alms. But the
merciful Lord, of his benignity and abundant grace, that feedeth all men,
vouchsafe to give you necessaries, both unto your bodies and souls"
Then afterward met him two false fiends (I should say, Friars), saying,
" Master George, pray to our Lady, that she may be a mediatrix for you
to her Son." To whom he answered meekly, " Cease : tempt me not, my
brethren." After this, he was led to the fire, with a rope about his neck,
and a chain of iron about his middle.
When that he came to the fire, he sat down upon his knees, and rose
' remove themselves ^ John Winram (see supra, 233)
' This is clearly a mistake for East
• Cf. supra, i, 74 ' lack
' In the manuscript (folio 56 verso), originally " I should yovv almes " ; should has been
scored through, and wont to geve added above the line.
MARTYRDOM OF GEORGE WISHART 245
again ; and thrice he said these words, " O Thou Saviour of the world,
have mercy upon me : Father of Heaven, I commend my spirit into thy
holy hands." When he had made this prayer, he turned him to the people,
and said these words : " I beseech you, Christian brethren and sisters,
that ye be not offended at the word of God for the affliction and torments
which ye see already prepared for me. But I exhort you, that ye love the
word of God, your salvation, and suffer patiently, and with a comfortable
heart, for the word's sake, which is your undoubted salvation and ever-
lasting comfort. Moreover, I pray you, show my brethren and sisters,
which have heard me oft before, that they cease not nor leave off to
learn the word of God, which I taught unto them, after the grace given
unto me, for no persecutions nor troubles in this world, which lasteth not.
And show unto them that my doctrine was no wives' fables, after the
constitutions made by men ; and if I had taught men's doctrine, I had
got greater thanks by men. But for the word's sake, and true Evangel,
which was given to me by the grace of God, I suffer this day by men, not
sorrowfully, but with a glad heart and mind. For this cause I was sent,
that I should suffer this fire for Christ's sake. Consider and behold my
visage, ye shall not see me change my colour. This grim fire I fear not ;
and so I pray you for to do, if that any persecution come unto you for the
word's sake ; and not to fear them that slay the body, and afterward
have no power to slay the soul. Some have said of me, that I taught that
the soul of man should sleep until the last day ; but I know surely, and
my faith is such, that my soul shall sup with my Saviour this night, or it
be sLx hours, for whom I suffer this." Then he prayed for them which
accused him, saying, " I beseech the Father of Heaven to forgive them
that have of any ignorance, or else of any evil mind, forged lies upon me ;
I forgive them with all mine heart : I beseech Christ to forgive them that
have condemned me to death this day ignorantly." And last of all, he
said to the people on this manner, " I beseech you, brethren and sisters, to
exhort your Prelates to the learning of the word of God, that they at the
last may be ashamed to do evil, and learn to do good ; and if they will
not convert themselves from their wicked error, there shall hastily come
upon them the wrath of God, which they shall not eschew."
Many faithful words said he in the meantime, taking no heed or care
of the cruel torments which were then prepared for him. Then, last of
all, the hangman, that was his tormentor, sat down upon his knees and
said, " Sir, I pray you, forgive me, for I am not guilty of your death."
To whom he answered, " Come hither to me." When he was come to him
he kissed his cheek and said, " Lo ! Here is a token that I forgive thee.
My heart, do thine office." And then, by and by, he was put upon the
gibbet, and hanged, and there burnt to powder. When that the people
beheld the great tormenting of that innocent, they might not withhold
firom piteous mourning and complaining of the innocent lamb's slaughter.^
' A fuller account of Wishart's martyrdom is given by Pitscottie {Chronicles, Scot. Text
Soc, ii, 76-82). Pitscottie, living near to St. Andrews in the next generation, probably
wrote part of his narrative from the accounts of eye-witnesses.
APPENDIX IV
THE LETTER OF JOHN HAMILTON, ARCHBISHOP OF
ST. ANDREWS, TO ARCHIBALD, EARL OF ARGYLL; AND
ARGYLL'S ANSWERS THERETO i
The Bishop's Letter to the old Earl of Argyll
My Lord, After most heartly commendation : This is to advertise
your Lordship, we have directed this bearer, our cousin, toward your
Lordship, in such business and affairs as concerns your Lordship's honour,
profit, and great weal ; like as the said bearer will declare [to] your
Lordship at more length. Praying your Lordship effectuously ^ to advert
thereto, and give attendance to us, your Lordship's friends, that aye has
willed the honour, profit, and utter wealth of your Lordship's house, as
of our own ; and credit to the bearer. And Jesu have your Lordship in
everlasting keeping.
Of Edinburgh, the xxv day of March, Anno 1558.
{Sic subscribitur)
Your Lordship's at all power,
J. Saint Andrews ^
Follows the Credit — Memorandum to Sir David Hamilton, to
MY Lord Earl of Argyll, in my behalf, and let him see and hear
every Article.
In primis, To repeat the ancient blood of his house, how long it has
stood, how notable it has been, and so many noble men have been earls,
lords, and knights thereof ; how long they have reigned in those parts,
ever true and obedient both to God and the Prince without any smote ^
to these days in any manner of sort : and to remernber how many notable
men are come of his house.
Secondly, To show him the great affection I bear towards him, his
blood, house, and friends, and of the ardent desire I have of the perpetual
standing of it in honour and fame, with all them that are come of it :
which is my part for many and divers causes, as ye shall show.
Thirdly, To show my Lord, how heavy and displeasing it is to me now
to hear that he, who is and has been so noble a man, should be seduced
and abused by the flattery of such an infamed person of the law ^ and
mensworn apostate that, under the pretence that he gives himself forth
1
See supra, i, 138 ^ affectionately ; though the word may also mean efficaciously
* John HamiUon, Archbishop of St. Andrews * stain
' That is, a person whom the law had made infamous. The reference is to John
Douglas (see supra, i, 138; infra, 247, 251-252).
246
ST. ANDREWS AND ARGYLL 247
as a preacher of the Evangel and verity, under that colour sets forth
schisms and divisions in the Holy Kirk of God, with heretical propositions,
thinking under his maintenance and defence to infect this country with
heresy, persuading my said Lord and others his bairns and friends that all
that he speaks is Scripture, and conform thereto, albeit that many of his
propositions are many years past condemned by General Councils and
the whole estate of Christian people.
4 To show to my Lord how perilous this is to his Lordship and his
house, and decay thereof, in case the Authority would be sharp, and
would use [itself] conform both to civil and canon [law], and also your
own municipal law of this Realm.
5 To show his Lordship, how wa ^ I would be either to hear, see, or
know any displeasure that might come to him, his son, or any of his house,
or friends, and especially in his own time and days ; and also how great
displeasure I have else to hear great and evil bruit of him, that should
now, in his age, in a manner vary in his faith ; and to be altered therein,
when the time is that he should be most sure and firm therein.
6 To show his Lordship, that there is delation ^ of that man, called
Douglas or Grant, of sundry Articles of heresy, which lies to my charge
and conscience to put remedy to, or else all the pestilentious doctrine he
sows, and suchlike all that are corrupted by his doctrine, and all that he
draws from our faith and Christian religion, will lie to my charge before
God, and I to be accused before God for over seeing ^ of him, if I put not
remedy thereto, and correct him for such things he is delated of. And
therefore that my Lord consider, and weigh it well, how highly it lies
both to my honour and conscience : for if I thole * him, I will be accused
for all them that he infects and corrupts in heresy.
[7] Herefore, I pray My Lord, in my most heartly manner, to take
this matter in the best part, for his own conscience, honour, weal of
himself, house, friends, and servants. And suchlike for my part, and for
my conscience and honour, that considering that there are divers Articles
of heresy to be laid to him that he is delated of, and that he is presently
in my Lord's company, that my Lord would, by some honest way, depart
with this man, and put him from him and from his son's company ; for
I would be right sorry that any being in any of their companies should
be called for such causes, or that any of them should be bruited to hold
any such men. And this I would advertise my Lord, and have his Lord-
ship's answer and resolution, ere any summons passed upon him, together
with my Lord's answer.
Item [8] If my Lord would have a man to instruct him truly in the
faith, and preach to him, I would provide a cunning man to him, where-
fore I shall answer for his true doctrine, and shall put my soul therefor,
that he shall teach nothing but truly according to our Catholic faith.
Of Edinburgh, this last of March, 1558.
(Sic subscribitur) ,
J. Saint Andrews
' unhappy * formal accusation
* overlooking, in the sense of not seeing * suffer
248 APPENDIX IV
Item [g] Attour, your Lordship shall draw to good remembrance, and
weigh the great and heavy murmur against me, both by the Queen's
Grace, the Kirkmen, Spiritual and Temporal Estates, and well given ^
people, meaning ^, crying, and murmuring me greatly, that I do not my
office to thole such infamous persons with such perverse doctrine within
my Diocese and this Realm, by reason of my Legacy and Primacy.^ Which
'^lesh and \ have rather sustained and long suffered, for the great love that I had
rreferrld '*^ JOMY Lordship and posterity, and your friends, and your house ; also
believing surely your Lordship's wisdom should not have maintained and
melled * with such things that might do me dishonour or displeasure,
considering I being ready to have put good order thereto always ; but
has allanerly ^ abstained, for the love of your Lordship and house foresaid,
that I bear truly, knowing and seeing the great scathe and dishonour
and lack apparently that might come therethrough, in case your Lordship
remedy not the same hastily, whereby we might both be quiet of all
danger, which doubtless will come upon us both, if I use not my office,^
ere that he ^ be called, the time that he is now with your Lordship, and
under your Lordship's protection.
{Subscribed again)
J. Saint Andrews
By these former Instructions, thou may perceive, Gentle Reader, what
was the care that this pastor, with his complices, took to feed the flock
committed to their charge (as they allege), and to gainstand ^ false teachers.
Here is oft mention of conscience, of heresy, and such other terms that
may fray ^ the ignorant, and deceive the simple. But we hear no crime in
particular laid to the charge of the accused ; and yet is he damned as
a mensworn apostate. This was my Lord's conscience, which he learned
of his fathers, the Pharisees, old enemies to Christ Jesus, who damned
Him before they heard Him. But who ruled my Lord's conscience when
he took his eme's ^" wife. Lady Gil ton ? ^^ Consider thou the rest of his
persuasion, and thou shalt clearly see that honour, estimation, love to
house and friends, is the best ground that my Lord Bishop has, why he
should persecute Jesus Christ in his members.
We thought good to insert the Answers of the said Earl, which follow :
Memorandum— This Present Writing is to make Answer particularly
TO EVERILK ^^ ARTICLE, DIRECTED BY MY LoRD OF SaINT AnDREWS TO ME,
WITH Sir David Hamilton ; which Articles are in number nine,
and here repeated and answered as I trust to his Lordship's con-
tentment
* well-affected ^ complaining
^ By Bull of Pope Innocent VIII (of 27 March 1487) St. Andrews was erected into
a Primatial Church, and the Archbishop of St. Andrews was made Primate of all Scotland
and Legatus Natus of the Apostolic See. (Robertson, Concilia Scotice, i, cxviii)
• meddled ' only
" In the manuscript (folio 96 verso) the words {of cruel butcher) originally followed the
word office, and were then scored through. ' That is, John Douglas
' oppose • frighten *" kinsman's " Cf. supra, i, 59 '^ each and every
ST. ANDREWS AND ARGYLL 249
I The First Article puts me in remembrance of the ancianity of the
blood of my house, how many earls, lords, and knights have been thereof ;
. how many Noble men descended of the same house, how long it continued
true to God and the Prince, without smot ^ in their days, in any manner
of sort.
[Answer]
True it Is, my Lord, that there is well long continuance of my house,
by God's providence and benevolence of our Princes, whom we have
served, and shall serve truly next to God : And the like obedience towards
God and our Princes remains with us yet, or rather better (praised be
the Lord's name), neither know we any spot towards our Princess and
her due obedience. And if there be offence towards God, He is merciful
to remit our offences ; for " He will not the death of a sinner ". Like as,
it stands in his Omnipotent power to make up houses, to continue the
same, to alter them, to make them small or great, or to extinguish them,
according to his own inscrutable wisdom ; for in exalting, depressing,
and changing of houses, the laud and praise must be given to that one
eternal God, in whose hand the same stands.
2 The Second Article bears the great affection and love your Lordship
bears towards me and my house ; and of the ardent desire ye have of
the perpetual standing thereof in honour and fame, with all them that
come of it.
[Answer]
Forsooth it is your duty to wish good unto my house, and unto them
that come of the same, not allanerly for the faithfulness, amity, and
society, that has been betwix our forebears, but also for the late conjunc-
tion of blood that is betwix our said houses,- if it be God's pleasure that
it have success ; which should give sufficient occasion to your Lordship
to wish good to my house, and perpetuity with God's glory, without which
nothing is perpetual, unto whom be praise and worship for ever and ever.
Amen.
3 Thirdly, your Lordship declares how displeasing it is to you, that
I should be seduced by an infamed person of the law, ^ and by the flattery
of a mensworn apostate that, under pretence of his forth giving, makes us
to understand that he is a preacher of the Evangel, and therewith raises
schisms and divisions in the whole Kirk of God ; and by our maintenance
and defence, would infect this country with heresy ; alleging that to be
Scripture which, these many years bygone, has been condemned as heresy
by the General Councils and whole estate of Christian people.
* stain
^ Archibald, fourth Earl of" Argyll, had married as his first wife Helen, eldest daughter
of James Hamilton, first Earl of Arran ; and the Archbishop of St. Andrews, John Hamilton,
was her half-brother.
" John Douglas {supra, 246 and note 5)
250 APPENDIX IV
Answer
The God that created heaven and earth, and all that therein is, pre-
serve me from seducing ; and I dread many others under the colour of
godliness are seduced, and think that they do God a pleasure, when they
persecute one of them that professes his name. What that man is of the
law we know not : we hear none of his flattery : his mensworn oath of
apostasy is ignorant to us. But if he had made an unlawful oath, contrary
to God's command, it were better to violate it than to observe it. He
preaches nothing to us but the Evangel. If he would otherwise do, v/e
would not believe him, nor yet an angel of heaven. We hear him sow no
schisms nor divisions, but such as may stand with God's word, which we
shall cause him confess in presence of your Lordship and the Clergy, when
ye require us thereto. And as to it that has been condemned by the
General Councils, we trust ye know well that all the General Councils
have been at diversity amongst themselves, and never two of them univer-
sally agreeing in all points, in samekle as ^ they are of men. But the Spirit
of verity that bears testimony of our Lord Jesus has not, neither cannot,
err ; " for heaven and earth shall perish or a jot of it perish ". By ^ this,
my Lord, neither teaches he, neither will we accept of him, but that
which agrees with God's sincere word, set forth by Patriarchs, Prophets,
Apostles, and Evangelists, left to our salvation in his express word. And
so, my Lord, to condemn the doctrine not examined is not required ;
for when your Lordship pleases to hear the confession of that man's faith,
[and] the manner of his doctrine, which agrees with the Evangel of Jesus
Christ, I will cause him to assist to ^ judgment, and shall be present
thereat with God's pleasure, that he may render reckoning of his belief
and our doctrine, to the superior powers, according to the prescription
of that blood of the eternal Testament, sealed by the immaculate Lamb,
to whom, with the Father, and the Holy Spirit, be all honour and glory,
for ever and ever. Amen.
4 The Fourth Article puts me in remembrance how dangerous it is
if the authority would put at * me and my house, according to civil and
canon laws, and our own municipal laws of this Realm, and how it
appeareth to the decay of our house.
Answer
All laws are (or at the least should be) subject to God's law, which
law should be first placed and planted in every man's heart ; it should
have no impediment : men should not abrogate it for the defence and
upsetting ^ of their own advantage. If it would please Authorities to put
at our house, for confessing of God's word, or for maintenance of his law,
God is mighty enough in his own cause. He should be rather obeyed
nor man. I will serve my Princess with body, heart, goods, strength, and
* iiuomuch as ^ Apart from ' to stand to
* exert itself against * setting up
ST. ANDREWS AND ARGYLL 25 1
all that is in my power, except that which is God's duty, which I will
reserve to himself alone : That is, to worship him in truth and verity and,
as near as I can, conform to his prescribed word, to his own honour and
obedience of my Princess.
5 The Fifth Article puts me in remembrance how wa ^ your Lordship
would be to hear, see, or know any displeasure that might come to me,
my son, or any of my house, and specially in my time and days, and also
to hear the great and evil bruit of me that should now in my age in a
manner begin to vary from my faith, and to be altered therein, when
the time is that I should be most sure and firm therein.
Answer
Your Lordship's goodwill is ever made manifest to me in all your
Articles, that would not hear, see, or know my displeasure, for the which
I am bound to render your Lordship thanks, and shall do the same
assuredly. But as for wavering in my faith, God forbid that I should so
do ; for I believe in God the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earthy
and in Jesus Christ his only Son our Saviour. My Lord, I vary not in
my faith ; but I praise God that of his goodness now in my latter days
[He] has of his infinite mercy opened his bosom of grace to me, to acknow-
ledge him the Eternal Wisdom, his Son Jesus Christ, my omnisufficient
satisfaction, to refuse all manner of idolatry, superstition, and ignorance,
wherewith I have been blinded in times bygone, and now believe that God
will be merciful to me, for now he has declared his blessed will clearly to
me, before my departing of this transitory life.
6 The Sixth Article declared that there are delations ^ of sundry
points of heresy upon that man, called Douglas or Grant, which lies to
your charge and conscience to put remedy to, or else that all the pesti-
lentious doctrine he sows, and all whom he corrupts with his seed, will be
required at your hands, and all whom he draws from your Christian faith.
And if ye should thole him, that ye will be accused for all them whom he
infects with heresy ; and therefore to regard your Lordship's honour and
conscience hereinto.
Answer
What is his surname I know not, but he calls himself Douglas ; for
I know neither his father nor his mother. I have heard him teach no
Articles of heresy ; but that which agrees with God's word ; for I would
maintain no man in heresy or error. Your Lordship regards your con-
science in the punishment thereof I pray God that ye so do, and examine
well your conscience. He preaches against idolatry : I remit to your
Lordship's conscience if it be heresy or not. He preaches against adultery
and fornication : I refer that to your Lordship's conscience. He preaches
against hypocrisy : I refer that to your Lordship's conscience. He
' unhappy '■^ formal accusations
(tJ63) VOL II 17
252 APPENDIX IV
preaches against all manner of abuses and corruption of Christ's sincere
religion : I refer that to your Lordship's conscience. My Lord, I exhort
you, in Christ's name, to weigh all these affairs in your conscience, and
consider if it be your duty also, not only to thole this, but in like manner
to do the same. This is all, my Lord, that I vary in my age, and no other
thing, but that I knew not before these offences to be abominable to God,
and now knowing his will by manifestation of his word, abhors them.
7 The Seventh Article desires me to weigh these matters in most
heartly manner, and to take them in best part, for the weal of both our
consciences, my house, friends, and servants, and to put such a man out
of my company, for fear of the cummer ^ and bruit that should follow
thereupon, by reason he is delated of sundry heresies : and that your
Lordship would be sorry to hear any of our servants delated or bruited
for such causes, or for holding of any such men ; and that your Lordship
would understand my answer hereinto, ere any summons passed thereupon.
Answer
I thank your Lordship greatly that ye are so solist ^ for the weal of
me and my house, and are so humane as to make me the advertisement
before ye have summoned, of your own good will and benevolence ; and
have weighed these matters, as highly as my judgment can serve me, both
for your Lordship's honour and mine. And when I have reasoned all
that I can do with myself in it, I think it aye best to serve God, and obey
his manifest word, and not be obstinate in his contrary : syne ^ to give
their due obedience to our Princes, rulers, and magistrates, and to hear the
voice of God's prophets, declaring his good promises to them that repent,
and threatening to obstinate wicked doers, everlasting destruction. Your
Lordship knows well the man : he has spoken with your Lordship : I
thought you content with him. I heard no occasion of offence in him.
I cannot well want * him, or some preacher. I cannot put away such a
man, without I knew him an offender, as I know not ; for I hear nothing
of him, but such as your Lordship's self heard of him, and such as he yet
will profess in your presence, whenever your Lordship requires. Such a
man that is ready to assist himself to judgment, should not be expelled
without cognition of the cause. For like as I answered before in another
Article, when your Lordship pleases that all the spiritual and temporal
men of estate in Scotland be convened, I shall cause him render an account
of his belief and doctrine in your presences. Then if he deserves punish-
ment and correction, let him so suffer ; if he be found faithful, let him live
in his faith.
8 The Eighth Article propones to me that your Lordship would take
the labour to get me a man to instruct me in your Catholic faith, and to
be my preacher, for whose doctrine ye would lay your soul that he would
teach nothing but truly conform to your faith.
* trouble " solicitous * afterwards * do without
ST. ANDREWS AND ARGYLL 253
Answer
God Almighty send us many of that sort, that will preach truly, and
nothing but one Catholic universal Christian faith ; and we Highland
rude people has mister ^ of them. And if your Lordship would get and
provide me such a man, I should provide him a corporal living, as to my-
self, with great thanks to your Lordship ; for truly, I and many more
has great mister of such men. And because I am able to sustain more
than one of them, I will request your Lordship earnestly to provide me
such a man as ye wrote ; " for the harvest is great, and there are few
labourers."
9 The Last and Ninth Article puts me in remembrance to consider
what murmur your Lordship tholes, and great bruit, at many men's
hands, both Spiritual and Temporal, and at the Queen's Grace's hand,
and other well given people, for not putting of order to these affairs ;
and that your Lordship has abstained from execution hereof, for love of
my house and posterity, to the effect that myself should remedy it, for
fear of the dishonour might come upon us both for the same ; which being
remedied, might bring us out of all danger.
Answer
My Lord, I know well what murmur and indignation your Lordship
tholes at [your] enemies' hands of all estates, for non-pursuing of poor
simple Christians ; and I know, that if your Lordship would use their
counsel, that would be blood-shedding and burning of poor men, to make
your Lordship serve their wicked appetites. Yet your Lordship knows
your own duty, and should not fear the danger of men, as of Him whom
ye profess. And verily, my Lord, there is nothing that may be to your
Lordship's relief in this behalf, but I will use your Lordship's counsel
therein, and further the same, God's honour being first provided, and the
truth of his eternal word having liberty. And to abstain, for my love, from
pursuit, as your Lordship has signified, I am indebted to your Lordship,
as I have written divers times before. But there is one above, for whose
fear ye must abstain fi^om blood-shedding, or else, my Lord, knock on
your conscience. Last of all, your Lordship, please to consider, how
desirous some are to have sedition amongst friends ; how mighty the Devil
is to sow discord ; how that many would desire no better game but to
hunt us at other. ^ I pray your Lordship beguile them : we will agree
upon all purposes, with God's pleasure, standing to his honour. There
are divers houses in Scotland by us,^ that profess the same God secretly.
They desire but that ye begin the bargain at * us ; and when it begins at
us, God knows the end thereof, and who shall bide the next put. My
Lord, consider this : make no preparative of us. Let not the vain ex-
hortation of them that regard little of the weal and strength of both our
* need ^ to put us in opposite camps ' apart from us
* open the question with
254 APPENDIX IV
houses, stir up your Lordship, as they would to do against God, your own
conscience, and the weal of your posterity for ever. And therefore now,
in the end, I pray your Lordship weigh these things wisely ; and if ye
do otherwise, God is God, was, and shall be God, when ail is wrought that
man can work.
APPENDIX V
" THE BEGGARS' SUMMONDS " i
*' The Blynd, Cruked, Beddrelles,^ Wedowis, Orphelingis,^ and
ALL uther Pure, sa viseit be the hand of God, as may not
WORKE,
To THE FlOCKES OF ALL FrEIRES WITHIN THIS ReALME, WE WISCHE
Restitutioun of Wranges bypast, and Reformatioun in tyme
CUMING, for SaLUTATIOUN.
" Ye your selfes ar not ignorant (and thocht ye wald be) it is now
(thankes to God) knawen to the haill warlde, be his maist infallible
worde, that the benignitie or almes of all Christian people perteynis to us
allanerly * ; quhilk ye, being hale of bodye, stark, sturdye, and abill to
wyrk, quhat under pretence of poverty (and neverles possessing maist
easelie all abundance), quhat throw cloiket and huded ^ simplicitie
(thoght your proudnes is knawen) and quhat be feynzeit ^ halynes, quhilk
now is declared superstitioun and idolatrie, hes thire ' many yeiris, exprese
aganis Godis word, and the practeis ^ of his holie Apostles, to our great
torment (allace !) maist falslie stowin * fra ws. And als ye have, be your
fals doctryne and wresting of Godis worde (lerned of your father Sathan),
induced the hale people, hie and law,^** in seure hoip and beleif, that to
cleith, feid [ ] ^^ and nurreis ^^ yow, is the onlie maist acceptable
almouss allowit before God ; and to gif ane penny, or ane peice of breade
anis in the oulk ^^ is aneuch ^* for ws. Even swa ye have perswaded thame
to bigge ^^yow great Hospitalis, and manteyne yow thairin [ ] ^^ force,
quhilk onlye pertenis now tows be all law, as biggit and dotat^^ to the pure^'
of whois number ye are not, nor can be repute, nether be the law of God,
nor yit be na uther law proceding of nature, reasoun, or civile policie.
Quhairfore seing our number is sa greate, sa indigent, and sa heavelie
oppressed be your false meanes, that nane takes cair of owre miserie ; and
that it is better for ws to provyde thire our impotent members, quhilkis God
hes geven ws, to oppone to yow in plaine controversie, than to see yow
heirefter (as ye have done afore) steill fra ws our lodgeings, and our selfis,
in the meanetyme, to perreis and die for want of the same. We have thocht
gude therfore, or we enter with yow in conflict, to warne yow, in the name
^ See supra, i, 139, note 2; and the description of folio 112 verso of the manuscript,
given supra, i, xcviii ^ Bed-ridden ^ Orphans * only
* cloaked and hooded * feigned ' these * practice
• stolen *' high and low
" This page at the end of the manuscript is badly torn down the right-hand side.
'2 nourish ^^ once a week '* enough " build
*• endowed ; mortified ^' poor
255
256 APPENDIX V
of the grit God, be this publick wryting, afhxt on your yettis quhair ye now
dwell, that ye remove fourth of oure saidis Hospitales, betuix this and the
Feist of Witsunday next,^ sua^ that we the onlie lauchfull proprietares
thairof may enter thairto, and efterward injoye thai ^ commodities of the
Kyrk, quhilkis ye haif heirunto wranguslie halden fra us. Certefying yow,
gif ye failye, we will at the said terme, in hale nummer (with the help of
God, and assistance of his Sanctis in erthe, of quhais reddie support we
dout not), enter and tak posessioun of our saide patrimony, and eject yow
utterlie fourth of the same.
" Lot hym therfore that before hes stollin, steill na mare ; but rather lat him
wyrk wyth his handes, that he may be helpejull to the pure.
" Fra the hale Citeis, Townes, and Villages of Scotland,
THE Fyrst Day of Januare 1558." *
' Whitsunday was the term of entry and removing of tenants, the Act of 1 555 having
laid down that no removing could be made unless forty days of warning had been given
before the term of Whitsunday. {Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 494, c. 12)
» So ^ those
' That is, 1st January, 1559. The " Historic of the Estate of Scotland " says that
" in the end of October preceeding [i.e. 1558], there wes ticketts of warning, at the instance
of the whole poore people of this realme, affixt upon the doores of everie place of Friers
within this countrey." {Wodrow Miscellany, i, 57-58 ; and see Extracts from the Council
Register of Aberdeen, Spalding Club, i, 315-316) As part of the background to this
• summonds,' it should be noted that, in the first half of the sixteenth century, many
endowments of hospitals and almshouses had been transferred to the Friars.
APPENDIX VI
THE CONFESSION OF FAITH i
THE CONFESSION OF FAITH PROFESSED AND BELIEVED BY THE
PROTESTANTS WITHIN THE REALM OF SCOTLAND, PUBLISHED BY
THEM IN PARLIAMENT, AND BY THE ESTATES THEREOF RATI-
FIED AND APPROVED, AS WHOLESOME AND SOUND DOCTRINE,
GROUNDED UPON THE INFALLIBLE TRUTH OF GOd's WORD
Matthew 24
And these glad tidings of the Kingdom shall be preached through the
whole world, for a ] fitness unto all Nations, a?id then shall the end come
THE PREFACE
The Estates of Scotland, with the inhabitants of the same, pro-
fessing Christ Jesus his Holy Evangel, To their natural country-
men, and to all other Realms and Nations, professing the same
Lord Jesus with them, wish grace, peace, and mercy from God
the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, with the spirit of righteous
judgment, for Salutation.
Long have we thirsted, dear Brethren, to have notified unto the world
the sum of that doctrine which we profess, and for the which we have
sustained infamy and danger. But such has been the rage of Sathan
against us, and against Christ Jesus his eternal verity, lately born amongst
us, that to this day no time has been granted unto us to clear our consciences,
as most gladly we would hav'e done ; for how we have been tossed a whole
year past, the most part of Europe (as we suppose) does understand. But
seeing that of the infinite goodness of our God (who never suflfers his
afflicted to be utterly confounded) above expectation we have obtained
some rest and liberty, we could not but set forth this brief and plain
Confession of such doctrine as is proponed unto us, and as we believe and
profess, partly for satisfaction of our Brethren, whose hearts we doubt not
have been and yet are wounded by the despiteful railing of such as yet
have not learned to speak well ; and partly for stopping of the mouths
of impudent blasphemers, who boldly condemn that which they have
neither heard nor yet understand. Not that we judge that the cankered
malice of such is able to be cured by this simple Confession : No, we know
that the sweet savour of the Evangel is, and shall be, death to the sons of
perdition. But we have chief respect to our weak and infirm brethren,
to whom we would communicate the bottom of our hearts, lest that they
' Sec supra, i, 338, note 2
867
258 APPENDIX VI
be troubled or carried away by the diversities of rumours, which Sathan
sparsis ^ contrary us, to the defecting of this our most godly enterprise ;
Protesting, that if any man will note in this our Confession any article or
sentence repugning to God's holy word,^ that it would please him of his
gentleness, and for Christian charity's sake, to admonish us of the same in
writ ; and We of our honour and fidelity do promise unto him satisfaction
from the mouth of God (that is, from his holy Scriptures), or else reforma-
tion of that which he shall prove to be amiss. For God we take to record
in our consciences, that from our hearts we abhor all sects of heresy, and
all teachers of erroneous doctrine ; and that with all humility we embrace
the purity of Christ's Evangel, which is the only food of our souls ; and
therefore so precious unto us, that we are determined to suffer the ex-
tremity of worldly danger, rather than that we will suffer ourselves to
be defrauded of the same. For hereof we are most certainly persuaded,
" That whosoever denies Christ Jesus, or is ashamed of him, in presence
of men, shall be denied before the Father, and before his holy angels."
And therefore by the assistance of the mighty Spirit of the same, our Lord
Jesus, we firmly purpose to abide to the end in the Confession of this our
Faith [as by the articles followeth].
Cap. 1.3— Of God
We confess and acknowledge one only God, to whom only we must
cleave [whom only we must serve ^], whom only we must worship, and
in whom only we must put our trust ; who is eternal, infinite, unmeasur-
able, incomprehensible, omnipotent, invisible : one in substance, and
yet distinct in three persons, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost :
By whom we confess and believe all things in heaven and in earth, as well
visible as invisible, to have been created, to be retained in their being,
and to be ruled and guided by his inscrutable Providence, to such end as
his eternal wisdom, goodness, and justice has appointed them, to the
manifestation of his own glory.
Cap. II. — Of the Creation of Man
We confess and acknowledge this our God to have created Man (to
wit, our first father Adam), of whom also God formed the Woman to his
own image and similitude ; to whom he gave wisdom, lordship, justice,
free-will, and clear knowledge of himself ; so that in the whole nature of
man there could be noted no imperfection : From which honour and
' spreads
2 A like reliance upon the word of God is claimed for the provisions of the Book of
Discipline. {Infra, 280-281)
' The numbers of the Chapters are not given in the manuscript. They are here
supplied from the first edition of the Confession, printed by Lekprevik in 1561, compared
with the Acts of the Parliament of 1567, printed in 1568. (Laing's Knox, ii, 97, note)
* In all cases the words supplied in square brackets are so supplied from the 1561
printed editions and from the version of the Confession printed in the Acts of the Parlia-
ment of 1567, printed in 1568. (Laing's Knox, ii, 97, noU)
THE CONFESSION OF FAITH 259
perfection man and woman did both fall ; the woman being deceived
by the Serpent, and man obeying to the voice of the woman, both con-
spiring against the Sovereign Majesty of God, who in expressed words
of before had threatened death, if they presumed to eat of the forbidden
tree.
Cap. hi. — Of Original Sin
By which transgression, commonly called Original Sin, was the image
of God utterly defaced in man ; and he and his posterity of nature became
enemies to God, slaves to Sathan, and servants to sin ; in samekill that
death everlasting has had, and shall have power and dominion over all
that has not been, are not, or shall not be regenerate from above : which
regeneration is ^vrought by the power of the Holy Ghost, working in the
hearts of the elect of God an assured faith in the promise of God, revealed
to us in his word ; by which faith they apprehend Christ Jesus, with the
graces and benefits promised in him.
Cap. IV. — Of the Revelation of the Promise
For this we constantly believe, that God, after the fearful and horrible
defection of man from his obedience, did seek Adam again, call upon him,
rebuke his sin, convict him of the same, and in the end made unto him
a most joyful promise, to wit, " That the seed of the woman should break
down the serpent's head " ; that is, he should destroy the works of the
Devil. Which promise, as it was repeated and made more clear from
time to time, so was it embraced with joy, and most constantly retained
of all the faithful, from Adam to Noah, from Noah to Abraham, from
Abraham to David, and so forth to the incarnation of Christ Jesus : who
all (we mean the faithful Fathers under the law), did see the joyful days
of Christ Jesus, and did rejoice.
Cap. v. — The Continuance, Increase, and Preservation of the
Kirk
We most constantly believe that God preserved, instructed, multiplied,
honoured, decoired,^ and from death called to life his Kirk in all ages,
from Adam, till the coming of Christ Jesus in the flesh : for Abraham he
called from his father's country, him he instructed, his seed he multiplied,
the same he marvellously preserved, and more marvellously delivered
from the bondage [and tyranny] of Pharaoh ; to them he gave his laws,
constitutions, and ceremonies ; them he possessed in the land of Canaan ;
to them, after Judges and after Saul, he gave David to be king, to whom
he made promise, " That of the fruit of his loins should one sit for ever
upon his regal seat." To this same people from time to time he sent
prophets to reduce ^ them to the right way of their God, from the which
often times they declined by idolatry. And albeit for their stubborn
contempt of justice, he was compelled to give them in the hands of their
* decorated, that is, adorned ' lead back
26o APPENDIX VI
enemies, as before was threatened by the mouth of Moses, in samekill that
the holy city was destroyed, the temple burnt with fire, and the whole
land left desolate the space of seventy years ; yet of mercy did he reduce
them again to Jerusalem, where the city and temple were re-edified, and
they, against all temptations and assaults of Sathan, did abide till the
Messiah came, according to the promise.
Cap. VI. — Of the Incarnation of Christ Jesus
When the fullness of time came, God sent his Son, his Eternal Wisdom,
the substance of his own glory, in this world, who took the nature of man-
hood of the substance of a woman, to wit, of a Virgin, and that by the
operation of the Holy Ghost. And so was born the just seed of David, the
angel of the great council of God ; the very Messiah promised, whom we
acknowledge and confess Emanuel ; very God and very man, two perfect
natures united and joined in one person. By which our confession we
damn ^ the damnable and pestilent heresies of Arius, Marcion, Eutyches,
Nestorius,^ and such others, as either deny the eternity of his Godhead,
or the verity of his human nature, either confound them, or yet divide them.
Cap. vii. — Why it behoved the Mediator to be very God
AND VERY Man
We acknowledge and confess that this most wondrous conjunction
betwix the Godhead and the Manhead in Christ Jesus did proceed from
the eternal and immutable decree of God, whence also our salvation
springs and depends.
Cap. vm. — Election
For that same Eternal God and Father, who of mere mercy elected
us in Christ Jesus his Son, before the foundation of the world was laid,
appointed him to be our Head, our Brother, our Pastor, and great Bishop
of our Souls. But because that the enmity betwix the justice of God and
our sins was such, that no flesh by itself could or might have attained unto
God, it behoved that the Son of God should descend unto us, and take
himself a body of our body, flesh of our flesh, and bone of our bones, and
so become the perfect Mediator betwix God and man ; giving power to
so many as believe in Him to be the sons of God, as Himself does witness —
*' I pass up to my Father and unto your Father, to my God and unto your
God." By which most holy fraternity, whatsoever we have lost in Adam
is restored to us again. And for this cause are we not effi'ayed to call God
our Father, not so much in that He has created us (which we have common
with the reprobate), as for that He has given to us his only Son to be our
brother, and given unto us grace to [acknowledge and] embrace Him for
our only Mediator, as before is said. It behoved further the Messiah and
' condemn
^ Accounts of these heresies will be found in Adolph Harnack, History of Dogina (Eng.
trans., London, 1894-99), h 266-286 ; iv, 7-20, 180-190, i9off.
THE CONFESSION OF FAITH 26 1
Redeemer to [be] very God and very Man, because He was to underlie
the punishment due for our transgressions, and to present Himself in the
presence of his Father's judgment, as in our person, to suffer for our
transgression and inobedience, by death to overcome him that was author
of death. But because the only Godhead could not suffer death, neither
could the only Manhead overcome the same. He joined both together
in one person, that the imbecility of the one should suffer, and be subject
to death (which we had deserved), and the infinite and invincible power
of the other, to wit, of the Godhead, should triumph and purchase to us
life, Hberty, and perpetual victory. And so we confess, and most un-
doubtedly believe.
Cap. IX. — Christ's Death, Passion, Burial, &g.
That our Lord Jesus Christ offered Himself a voluntary sacrifice unto
his Father for us ; that He suffered contradiction of sinners ; that He was
wounded and plagued for our transgressions ; that He being the clean
and innocent Lamb of God, was damned in the presence of an earthly
judge, that we might be absolved before the tribunal seat of our God ;
that He suffered not only the cruel death of the cross (which was accursed
by the sentence of God), but also that He suffered for a season the wrath
of his Father, which sinners had deserved. But yet we avow, that He
remained the only and well-beloved and blessed Son of his Father, even
in the midst of his anguish and torment, which He suffered in body and
soul, to make the full satisfaction for the sins of his people. After the
which, we .confess and avow, that there remains no other sacrifice for sins ;
which if any affirm, we nothing doubt to avow that they are blasphemers
against Christ's death, and the everlasting purgation and satisfaction
purchased to us by the same.
Cap. X. — Resurrection
We undoubtedly believe that insamekill as it was impossible that the
dolours of death should retain in bondage the Author of life, that our
Lord Jesus Christ crucified, died, and buried, who descended into hell,
did rise again for our justification, and destroying [of] him who was [the]
author of death, brought life again to us that were subject to death and
to the bondage of the same. We know that his resurrection was confirmed
by the testimony of his very enemies ; by the resurrection of the dead,
whose sepultures did open, and they did arise and appeared to many
within the City of Jerusalem. It was also confirmed by the testimony of
[his] Angels, and by the senses and judgments of his Apostles, and [of]
others, who had conversation, and did eat and drink with Him after his
resurrection.
Cap. XI. — Ascension
We nothing doubt but that the self-same body, which was born of the
Virgin, was crucified, died, and buried, and which did rise again, did
ascend into the heavens for the accomplishment of all things ; where,
262 APPENDIX VI
in our names, and for our comfort He has received all power in heaven
and in earth, where He sits at the right hand of the Father inaugurate in
his kingdom, advocate and only Mediator for us ; which glory, honour,
and prerogative He alone amongst the brethren shall possess, till that all his
enemies be made his footstool, as that we undoubtedly believe they shall
be in the final judgment ; to the execution whereof we certainly believe
that the same our Lord Jesus shall visibly return, as that He was seen to
ascend. And then we firmly believe, that the time of refreshing and
restitution of all things shall come, in samekill that they that from the
beginning have suffered violence, injury, and wrong for righteousness*
sake, shall inherit that blessed immortality promised from the beginning ;
but contrariwise, the stubborn, inobedient, cruel oppressors, filthy
persons, adulterers, and all sorts of unfaithful [men] shall be cast in the
dungeon of utter darkness, where their worm shall not die, neither yet
their fire [shall] be extinguished. The remembrance of the which day,
and of the judgment to be executed in the same, is not only to us a bridle
whereby our carnal lusts are refrained ; but also such inestimable comfort,
that neither may the threatening of worldly princes, neither yet the fear
of temporal death and present danger move us to renounce and forsake
that blessed society, which we the members have with our Head and only
Mediator Christ Jesus, whom we confess and avow to be the Messiah
promised, the only Head of his Kirk, our just Lawgiver, our only High
Priest, Advocate, and Mediator. In which honours and offices, if man
or angel presume to intrude themselves, we utterly detest and abhor
them, as blasphemous to our Sovereign and Supreme Governor, Christ
Jesus.
Cap. XII. — Faith in the Holy Ghost
This our Faith, and the assurance of the same, proceeds not from
flesh and blood, that is to say, from no natural powers within us, but is
the inspiration of the Holy Ghost : Whom we confess God, equal with the
Father and with the Son ; who sanctifieth us, and bringeth us in all verity
by his own operation ; without whom we should remain for ever enemies
to God, and ignorant of his Son, Christ Jesus. For of nature we are so
dead, so blind and so perverse, that neither can we feel when we are
pricked, see the light when it shines, nor assent to tke will of God when it
is revealed ; only the Spirit of the Lord Jesus quickeneth that which is
dead, removeth the darkness from our minds, and boweth our stubborn
hearts to the obedience of his blessed will. And so as we confess that God
the Father created us when we were not ; as his Son, our Lord Jesus
redeemed us when we were enemies to Him : so also do we confess that the
Holy Ghost does sanctify and regenerate us, without all respect of any
merit proceeding from us, be it before or be it after our regeneration. To
speak this one thing yet in more plain words, as we willingly spoil our-
selves of all honour and glory of our own creation and redemption, so do
we also of our regeneration and sanctification : For of ourselves we are
not sufficient to think one good thought ; but He who has begun the good
work in us, is only He that continueth us in the same, to the praise and
glory of his undeseived grace.
THE CONFESSION OF FAITH 263
Cap. XIII, — The Cause of Good Works
So that the cause of Good works we confess to be, not our free will,
but the Spirit of the Lord Jesus who, dwelling in our hearts by true faith,
brings forth such good works as God hath prepared for us to walk into :
for this we most boldly affirm, that blasphemy it is to say that Christ
Jesus abides in the hearts of such as in whom there is no spirit of Sancti-
fication. And therefore we fear not to affirm that murderers, oppressors,
cruel persecuters, adulterers, whoremongers, filthy persons, idolaters,
drunkards, thieves, and all workers of iniquity, have neither true faith,
neither any portion of the spirit of Sanctification, which proceedeth from
the Lord Jesus, so long as they obstinately continue in their wickedness.
For how soon that ever the spirit of the Lord Jesus (which God's elect
children receive by true faith), takes possession in the heart of any man,
so soon does He regenerate and renew the same man ; so that he begins to
hate that which before he loved, and begins to love that which before he
hated ; and from thence comes that continual battle which is betwix the
flesh and the spirit in God's children ; while the flesh and natural man
(according to its own corruption) lusts for things pleasing and delectable
unto the self, grudges ^ in adversity, is lifted up in prosperity, and at every
moment is prone and ready to offend the Majesty of God. But the Spirit
of God, which giveth witnessing to our spirit, that we are the sons of God,
makes us to resist the devil, to abhor filthy pleasures, to groan in God's
presence for deliverance from this bondage of corruption ; and finally,
so [to] triumph over sin that it reign not in our mortal bodies. This battle
has not the carnal men, being destitute of God's Spirit ; but do follow and
obey sin with greediness, and without repentance, even as the devil and
their corrupt lusts do prick them. But the sons of God (as before is said)
do fight against sin, do sob and mourn, when they perceive themselves
tempted to iniquity ; and if they fall, they rise again with earnest and
unfeigned repentance. And these things they do not by their own power,
but the power of the Lord Jesus (without whom they were able to do
nothing) worketh in them all that is good.
Cap. XIV. — What Works are reputed Good before God
We confess and acknowledge that God has given to man his holy
law, in which not only are forbidden all such works which displease and
offend his Godly Majesty ; but also are commanded all such as please
Him, and as He hath promised to reward. And these works be of two
sorts ; the one are done to the honour of God, the other to the profit of
our neighbours ; and both have the revealed will of God for their assur-
ance. To have one God, to worship and honour Him ; to call upon Him
in all our troubles ; to reverence his holy name ; to hear his word ; to
believe the same ; to communicate with his holy sacraments ; — are the
works of the First Table. To honour father, mother, princes, rulers, and
superior powers ; to love them ; to support them, yea, to obey their
^ murmurs ; complains
264 APPENDIX VI
charges (not repugning to the commandment of God) ; to save the Hves
of innocents ; to repress tyranny ; to defend the oppressed ; to keep
our bodies clean and holy ; to live in sobriety and temperance ; to deal
justly with all men, both in word and in deed ; and, finally, to repress
all appetite of our neighbour's hurt ; — are the good works of the Second
Table, which are most pleasing and acceptable unto God, as those works
that are commanded by Himself. The contrary whereof is sin most odious,
which always displeases Him, and provokes Him to anger, — as, not to call
upon Him alone when we have need ; not to hear his word with reverence ;
to contemn and despise it ; to have or to worship idols ; to maintain and
defend idolatry ; lightly to esteem the reverent name of God ; to profane,
abuse, or contemn the sacraments of Christ Jesus ; to disobey or resist
any that God has placed in authority (while they pass not over ^ the
bounds of their office) ; to murder, or to consent thereto, to bear hattrent,^
or to suffer innocent blood to be shed if we may gainstand it ; and, finally,
the transgressing of any other commandment in the First or Second Table,
we confess and affirm to be sin, by the which God's hot displeasure is
kindled against the proud and unthankful world. So that good works
we affirm to be these only that are done in faith, [and] at God's command-
ment, who in his law has expressed what be the things that please Him :
And evil works, we affirm, not only those that are expressedly done against
God's commandment, but those also that, in matters of religion and wor-
shipping of God, have no [other] assurance but the invention and opinion
of man, which God from the beginning has ever rejected ; as by the
prophet Isaiah, and by our master Christ Jesus, we are taught in these
words — " In vain do they worship me, teaching the doctrine being precepts
of men."
Cap, XV. — The Perfection of the Law and Imperfection of
Man
The Law of God we confess and acknowledge most just, most equal,
most holy, and most perfect ; commanding those things which, being
wrought in perfection, were able to give life, and [able] to bring man to
eternal felicity. But our nature is so corrupt, so weak, and imperfect, that
we are never able to fulfil the works of the Law in perfection ; yea, " If
we say we have no sin (even after we are regenerate) , We deceive ourselves,
and the verity of God is not into us." And therefore it behoved us to
apprehend Christ Jesus, with his justice and satisfaction, who is the end
and accomplishment of the Law, to all that believe, by whom we are set
at this liberty, that the curse and malediction of God fall not upon us,
albeit that we fulfil not the same in all points. For God the Father
beholding us in the body of his Son Christ Jesus, accepteth our imperfect
obedience as it were perfect, and covereth our works, which are defiled with
many spots, with the justice of his Son. We do not mean that we are so set
at liberty, that we owe no obedience to the Law (for that before we have
plainly confessed) ; but this we affirm, that no man in earth (Christ Jesus
only excepted) hath given, giveth, or shall give in work, that obedience
* do not exceed * hatred
«i
v
i
THE CONFESSION OF FAITH 265
to the Law which the Law requireth. But when we have done all things,
we must fall down and unfeignedly confess, " That we are unprofitable
servants." And therefore whosoever boast themselves of the merits of
their own -works, or put their trust in the works of supererogation, they
boast themselves of that which is not, and put their trust in damnable
idolatry.
Cap. XVI. — Of the Kirk
As we believe in one God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, so do we most
earnestly believe that from the beginning there has been, now is, and to
the end of the world shall be a Church ; that is to say, a company and
multitude of men chosen of God, who rightly worship and embrace Him,
by true faith in Christ Jesus, who is the only Head of the same Kirk, which
also is the body and spouse of Christ Jesus ; which Kirk is Catholic, that
is, universal, because it contains the Elect of all ages, [of] all realms,
nations, and tongues, be they of the Jews, or be they of the Gentiles, who
have communion and society with God the Father, and with his Son
Christ Jesus, through the sanctification of his Holy Spirit ; and therefore
it is called [the] communion, not of profane persons but of saints, who,
as citizens of the heavenly Jerusalem, have the fruition of the most inestim-
able benefits, to wit, of one God, one Lord Jesus, one faith, and of one
baptism ; out of the which Kirk there is neither life, nor eternal felicity.
And therefore we utterly abhor the blasphemy of those that affirm that
men which live according to equity and justice shall be saved, what
religion soever they have professed. For as without Christ Jesus there is
neither life nor salvation, so shall there none be participant thereof but
such as the Father has given unto his Son Christ Jesus, and those [that]
in time come to Him, avow his doctrine, and believe into Him (we compre-
hend the children with the faithful parents) . This Kirk is invisible, known
only to God, who alone knoweth whom He has chosen, and comprehends
as well (as said is) the Elect that be departed (commonly called the Kirk
Triumphant), as those that yet live and fight against sin and Sathan as
shall live hereafter.
Cap. XVII. — The Immortality of the Souls
The Elect departed are in peace and rest from their labours ; not that
they sleep and come to a certain oblivion (as some fantastic heads do affirm),
but that they are delivered from all fear, all torment, and all temptation,
to which we and all God's elect are subject in this life ; and therefore do
bear the name of the Kirk Militant. As contrariwise, the reprobate and
unfaithful departed, have anguish, torment, and pain, that cannot be
expressed ; so that neither are the one nor the other in such sleep that
they feel not joy or torment, as the Parable of Christ Jesus in the sixteenth
of Luke, his words to the thief, and these words of the souls crying under
the altar, " O Lord, thou that art righteous and just, how long shalt thou
not revenge our blood upon them that dwell upon the earth ! " doth
|! plainly testify.
266 APPENDIX VI
Cap. XVIII. — Of the Notes by which the True Kirk is discerned from
THE FALSE AND WHO SHALL BE JUDGE OF THE DOCTRINE
Because that Sathan from the beginning has laboured to deck his
pestilent Synagogue with the title of the Kirk of God, and has inflamed
the hearts of cruel murderers to persecute, trouble, and molest the true
Kirk and members thereof, as Cain did Abel ; Ishmael, Isaac ; Esau,
Jacob ; and the whole priesthood of the Jews, Jesus Christ Himself, and
his apostles after him ; it is a thing most requisite that the true Kirk be
discerned from the filthy synagogue, by clear and perfect notes, lest we,
being deceived, receive and embrace to our own condemnation the one
for the other. The notes, signs, and assured tokens whereby the immacu-
late spouse of Christ Jesus is known from that horrible harlot the Kirk
malignant, we affirm are neither antiquity, title usurped, lineal descent,
place appointed, nor multitude of men approving an error ; for Cain
in age and title was preferred to Abel and Seth ; Jerusalem had prerogative
above all places of the earth, where also were the priests lineally descended
from Aaron ; and greater multitude followed the Scribes, Pharisees, and
Priests, than unfeignedly believed and approved Christ Jesus and his
doctrine ; and yet (as we suppose) no man of sound judgment will grant
that any of the forenamed were the Kirk of God. The Notes, therefore,
of the true Kirk of God we believe, confess, and avow to be, first. The true
preaching of the word of God ; into the which God has revealed himself
to us, as the writings of the Prophets and Apostles do declare. Secondly,
The right administration of the sacraments of Christ Jesus, which must be
annexed to the word and promise of God, to seal and confirm the same in
our hearts. Last[ly], Ecclesiastical discipline uprightly ministered, as
God's word prescribes, whereby vice is repressed, and virtue nourished.^
Wheresoever then these former notes are seen, and of any time continue (be
the number never so few above two or three) there, but all doubt, is the
true Kirk of Christ, who according to his promise is in the midst of them :
not that universal (of which we have before spoken) but particular ; such
as was in Corinth, Galatia, Ephesus, and other places in which the ministry
was planted by Paul, and were of himself named the Kirks of God.
And such Kirks we, the inhabitants of the Realm of Scotland, professors of
Christ Jesus, confess us to have in our cities, towns, ^and places reformed ;
for the doctrine taught in our kirks is contained in the written word of
God, to wit, in the Books of the Old and New Testaments. In those books,
we mean, which of the ancient have been reputed canonical, in the which
we affirm that all things necessary to be believed for the salvation of
mankind, is sufficiently expressed '^ ; the interpretation whereof, we
confess, neither appertaineth to private nor public person, neither yet to
any kirk for any pre-eminence or prerogative, personal or local, which
one has above another ; but appertaineth to the Spirit of God, by the
which also the Scripture was written. When controversy then happeneth
for the right understanding of any place or sentence of Scripture, or for
' These " Notes of the True Kirk " had already been defined in the Confession of the
EngHsh Congregation at Geneva. (Laing's Knox, iv, 1 72-73)
* See the Uke affirmation in the opening of the Book of DiscipUne {infra, 281)
f
THE CONFESSION OF FAITH 267
the reformation of any abuse within the Kirk of God, we ought not so
much to look what men before us have said or done, as unto that which
the Holy Ghost uniformly speaks within the body of the Scriptures, and
unto that which Christ Jesus Himself did, and commanded to be done.
For this is a thing universally granted, that the Spirit of God, which is
the Spirit of unity, is in nothing contrarious unto Himself. If then the
interpretation, determination, or sentence of any doctor, kirk, or council,
repugn to the plain word of God written in any other place of [the]
Scripture, it is a thing most certain, that theirs is not the true understand-
ing and meaning of the Holy Ghost, supposing that Councils, Realms,
and Nations have approved and received the same : For we dare not
receive and admit any interpretation which directly repugneth to any
principal point of our faith, [or] to any other plain text of Scripture, or
yet unto the rule of charity.
Cap. XIX. — The Authority of the Scriptures
As we believe and confess the Scriptures of God sufficient to instruct
and make the man of God perfect, so do we affirm and avow the authority
of the same to be of God, and neither to depend on men nor angels.
We affirm therefore that such as allege the Scripture to have no [other]
authority, but that which is received from the Kirk, to be blasphemous
against God, and injurious to the true Kirk, which always heareth and
obeyeth the voice of her own Spouse and Pastor, but taketh not upon her
to be mistress over the same.
Cap. XX. — Of General Councils, of their Pow^er, Authority,
AND Causes of their Convention
As we do not rashly damn that which godly men, assembled together
in General Councils, lawfully gathered, have approved unto us ; so
without just examination dare we not receive whatsoever is obtruded unto
men, under the name of General Councils : for plain it is, that as they
were men, so have some of them manifestly erred, and that in matters
of great weight and importance. So far then as the Council proveth the
determination and commandment that it giveth by the plain word of
God, so far do we reverence and embrace the same. But if men, under
the name of a Council, pretend to forge unto us new articles of our faith,
or to make constitutions repugning to the word of God, then utterly we
must refuse the same as the doctrine of devils, which draws our souls from
the voice of our only God to follow the doctrines and constitutions of men.
The cause, then, why [that] General Councils convened, was neither to
make any perpetual law (which God before had not made), neither yet to
forge new articles of our belief, neither to give the word of God authority,
mekle less to make that to be his word, or yet the true interpretation of the
same, which was not before by his holy will expressed in his word. But
the cause of Councils (we mean of such as merit the name of Councils),
was partly for confutation of heresies, and for giving public confession of
(65J) VOL n 18
268 APPENDIX VI
their faith to the posterity following ; which both they did by the authority
of God's written word, and not by any opinion or prerogative that they
could not err, by reason of their General assembly. And this we judge to
have been the chief cause of General Councils. The other was for good
policy and order to be constituted and observed in the Kirk, in which
(as in the house of God) it becomes all things to be done decently and into
order. ^ Not that we think that one policy and one order in ceremonies
can be appointed for all ages, times, and places ; for as ceremonies (such
as men has devised) are but temporal, so may and ought they to be
changed, when they rather foster superstition than that they edify the
Kirk using the same.
Cap. XXI. — Of the Sacraments
As the Fathers under the Law, besides the verity of the sacrifices,
had two chief Sacraments, to wit, Circumcision and the Passover, the
despisers and contemners whereof were not reputed for God's people ;
so [do] we acknowledge and confess that we now, in the time of the
Evangel, have two ^ Sacraments only, instituted by the Lord Jesus, and
commanded to be used of all those that will be reputed members of his
body, to wit. Baptism and the Supper, or Table of the Lord Jesus, called
The Communion of his body and blood. And these sacraments (as well
of the Old as of the New Testament) were instituted of God, not only
to make a visible difference betwix his people, and those that were without
his league ; but also to exercise the faith of his children ; and by partici-
pation of the same sacraments, to seal in their hearts the assurance of his
promise, and of that most blessed conjunction, union, and society, which
the Elect have with their head, Christ Jesus. And thus we utterly damn
the vanity of those that affirm Sacraments to be nothing else but naked
and bare signs. No, we assuredly believe that by Baptism we are ingrafted
in Christ Jesus to be made partakers of his justice, by the which our sins
are covered and remitted ^ ; and also, that in the Supper, rightly used,
Christ Jesus is so joined with us, that he becomes the very nourishment
and food of our souls. Not that we imagine any transubstantiation of
bread into Christ's natural body, and of wine in his natural blood (as the
Papists have perniciously taught and damnably believed) ; but this union
and communion which we have with the body and blood of Christ Jesus
in the right use of the sacraments, is wrought by operation of the Holy
Ghost, who by true faith carries us above all things that are visible,
carnal, and earthly, and makes us to feed upon the body and blood of
Christ Jesus, which was once broken and shed for us, which now is in the
^ Cf. The Ninth Head of the Book of Disciphne — " Concerning the Policy of the
Church " {infra, 312).
^ The ratifications by ParHament in 1560 and 1567 say " two chief." {Acts Pari. Scot.,
ii, 532 ; iii, 20)
' So also the English Congregation at Geneva had declared that Baptism was ordained
" to teach us that . . . the virtue of Christ's blood [doth] purge our souls from that
corruption and deadly poison wherewith by nature we were infected." (Laing's hiiox,
iv, 188)
I
THE CONFESSION OF FAITH 269
heaven, and appeareth in the presence of his Father for us. And yet,
notwithstanding the far distance of place, which is betwix his body now
glorified in the heaven, and us now mortal in this earth, yet we most
assuredly believe, that the bread which we break is the communion of
Christ's body, and the cup which we bless is the communion of his blood.
So that we confess, and undoubtedly believe, that the faithful, in the
right use of the Lord's Table, so do eat the body, and drink the blood of
the Lord Jesus, that He remaineth in them and they in Him : yea, that
they are so made flesh of his flesh, and bone of his bones, that as the
Eternal Godhead hath given to the flesh of Christ Jesus (which of its own
condition and nature was mortal and corruptible) life and immortality,
so doth Christ Jesus his flesh and blood eaten and drunken by us, give to
us the same prerogatives. Which, albeit we confess are neither given
unto us at that only time, neither yet by the proper power and virtue of
the Sacraments only ; yet we affirm that the faithful in the right use of
the Lord's Table have such conjunction with Christ Jesus, as the natural
man cannot comprehend : yea, and further we affirm, that albeit the
faithfiil oppressed by negligence, and manly infirmity, do not profit
so much as they would at the very instant action of the Supper, yet shall
it after bring forth fruit, as lively seed sown in good ground ; for the Holy
Spirit, which can never be divided from the right institution of the Lord
Jesus, will not frustrate the faithful of the fruit of that mystical action.
But all this, we say, comes by true faith, which apprehendeth Christ Jesus,
who only makes his Sacraments effectual unto us ; and, therefore, whoso-
ever slandereth us, as that we affii-med or believed Sacraments to be
only naked and bare signs, do injury unto us, and speak against a manifest
truth. But this liberally and frankly we must confess, that we make a
distinction betwix Christ Jesus, in his natural substance, and betwix the
elements in the Sacramental signs ; so that we will neither worship the
signs in place of that which is signified by them ; neither yet do we despise
and interpret them as unprofitable and vain ; but do use them with all
reverence, examining ourselves diligently before that so we do, because
we are assured by the mouth of the Apostle, " That such as eat of that
bread, and drink of that cup, unworthily, are guilty of the body and blood
of the Lord Jesus."
Cap. xxii. — Of the Right Administration of the Sacraments
That Sacraments be rightly ministered, we judge two things requisite :
the one. That they be ministered by lawful ministers, whom we affirm
to be only they that are appointed to the preaching of the word, or into
whose mouths God has put some sermon of exhortation, they being men
lawfully chosen thereto by some Kirk. The other, That they be ministered
in such elements, and in such sort as God hath appointed. Else we affirm,
that they cease to be right Sacraments of Christ Jesus. And, therefore,
it is, that we flee the society with the Papistical Kirk in participation of
their Sacraments ; first, because their ministers are no ministers of Christ
Jesus ; yea (which is more horrible) they suflfer women, whom the Holy
Ghost will not suffer to teach in the congregation, to baptise. And,
270 APPENDIX VI
secondly, Because they have so aduherated, both the one sacrament and
the other, with their own inventions, that no part of Christ's action abideth
in the original purity ; for oil, salt, spittle, and suchlike in baptism, are
but men's inventions ; adoration, veneration, bearing through streets
and towns, and keeping of bread in boxes or buists,* are profanation
of Christ's Sacraments, and no use of the same : For Christ Jesus said,
" Take, eat, &c. ; Do ye this in remembrance of me." By which words
and charge he sanctified bread and wine to be the sacrament of his body
and blood ; to the end, that the one should be eaten, and that all should
drink of the other ; and not that they should be kept to be worshipped and
honoured as God, as the blind Papists have done heretofore, who also
have committed sacrilege, stealing from the people the one part of the
Sacrament, to wit, the blessed cup.^ Moreover, that the Sacraments be
rightly used, it is required that the end and cause why the Sacraments
were instituted be understood and observed, as well of the minister as of
the receivers ; for if the opinion be changed in the receiver, the right use
ceaseth ; which is most evident by the rejection of the sacrifices (as also
if the teacher teach false doctrine) which were odious and abominable
unto God (albeit they were his own ordinances), because that wicked men
use them to another end than God hath ordained. The same affirm we
of the sacraments in the Papistical Kirk, in which we affirm the whole
action of the Lord Jesus to be adulterated, as well in the external form,
as in the end and opinion. What Christ Jesus did, and commanded to be
done, is evident by the three Evangelists and by Saint Paul. What the
priest does at his altar we need not to rehearse. The end and cause of
Christ's institution, and why the self-same should be used, is expressed in
these words, — " Do this in remembrance of me. As oft as ye shall eat
of this bread and drink of this cup, ye shall show forth (that is, extol,
preach, and magnify), the Lord's death till he come." But to what end,
and in what opinion, the priests say their masses, let the words of the same,
their own doctors and writings witness, to wit, that they, as mediators
betwix Christ and his Kirk, do offer unto God the Father a sacrifice
propitiatory for the sins of the quick and the dead. Which doctrine, as
blasphemous to Christ Jesus, and making derogation to the sufficiency
of his only sacrifice, once offered for purgation of all those that shall be
sanctified, we utterly abhor, detest, and renounce. ^
Cap. XXIII. — To whom Sacraments appertain
We Confess and acknowledge that Baptism appertaineth as well to
the infants of the faithful, as to those that be of age and discretion. And
so we damn the error of [the] Anabaptists, who deny baptism to appertain
to children, before that they have faith and understanding. But the
Supper of the Lord, we confess to appertain only to such as have been of
the household of faith, [and] can try and examine themselves, as well in
their faith, as in their duty towards their neighbours. Such as eat [and
drink] at that holy table without faith, or being at dissension and division
' chests ^ See supra, i, 151 and note 2
THE CONFESSION OF FAITH 27 1
with their brethren, do eat unworthily : and therefore it is, that in our
Kirks our Ministers take public and particular examination of the know-
ledge and conversation of such as are to be admitted to the table of the
Lord Jesus,
Gap. XXIV. — Of the Civil Magistrate ^
We Confess and acknowledge empires, kingdoms, dominions, and cities
to be distincted and ordained by God : ihe powers and authorities in the
same (be it of Emperors in their empires, of Kings in their realms, Dukes
and Princes in their dominions, or of other Magistrates in free cities),
to be God's holy ordinance, ordained for manifestation of his own glory,
and for the singular profit and commodity of mankind. So that whoso-
ever goes about to take away or to confound the whole state of civil
policies, now long established, we affirm the same men not only to be
enemies to mankind, but also wickedly to fight against God's expressed
will. We further Confess and acknowledge, that such persons as are
placed in authority are to be loved, honoured, feared, and held in most
reverent estimation ; because [that] they are the lieutenants of God, in
whose session God himself doth sit and judge (yea even the Judges and
Princes themselves), to whom by God is given the sword, to the praise
and defence of good men, and to revenge and punish all open malefactors.
Moreover, to Kings, Princes, Rulers, and Magistrates, we affirm that
chiefly and most principally the conservation ^ and purgation of the
Religion appertains ; so that not only they are appointed for civil policy,
but also for maintenance of the true Religion,^ and for suppressing of
idolatry and superstition whatsomever, as in David, Jehoshaphat, Heze-
kiah, Josiah, and others, highly commended for their zeal in that case,
may be espied. And therefore we confess and avow, that such as resist
the supreme power (doing that thing which appertains to his charge),
do resist God's ordinance, and therefore cannot be guiltless. And further,
we affirm, that whosoever deny unto them their aid, counsel, and comfort,
while the Princes and Rulers vigilantly travail in the executing of their
office, that the same men deny their help, support, and counsel to God,
who by the presence of his lieutenant craveth it of them.
Cap. XXV. — The Gifts freely given to the Kirk
Albeit that the word of God truly preached, [and] the Sacraments
rightly ministered, and discipline executed according to the word of God,
be the certain and infallible signs of the true Kirk * ; yet do we not so
mean, that every particular person joined with such a company, be an
' See Randolph's comments in his letter to Cecil of 7 September 1560 (Calendar
of Scottish Papers, i, No. 902)
* In the manuscript (folio 237 verso) originally conversatioun, which has been scored
through and reformatione added in the margin. The ratifications by Parliament in 1560
and 1567 say conservation.
• This was again stressed, in like words, by the General .Assembly in 1572. {Booke of
the Universall Kirk, i, 212)
' Supra, 266
272 APPENDIX VI
elect member of Christ Jesus. For we acknowledge and confess, that
darnel, cockle, and chaff may be sown, grow, and in great abundance
lie in the midst of the wheat ; that is, the reprobate may be joined in the
society of the elect, and may externally use with them the benefits of the
word and sacraments ; but such being but temporal professors in mouth,
but not in heart, do fall back and continue not to the end : and therefore
have they no fruit of Christ's death, resurrection, nor ascension. But such
as with heart unfeignedly believe, and with mouth boldly confess the
Lord Jesus (as before we have said), shall most assuredly receive these
gifts — First, In this life, remission of sins, and that by faith only in Christ's
blood, insamekle, that albeit sin remain and continually abide in these
our mortal bodies, yet it is not imputed unto us, but is remitted and
covered with Christ's justice. Secondly, In the general judgment there
shall be given to every man and woman resurrection of the flesh ; for the
sea shall give her dead, the earth those that therein be inclosed ; yea, the
Eternal, our God, shall stretch out his hand upon the dust, and the dead
shall arise incorruptible, and that in the substance of the [self] same
flesh that every man now bears, to receive according to their works, glory
or punishment : for such as now dehght in vanity, cruelty, filthiness,
superstition, or idolatry, shall be adjudged to the fire inextinguishable,
in the which they shall be tormented for ever, as well in their own bodies,
as in their souls, which now they give to serve the devil in all abomination.
But such as continue in well doing to the end, boldly professing the Lord
Jesus [we constantly believe, that they shall receive glory, honour, and
immortality, to reign for ever in life everlasting with Christ Jesus], to
whose glorified body all his Elect shall be [made] like, when He shall
appear again to judgment, and shall render up the kingdom to God his
Father, who then shall be, and ever shall remain all in all things, God
blessed for ever : To whom, with the Son, and with the Holy Ghost, be
all honour and glory, now and ever. Amen.
Arise, 0 Lord, and let thy enemies be confounded : Let them flee from thy
presence that hate thy godly name : Give thy Servants strength to speak thy word
in boldness ; and let all Nations attain to thy true knowledge.
These Acts and Articles were read in facExOF Parliament, and
RATIFIED BY THE ThREE EsTATES OF THIS ReALM, AT EDINBURGH, THE
SEVENTEEN DAY OF AUGUST, THE YEAR OF GOD 1560.^
* Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 526, 534. In the manuscript (folio 239 recto) the month is given,
erroneously, as July.
APPENDIX VII 1
THE FORM AND ORDER OF THE ELECTION OF SUPER-
INTENDENTS, ELDERS, AND DEACONS'
The Form and Order of the Election of the Superintendents,
WHICH MAY serve ALSO IN ELECTION OF ALL OTHER MINISTERS.
At Edinburgh the qth of March 1560,^ John Knox being
Minister.^
First was made a Sermon, in the which these Heads were entreated.
First, The necessity of Ministers and Superintendents. 2 The crimes and
vices that might unable them [of the ministry]. 3 The virtues required
in them. And last, whether such as by public consent of the Kirk were
called to such Office, might refuse the same.
The Sermon finished, it was declared by the same Minister (maker
thereof) that the Lords of Secret Council had given charge and power to
the Kirks of Lothian to choose Mr. John Spottiswoode Superintendent ;
and that sufficient warning was made by public edict to the Kirks of
Edinburgh, Linlithgow, Stirling, Tranent, Haddington, and Dunbar ;
as also to Earls, Lords, Barons, Gentlemen, and others, having, or who
might claim to have, vote in Election, to be present that day, at that same
hour : And, therefore, inquisition was made. Who were present, and
who were absent.
After was called the said Mr. John, who answering, the Minister
demanded if any man knew any crime or offence to the said Mr. John
that might unable him to be called to that office ? And this he demanded
thrice. Secondly, Question was moved to the whole multitude, If there
was any other whom they would put in Election with the said Mr. John.
The people were asked, If they would have the said Mr. John Super-
intendent ? If they would honour and obey him as Christ's Minister,
and comfort and assist him in everything pertaining to his Charge ?
They Answered. — We will ; and we do promise unto him such obedience
as becometh the sheep to give unto their Pastor, so long as he remains
faithful in his office.
' See the note supra, i, 355. See also " Of the Election of Superintendents " in the
Book of Discipline {infra, 293) ; the election of John Winram to be Superintendent of the
Diocese of St. Andrews {Reg. Kirk Session of St. Andrews, Scot. Hist. Soc, i, 72-75) ;
and the Manner of Electing Ministers, Elders, and Deacons in the Order of Geneva.
(Laing's Knox, iv, 175-177)
^ 9 March 1561
' Randolph, writing to Cecil on 5 March 1561, and referring to the election of the
Superintendents, says, " Mr. Knox thinks his state honourable enough, if God give him
strength to persist in that vocation that he hath placed him in [i.e. Minister in Edinburgh],
and will receive no other." {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 967)
273
274 APPENDIX VII
The Answers of the People, and their consents received, these Ques-
tions were proponed unto him that was to be elected :
Question. — Seeing that ye hear the thirst and desire of this people,
do ye not think yourself bound in conscience before God to support them
that so earnestly call for your comfort, and for the fruit of your labours ?
Answer. — If anything were in me able to satisfy their desire, I acknow-
ledge myself bound to obey God calling by them.
Question. — Do ye seek to be promoted to this Office and charge for
any respect of worldly commodity, riches or glory ?
Answer. — God knows the contrary.
Question. — Believe ye not that the doctrine of the Prophets and
Apostles, contained in the books of the Old and New Testaments, is the
only true and most absolute foundation of the universal Kirk of Christ
Jesus, insamekill ^ that in the same Scriptures are contained all things
necessary to be believed for the salvation of mankind ?
Answer. — I verily believe the same, and do abhor and utterly refuse
all Doctrine alleged necessary to Salvation that is not expressly contained
in the same.
Question. — Is not Christ Jesus Man of Man, according to the flesh,
to wit, the Son of David, the Seed of Abraham, conceived by the Holy
Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary his mother, the only Head and Mediator
of his Kirk ?
Answer. — He is, and without Him there is neither salvation to man, nor
life to angel.
Question. — Is not the same Lord Jesus [the] only true God, the Eternal
Son of the Eternal Father, in whom all that shall be saved were elected
before the foundation of the world was laid ?
Answer. — I confess and acknowledge Him in the unity of his Godhead,
to be God above all things, blessed for ever.
Question. — Shall not they whom God in his eternal council has elected,
be called to the knowledge of his Son, our Lord Jesus ? And shall not they,
who of purpose are elected in this life, be justified ? And is not justifica-
tion and free remission of sins obtained in this life by free grace ? Shall not
this glory of the sons of God follow in the general resurrection, when the
Son of God shall appear in his glorious majesty ?
Answer. — I acknowledge this to be the doctrine' of the Apostles, and
the most singular comfort of God's children.
Question. — Will ye not contain yourself in all doctrine within the
bounds of this foundation ? Will ye not study to promote the same, as
well by your life as by your doctrine ? Will ye not, according to the graces
and utterance that God shall grant unto you, profess, instruct, and main-
tain the purity of the doctrine, contained in the sacred Word of God ?
And, to the uttermost of your power, will ye not gainstand and convince
the gainsayers and teachers of men's inventions ?
Answer. — That I do promise in the presence of God, and of his
congregation here assembled.
Question. — Know ye not that the excellency of this office, to the
* insomuch
ELECTION OF SUPERINTENDENTS 275
which God has called you, requires that your conversation and behaviour
be such as that ye may be irreprehensible ; yea, even in the eyes of the
ungodly ?
Answer. — I unfeignedly acknowledge, and humbly desire the Kirk
of God to pray with me, that my life be not scandalous to the glorious
Evangel of Jesus Christ.
Question. — Because ye are a man compassed with infirmities, will ye
not charitably, and with lowliness of spirit, receive admonition of your
Brethren ? And if ye shall happen to slide, or offend in any point, will
ye not be subject to the Discipline of the Kirk, as the rest of your Brethren ?
The Answer of the Superintendent, or Minister to be elected. — I
acknowledge myself to be a man subject to infirmity, and one that has
need of correction and admonition ; and therefore I most willingly submit
and subject myself to the wholesome discipline of the Kirk ; yea, to the
discipline of the same Kirk by the which I am now called to this office and
charge ; and here in God's presence and yours do promise obedience to all
admonitions, secretly or publicly given ; unto the which, if I be found
inobedient, I confess myself most worthy to be ejected not only from this
honour, but also from the society of the Faithful, in case of my stubborn-
ness. For the vocation of God to bear charge within his Kirk, maketh
not men tyrants, nor lords, but appointeth them Servants, Watchmen, and
Pastors of the Flock.
This ended. Question must be asked ^gain of the multitude.
Question.— Require ye any further of this your Superintendent ?
If no man answer, let the Minister proceed. Will ye not acknowledge
this your Brother for the Minister of Christ Jesus ? Will ye not reverence
the word of God that proceeds from his mouth ? Will ye not receive of
him the sermon of exhortation with patience, not refusing the wholesome
medicine of your souls, although it be bitter and unpleasing to the flesh ?
Will ye not finally maintain and comfort him in his ministry, against all
such as wdckedly would rebel against God and his holy ordinance ?
The people answereth. — We will, as we will answer to the Lord Jesus,
who has commanded his Ministers to be had in reverence, as his am-
bassadors, and as men that carefully watch for the salvation of our souls.
Let the Nobility also be urged with this. — Ye have heard the duty and
profession of this your Brother, by your consents appointed to this charge ;
as also the duty and obedience which God requireth of us towards him
here in his ministry : But because that neither of both are able to perform
anything without the especial grace of our God in Christ Jesus, who
has promised to be with us present, even to the consummation of the
woi'ld ; with unfeigned hearts, let us crave of Him his benediction and
assistance in this work begun to his glory, and for the comfort of his Kirk.
The Prayer
O Lord, to whom all power is given in heaven, and in earth. Thou that
art the Eternal Son of the Eternal Father, who has not only so loved thy
Kirk, that for the redemption and purgation of the same. Thou hast
humbled Thyself to the death of the Cross ; and thereupon has shed thy
276 APPENDIX VII
most innocent blood, to prepare to Thyself a Spouse without spot ; but
also, to retain this thy most excellent benefit in memory, has appointed
in thy Kirk, Teachers, Pastors, and Apostles, to instruct, comfort, and
admonish the same : Look upon us mercifully, O Lord, Thou that only
art King, Teacher, and High Priest to thy own flock ; and send unto this
our Brother, whom in Thy name we have charged with the chief care of
thy Kirk, within the bounds of Lothian, such portion of thy Holy Spirit,
as thereby he may rightly divide thy word to the instruction of thy flock,
and to the confutation of pernicious errors, and damnable superstitions.
Give unto him, good Lord, a mouth and wisdom, whereby the enemies
of thy truth may be confounded, the wolves expelled, and driven from thy
fold, thy sheep may be fed in the wholesome pastures of thy most holy
word, the blind and ignorant may be illuminated with thy true knowledge :
Finally, That the dregs of superstition and idolatry which yet rest within
this Realm, being purged and removed, we may all not only have occasion
to glorify Thee our only Lord and Saviour, but also daily to grow in
godliness and obedience of thy most holy will, to the destruction of the
body of sin, and to the restitution of that image to the which we were once
created, and to the which, after our fall and defection, we are renewed
by participation of thy Holy Spirit, which by true faith in Thee, we do
profess as the blessed of thy Father, of whom the perpetual increase of thy
graces we crave, as by Thee our Lord and King, and only Bishop, we are
taught to pray, saying, " Our Father that art in heaven, &c."
The prayer ended, the rest of the Ministers, if any be, and Elders of
that Kirk present, in sign of their consents, shall take the elected by the
hand, and then the chief Minister shall give the benediction, as follows : —
God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who has commanded his
Evangel to be preached, to the comfort of his Elect, and has called thee
to the office of a Watchman over his people, multiply his graces with thee,
illuminate thee with his Holy Spirit, comfort and strengthen thee in all
virtue, govern and guide thy ministry, to the praise of his holy Name, to
the propagation of Christ's kingdom, to the comfort of his Kirk, and
finally, to the plain discharge and assurance of thy own conscience in the
day of the Lord Jesus ; to whom, with the Father, and the Holy Ghost,
be all honour, praise, and glory, now and ever. So be it.
The last Exhortation to the Elected
Take heed to thy self, and unto the Flock committed to thy charge ;
feed the same carefully, not as it were of compulsion, but of very love,
which thou bearest to the Lord Jesus. Walk in simplicity and pureness
of life, as it becometh the true servant and ambassador of the Lord Jesus.
Usurp not dominion nor tyi'annical empire over thy brethren. Be not
discouraged in adversity, but lay before thyself the example of Prophets,
Apostles, and of the Lord Jesus, who in their ministry sustained contra-
diction, contempt, persecution and death. Fear not to rebuke the world
of sin, justice, and judgment. If anything succeed prosperously in thy
ELECTION OF SUPERINTENDENTS 277
vocation, be not puffed up with pride ; neither yet flatter thyself as that
the good success proceeded from thy virtue, industry, or care : But let
ever that sentence of the Apostle remain in thy heart ; " What has thou,
which thou has not received ? If thou hast received, why gloriest thou ? "
Comfort the afflicted, support the poor, and exhort others to support them.
Be not solist ^ for things of this life, but be fervent in prayer to God for
increase of his Holy Spirit. And finally, behave thyself in this holy voca-
tion with such sobriety as God may be glorified in thy ministry : And so
shall thou shortly obtain the victory, and shall receive the crown promised,
when the Lord Jesus shall appear in his glory, whose Omnipotent Spirit
assist thee and us unto the end. Amen.
Then sing the 23rd Psalm.
The Order of the Election of Elders and Deacons in the privy
Kirk of Edinburgh, in the beginning, w^hen as yet there was
no public face of a kirk, nor open assemblies, but secret and
PRIVY Conventions in Houses, or in the Fields.
Before that there was any public face of a true Religion within this
Realm, it pleased God of his great mercy, to illuminate the hearts of many
private persons, so that they did perceive and understand the abuses that
were in the Papistical Kirk, and thereupon withdrew themselves from
participation of their idolatry. And because the Spirit of God will never
suffer his own to be idle and void of all religion, men began to exercise
themselves in reading of the Scriptuies secretly within their own houses ;
and variety of persons could not be kept in good obedience and honest
fame, without Overseers, Elders, and Deacons : And so began that small
flock to put themselves in such order, as if Christ Jesus had plainly
triumphed in the midst of them by the power of his Evangel. And they
did elect some to occupy the supreme place of exhortation and reading,
some to be Elders and helpers unto them, for the oversight of the flock :
And some to be Deacons for the collection of alms to be distributed to the
poor of their own body. Of this small beginning is that Order, which
now God of his great mercy has given unto us publicly within this Realm.
Of the principals of them that were known to be men of good conversation
and honest fame in the privy Kirk, were chosen Elders and Deacons to
rule with the Minister in the public Kirk ; which burden they patiently
sustained a year and more : And then, because they could not (without
neglecting of their own private houses) longer wait upon the public charge,
they desired that they might be relieved, and that others might be bur-
dened in their room : Which was thought a petition reasonable of the
whole Kirk. And therefore it was granted unto them that they should
nominate and give up in election such personages as they in their con-
sciences thought most apt and able to serve in that charge ; providing
that they should nominate double more persons than were sufficient to
serve in that charge, to the end that the whole Congregation might have
their free vote in their Election.
' MildtOUS
278 APPENDIX VII
And this Order has been ever observed since that time in the Kirk
of Edinburgh ; that is, that the old Session before their departure nominate
twenty-four in Election for Elders, of whom twelve are to be chosen, and
thirty-two for Deacons, of whom sixteen are to be elected ; which persons
are publicly proclaimed in the audience of the whole Kirk, upon a Sunday
before noon, after sermon ; with admonition to the Kirk, that if any man
knew any notorious crime or cause that might unable any of these persons
to enter in such vocation, that they should notify the same unto the
Session the next Thursday : Or if any knew any persons more able for
that charge, they should notify the same unto the Session, to the end that
no man either present or absent (being one of the Kirk) should complain
that he was spoiled of his liberty in election.
The Sunday following before noon, in the end of the Sermon, the whole
Communicants are commanded to be present after noon, to give their
votes, as they will answer before God, to such as they esteem most able
to bear the charge of the Kirk with the Ministers. The votes of all being
received, the scrolls of all are delivered to any of the Ministers, who keeps
the same secret from the sight -of all men till the next Thursday ; and
then in the Session he produces them, that the votes may be counted,
where the moniest ^ votes, without respect of persons, have the first place
in the Eldership, and so proceeding till the number of twelve be complete ;
so that if a poor man exceed the rich man in votes, he precedes him in
place ; and it is called the first, second, and third Elder, even as the votes
answereth. And this same is observed in the election of Deacons.
The Friday after the judgment is taken what persons are elected for
Elders and Deacons to serve for that year, the Minister after his sermon
reads the same names publicly, and gives commandment openly, that such
persons be present the next Sunday at sermon before noon, in the place
to be appointed for them, to accept of that charge that God by plurality
of votes had laid upon them. Who being convened, the Minister after
sermon reads the names publicly, the absents (if any be) are noted, and
those who are present are admonished to consider the dignity of that
vocation, whereunto God has called them ; the duty that they owe to
the people ; the danger that lies upon them, if they be found negligent
in their vocation : And finally, the duty of the people towards the persons
elected. Which being done, this Prayer is read : — '
The Prayer in the Election of the Elders
O Eternal and everlasting God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who,
of thy infinite goodness and mercy, has chosen to thyself a Kirk of the lost
seed of Adam, which Thou hast ever ruled by the inspiration of Thy Holy
Spirit ; and yet not the less, hast always used the ministry of men, as well
in preaching of thy word, and administration of thy sacraments, as in
guiding of thy flock, and providing for the poor within the same, as in
the Law, Prophets, and in thy glorious Evangel we have witnesses :
Which order, O Lord, Thou of thy mercy hast now restored unto us again
' most
ELECTION OF SUPERINTENDENTS 279
after that the public face of the Kirk has been deformed by the tyranny
of that Roman Antichrist. Grant unto us, O heavenly Father, hearts
thankful for the benefits which we have received, and give unto these our
brethren, elected unto these charges within thy Kirk, such abundance of
thy Holy Spirit, that they may be found vigilant and faithful in that
vocation whereunto Thou of thy mercy hast called them. And albeit,
O Lord, these small beginnings are contemned of the proud world, yet,
O Lord, do Thou for thy own mercy's sake, bless the same in such sort that
thy godly name may be glorified, superstition and idolatry may be rooted
out, and virtue may be planted, not only in this generation, but also in the
posterity to come. Amen. Grant us this, merciful Father, for Christ Jesus
thy Son's sake, in whose name we call unto Thee, as He has taught us,
saying. Our Father, &c.
And so after the rehearsal of the belief, ai ter the which shall be sung
this portion of the 103 Psalm, verse 19. The heavens high are made the seat,^
and so forth to the end of that Psalm. After the which shall this short
Admonition be given to the elected : —
Magnify God, who has of his mercy called you to rule within his Kirk :
Be thankful in your vocation : Show yourselves zealous to promote
verity : Fear not the faces of the wicked, but rebuke their wickedness :
Be merciful to the poor, and support them to the uttermost of your power ;
and so shall ye receive the benediction of God, present and everlasting.
God save the King's Majesty,^ and give unto him the Spirit of sanctifica-
tion in his young age : Bless his Regent, ^ and such as assist him in upright
counsel, and either fruitfully convert, or suddenly confound the enemies
of true relisrion, and of this afflicted Commonwealth. Amen.
'^a'
' That is, according to the old version of the Psalms, by Sternhold and others, which
continued in general use until the authorization of the present version in May 1650.
(See the note in Laing's edition of The Gude and Godlie Ballates (Edinburgh 1868), Preface,
xxvi-xliii)
'' These words must have been introduced after Mary's surrender of the Crown, 24
July 1567.
APPENDIX VIII 1
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 2
THE PREFACE
TO THE GREAT COUNCIL OF SCOTLAND NOW ADMITTED TO
[the] regiment,^ by THE PROVIDENCE OF GOD, AND BY THE
COMMON CONSENT OF THE ESTATES THEREOF, YOUR HONOURS*
HUMBLE SERVITORS AND MINISTERS OF CHRIST JESUS WITHIN
THE SAME, WISH GRACE, MERCY, AND PEACE FROM GOD THE
FATHER OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST, WITH THE PERPETUAL
INCREASE OF THE HOLY SPIRIT
From your Honours we received a charge,* dated at Edinburgh,
29 April, in the year of God 1560, requiring and commanding us,
in the name of the Eternal God, as we will answer in his presence, to
commit to writing, and in a Book to deliver unto your Wisdoms our judg-
ments touching the Reformation of Religion, which heretofore in this
Realm (as in others), has been utterly corrupted. Upon the receipt
whereof, so many of us as were in this town ^ did convene, and in unity
of mind do offer unto your Wisdoms these Heads subsequent for common
order and uniformity to be observed in this Realm, concerning Doctrine,
administration of Sacraments, [election of Ministers, provision for their
sustentation],^ Ecclesiastical Discipline, and Policy of the Kirk. Most
humbly requiring your Honours that, as ye look for participation with
Christ Jesus, that neither ye admit anything which God's plain word
shall not approve, neither yet that ye shall reject such ordinances as
' See supra, i, 374
^ No title is given in the manuscript. Knox " registered " The Book of Discipline
in his History in order that " posterity to come may judge as jvell what the worldlings
refused as what Policy the godly Ministers required " {supra, i, 374). Although Vautrollier's
edition of the History contained part of the Book of Discipline (see infra, 288, note 3, and
Laing's Knox, i, xxxii, xxxix-xlii) the whole Book was not published until 1621 when
it was apparently printed in Holland and published anonymously by David Calderwood
the historian. (Laing's Knox, ii, 183, note)
* Writing to Railton on 23 October 1559, Knox informs him of the deposition of the
Queen Regent {supra, i, 251-255) and adds " There shall be appointed to occupy the
authority a great Council ; die president and chief head whereof shall be my Lord Duke
[Chatelherault] ". (Laing's Knox, vi, 86-87) See also, supra, i, 256, note i.
* Cf. supra, i, 343 and note 3
' That is, Edinburgh. {Cf. infra, 323) On 8 May 1560, Knox is said to have
returned to Edinburgh " by the space of xv days last bypast." {Edinburgh Burgh Records,
iii, 64)
° These words are omitted in the manuscript, but are contained in Vautrollier'.*-
edition and in the edition of 1621.
280
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 28 1
equity, justice, and God's word do specify. For as we will not bind your
Wisdoms to our judgments, further than we be able to prove the same by
God's plain Scriptures,^ so must we most hiimbly crave of you, even as
ye will answer in God's presence (before whom both ye and we must
appear to render account of all our facts), that ye repudiate nothing, for
pleasure nor affection of men, which ye be not able to improve ^ by God's
written and revealed Word.
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE
The First Head, of Doctrine,
Seeing that Christ Jesus is He whom God the Father has commanded
only to be heard, and followed of his sheep, we urge it necessary that his
Evangel be truly and openly preached in every Kirk and Assembly of this
Realm ; and that all doctrine repugning to the same be utterly suppressed
as damnable to man's salvation.
77?^ Explication of the First Head
Lest upon this our generality ungodly men take occasion to cavil,
this we add for explication. By preaching of the Evangel, we understand
not only the Scriptures of the New Testament, but also of the Old ; to
wit, the Law, Prophets, and Histories, in which Christ Jesus is no less
contained in figure, than we have Him now expressed in verity. And,
therefore, with the Apostle, we afhrm that " All Scripture inspired of God
is profitable to instruct, to reprove, and to exhort." In which Books of
Old and New Testaments we affirm that all things necessary for the
instruction of the Kirk, and to make the man of God perfect, are contained
and sufficiently expressed.^
By the contrary' Doctrine, we understand whatsoever men, by Laws,
Councils, or Constitutions have imposed upon the consciences of men,
without the expressed commandment of God's word : such as be vows
of chastity, foreswearing of marriage, binding of men and women to
several and disguised apparels, to the superstitious observation of fasting
days, difference of meat for conscience sake, prayer for the dead ; and
keeping of holy days of certain Saints commanded by man, such as be all
those that the Papists have invented, as the Feasts (as they term them) of
Apostles, Martyrs, Virgins, of Christmas, Circumcision, Epiphany,
Purification, and other fond feasts of our Lady. Which things, because
in God's scriptures they neither have commandment nor assurance, we
judge them utterly to be abolished from this Realm ; affirming further,
that the obstinate maintainers and teachers of such abominations ought
not to escape the punishment of the Civil Magistrate.
* A similar reliance upon the Word of God is claimed for the Confession of Faith.
(Supra, 258) ^ disprove
' See the like affirmation in the Confession of Faith. {Supra, 266)
282 APPENDIX VIII
The Second Head, of Sacraments.
To Christ Jesus his holy Evangel truly preached, of necessity it is
that his holy Sacraments be annexed, and truly ministered, as seals and
visible confirmations of the spiritual promises contained in the word. And
The they be two, to wit. Baptism, and the Holy Supper of the Lord Jesus :
number of which are then rightly ministered when, by a lawful Minister, the people,
JJ^gJ^^'^ before the administration of the same, are plainly instructed and put in
mind of God's free grace and mercy offered unto the penitent in Christ
Jesus ; when God's promises are rehearsed, the end and use of the Sacra-
ments declared, and that in such a tongue as the people do understand ;
when further to them is nothing added, from them nothing diminished,
and in their practice nothing changed beside ^ the institution of the Lord
Jesus, and practice of his holy Apostles.
And albeit the Order of Geneva,^ which now is used in some of our
kirks, is sufficient to instruct the diligent reader how that both these
Sacraments may be rightly ministered, yet for an uniformity to be kept,
we have thought good to add this as superabundant.
In Baptism, we acknowledge nothing to be used except the element
of water only (that the word and declaration of the promises ought to
precede, we have said before). Wherefore, whosoever presumeth in
baptism to use oil, salt, wax, spittle, conjuration, or crossing, accuseth
the perfect institution of Christ Jesus of imperfection ; for it was void of all
such inventions devised by men. And such as would presume to alter
Christ's perfect ordinance you ought severely to punish.
The Table of the Lord is then most rightly ministered when it ap-
proacheth most nigh to Christ's own action. But plain it is, that at that
Supper Christ Jesus sat with his disciples, and therefore do we judge that
sitting at a table is most convenient to that holy action ^ : that bread
and wine ought to be there ; that thanks ought to be given ; distribution
of the same made ; and commandment given that the bread should be
taken and eaten ; and that all should drink likewise of the cup of wine,
with declaration what both the one and the other is, [which] we suppose
no godly man will doubt. For as touching the damnable error of the
' beyond ; that is, awayjrom ;^^
" That is, " The Form of Prayers and Ministration of the Sacraments, etc. used in
the English Church at Geneva." It was approved and accepted by the Church of Scot-
land ; and the Geneva edition of 1556 was reprinted at Edinburgh in 1562. (See Laing's
Knox, iv, 141-214 ; vi, 275-333) Although, in a later passage, it is referred to as " the
Book oi our Common Order, called the Order of Geneva " {infra, 296), and " our Book of
Common Order ' ' {infra, 3 1 3) , its authority was not declared by the General Assembly until
1562. {Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 30) Later in 1564, enlarged and reprinted with
the metrical Psalms, it was again prescribed by the General Assembly {ibid., i, 54).
As the Book of Common Order, or " Knox's Liturgy " it was a guide to the Minister
rather than a liturgy : and Calderwood states "None are tyed to the prayers of that book;
but the prayers are set down as samplers." Laud's attempt to introduce a more set
liturgical form in the Scottish Church and the method of the attempted introduction
formed the background of the well-known events of 1637 and 1638.
' In a later passage {infra, 321) " tables for the ministration of the Lord's Supper"
are included in the necessary furnishings of a church.
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 283
Papists, who can defraud the common people of the one part of that holy
Sacrament, to wit, of the cup of the Lord's blood, we suppose their error
to be so manifest that it needeth no confutation. Neither yet intend we
to confute anything in this our simple confession, but to offer public dis-
putation to all that list oppugn anything affirmed by us.
That the Minister break the bread, and distribute the same to those
that be next unto him, commanding the rest, every one with reverence
and sobriety, to break with other, we think it nighest to Christ's action,
and to the perfect practice of the Apostles, as we read it in Saint Paul.
During the which action, we think it necessary that some comfortable
places of the Scriptures be read, which may bring in mind the death of
Christ Jesus, and the benefit of the same. For seeing that in that action
we ought chiefly to remember the Lord's death, we judge the Scriptures
making mention of the same most apt to stir up our dull minds then, and
at all times. Let the discretion of the ministers appoint the places to be
read as they think good. What times we think most convenient for the
administration of the one and of the other of these Sacraments, shall be
declared in the Policy of the Kirk. ^
The Third Head, touching the Abolishing of idolatry.
As we require Christ Jesus to be truly preached, and his holy Sacra-
ments to be rightly ministered ; so can we not cease to require idolatry,
with all monuments and places of the same, as abbeys, monasteries,
friaries, nunneries, chapels, chantries, cathedral kirks, canonries, colleges,
other than presently ^ are parish Kirks or Schools, to be utterly suppressed
in all bounds and places of this Realm (except only the palaces, mansions,
and dwelling places adjacent thereto, with orchards and yards of the
same) : as also that idolatry may be removed from the presence of all
persons, of what estate or condition that ever they be, within this
Realm.
For let your Honours be assuredly persuaded, that where idolatry is
maintained or permitted where it may be suppressed, that there shall
God's wrath reign, not only upon the blind and obstinate idolater, but
also upon the negligent sufferers of the same ; especially if God have
armed their hands with power to suppress such abomination.
By idolatry we understand, the Mass, invocation of saints, adoration
of images, and the keeping and retaining of the same ; and, finally, all
honouring of God not contained in his holy Word.^
The Fourth Head, concerning Ministers and their Lawful
Election.
In a Kirk reformed or tending to reformation, none ought to presume
either to preach, either yet to minister the Sacraments, till that orderly
they be called to the same. Ordinary vocation consisteth in Election,
» See fn/ra, 313 '^ at present
' Cf. the definition of" Evil Works " in the Confession of Faith {supra, 264).
(653) VOL n 19
284 APPENDIX VIII
Examination, and Admission. And because that Election of Ministers
in this cursed Papistry has altogether been abused, we think expedient to
entreat it more largely.
It appertaineth to the people, and to every several congregation, to
elect their Minister. And in case that they be found negligent therein
the space of forty days, the best reformed kirk, to wit, the church of the
Superintendent with his Council, may present unto them a man whom
they judge apt to feed the flock of Christ Jesus, who must be examined
as well in life and manners, as in doctrine and knowledge.
And that this may be done with more exact diligence, the persons that
are to be examined must be commanded to compear before men of soundest
judgment, remaining in some principal town next adjacent unto them :
as they that be in Fife, Angus, Mearns, or Strathearn, to present
themselves in Saint Andrews ; those that be in Lothian, Merse, or
Teviotdale, to Edinburgh ; and likewise those that be in other countries
must resort to the best reformed cities or towns, that is, to the city of the
Superintendent. Where first in the schools, or failing thereof in open
assembly, and before the congregation, they must give declaration of their
gifts, utterance, and knowledge, by interpreting some place of Scripture
to be appointed by the ministry. Which, being ended, the person that is
presented, or that offered himself to the administration of the kirk, must
be examined by the ministers and elders of the kirk, and that openly, and
before all that list to hear, in all the chief points that now lie in controversy
betwix us and the Papists, Anabaptists, Arians, or other such enemies to
the Christian religion. In which, if he be found sound, able to persuade
by wholesome doctrine, and to convince the gainsayers, then must he be
directed to the Kirk and Congregation where he should serve, that there,
in open audience of his flock, in divers public sermons, he may give con-
fession of his faith in the articles of Justification, of the oflflce of Christ Jesus,
of the number, effect, and use of the Sacraments ; and, finally, of the whole
religion which heretofore hath been corrupted by the Papists.
If his doctrine be found wholesome, and able to instruct the simple,
and if the Kirk justly can reprehend nothing in his life, doctrine, nor
utterance, then we judge the kirk, which before was destitute, unreason-
able if they refuse him whom the Kirk did offer ; and that they should be
compelled, by the censure of the Council and Kirk, 'to receive the person
appointed and approved by the judgment of the godly and learned ; unless
that the same kirk have presented a man better or as well qualified to
the examination, before that this foresaid trial was taken of the person
presented by the council of the whole Kirk. As, for example, the Council
of the Kirk presents to any kirk a man to be their minister, not knowing
that they are otherwise provided : in the meantime, the kirk is provided
of another, sufficient in their judgment for that charge, whom they present
to the learned Ministers and next reformed kirk to be examined. In this
case the presentation of the people, to whom he should be appointed
pastor, must be preferred to the presentation of the Council or greater
Kirk ; unless the person presented by the inferior kirk be judged unable
for the regiment by the learned. For altogether this is to be avoided, that
any man be violently intruded or thrust in upon any Congregation. But
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 285
this liberty with all care must be reserved to every several kirk, to have
their votes and suffrages in election of their Ministers. But violent in-
trusion we call [it] not, when the Council of the Kirk, in the fear of God,
and for the salvation of the people, offereth unto them a sufficient man to
instruct them ; whom they shall not be forced to admit before just
examination, as before is said.
IV (2). What may unable any person that he may not be
ADMITTED TO THE MINISTRY OF THE KiRK
It is to be observed that no person, noted with public infamy, or being
unable to edify the Kirk by wholesome doctrine, or being known [to be]
of corrupt judgment, be either promoted to the regiment of the Kirk,
or yet received in ecclesiastical administration.
Explication
By public infamy we understand not the common sins and offences
which any has committed in time of blindness,^ by fragility (if of the
same, by a better and more sober conversation, he hath declared himself
verily penitent) ; but such capital crimes as the civil sword ought and
may punish with death by the word of God. For besides that the Apostle
requireth the life of Ministers to be so irreprehensible that they have a
good testimony from those that be without, we judge it a thing unseemly
and dangerous that he shall have public authority to preach to others the
life everlasting from whom the civil Magistrate may take the life temporal
for a crime publicly committed. And if any object, that the Prince has
pardoned his offence, and that he has publicly repented, and so is not only
his life in assurance, but also that he may be received to the Ministry of the
Kirk, we answer. That repentance does not take away the temporal
punishment of the law, neither doth the pardon of the Prince remove his
infamy before man.
That the life and conversation of the person presented, or to be elected,
may be the more clearly known, public edicts must be directed to all
parts of this Realm, or at the least to those parts where the person hath
been most conversant — as where he was nourished in letters, or where he
continued from the years of infancy, and childhood was passed. Strait
commandment would be given, that if any capital crimes were committed
by him, that they should be notified ; as, if he hath committed wilful
murder, adultery, [were] a common fornicator, if he were a thief, a
drunkard, a fighter, brawler, or contentious person. These edicts ought
to be notified in the chief cities, with the like charge and commandment,
with declaration that such as concealed his sins known did deceive and
betray (so far as in them lay) the Kirk, which is the spouse of Jesus Christ,
and did communicate with the sins of that wicked man.
^ A similar exception of " sins committed in our former blindness " is given in the
section devoted to Marriage. {Infra, 319)
286 APPENDIX VIII
IV (3). Admission of Ministers ^
The admission of Ministers to their offices must consist in consent of
the people and Kirk whereto they shall be appointed, and in approbation
of the learned Ministers appointed for their examination.
We judge it expedient that the admission of Ministers be in open
audience ; that some especial Minister make a sermon touching the duty
and office of Ministers, touching their manners, conversation, and life ;
as also touching the obedience which the Kirk oweth to its Ministers.
Commandment should be given as well to the Minister as unto the people,
both being present, to wit, that he with all careful diligence attend upon
the flock of Christ Jesus, over the which he is appointed preacher : that
he will walk in the presence of God so sincerely that the graces of the Holy
Spirit may be multiplied into him ; and in the presence of men so soberly
and uprightly that his life may confirm, in the eyes of men, that which
by tongue and word he persuadeth unto others. The people would be
exhorted to reverence and honour their Ministers chosen, as the servants
and ambassadors of the Lord Jesus, obeying the commandments which
they pronounce from God's mouth and book, even as they would obey
God himself ^ ; for whosoever heareth Christ's Ministers heareth himself,
and whosoever rejecteth them, and despiseth their ministry and exhorta-
tion, rejecteth and despiseth Chi-ist Jesus.
Other ceremony than the public approbation of the people, and
declaration of the chief minister, that the person there presented is
appointed to serve that Kirk, we cannot approve ; for albeit the Apostles
used the imposition of hands, yet seeing the miracle is ceased, the using
of the ceremony we judge is not necessary.
The Minister, elected or presented, examined, and, as said is, publicly
admitted, must neither leave the flock at his pleasure, to the which he has
promised his fidelity and labours, neither yet may the flock reject nor
change him at their appetite, unless they be able to convict him of such
crimes as deserve deposition ; whereof we shall after speak. We mean
not but that the whole Kirk, or the most part thereof, for just considerations,
may transfer a Minister from one kirk to another ; neither yet mean we
that men who now do serve, as it were of benevolence, may not be appointed
and elected to serve in other places ; but once being solemnly elected and
admitted, we cannot approve that they should change at their own
pleasure.
We are not ignorant that the rarity of godly and learned men shall
seem to seme a just reason why that so strait and sharp examination
should not be taken universally ; for so it shall appear that the most part
of the kirks shall have no Minister at all. But let these men understand
that the lack of able men shall not excuse us before God if, by our consent,
unable men be placed over the flock of Christ Jesus ; as also that, amongst
' Cf. the Geneva form in Laing's Knox, iv, 174-176.
^ Unfortunately the pronouncements of the ministers, resting upon their individual
interpretations of " God's mouth and book," later tended to be political in character,
and so led to that struggle which has been aptly described as one between the " Divine
Right of Kings " and the " Divine Right of Presbyteries."
ill
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 287
the Gentiles, godly, learned men were as rare as they be now amongst us,
when the Apostle gave the same rule to try and examine Ministers which
we now follow. And last, let them understand that it is alike to have
no minister at all, and to have an idol in the place of a true minister, yea
and in some cases, it is worse : for those that be utterly destitute of
ministers will be diligent to search for them ; but those that have a vain
shadow do commonly, without further care, content themselves with the
same, and so remain they continually deceived, thinking that they have
a Minister, when in very deed they have none. For we cannot judge him
a dispensator of God's mysteries that in no wise can break the bread of
life to the fainting and hungry souls ; neither judge we that the Sacra-
ments can be rightly ministered by him, in whose mouth God has put no
sermon of exhortation.
The chiefest remedy left to your Honours and to us, in all this rarity
of true ministers, is fervent prayer unto God that it will please his mercy
to thrust out ^ faithful workmen into this his harvest ; and next, that
your Honours, with consent of the Kirk, are bound by your authority to
compel such men as have gifts and graces able to edify the Kirk of God
that they bestow them where greatest necessity shall be known. For no
man may be permitted to live idle, or as himself list, but must be appointed
to travail where your Wisdoms and the Kirk shall think expedient.
We cannot prescribe unto your Honours certain rule how that ye
shall distribute the ministers and learned men whom God has already
sent unto you. But hereof we are assured, that it greatly hindereth the
progress of Christ's Evangel within this poor Realm that some altogether
abstract their labours from the Kirk, and others remain together in one
place, the most part of them being idle. And therefore of your Honours
we require, in God's name, that by your authority which ye have of God, ye
compel all men to whom God has given any talent to persuade, by whole-
some doctrine, to bestow the same, if they be called by the Kirk to the
advancement of Christ's glory, and to the comfort of his troubled flock ;
and that ye, with the consent of the Kirk, assign unto your chiefest work-
men, not only towns to remain into, but also provinces, that by their
faithful labours kirks may be erected, and order established, where none
is now. And if on this manner ye will use your power and authority,
chiefly seeking God's glory, and the comfort of your brethren, we doubt
not but God shall bless you and your enterprises.
IV (4). For Readers
To the kirks where no ministers can be had presently, must be
appointed the most apt men that distinctly can read the Common Prayers
and the Scriptures, to exercise both themselves and the kirk, till they
grow to greater perfection ; and in process of time he that is but a Reader
may attain to the further degree, and by consent of the kirk and discreet
ministers, may be permitted to minister the sacraments ; but not before
that he be able somewhat to persuade by wholesome doctrine, besides his
' thrust forward
288
APPENDIX VIII
reading, and be admitted to the ministry, as before is said. Some we know
that of long time have professed Christ Jesus, whose honest conversation
deserved praise of all godly men, and whose knowledge also might greatly
help the simple, and yet they only content themselves with reading. These
must be animated, and by gentle admonition encouraged, by some
exhortation to comfort their brethren, and so they may be admitted to
administration of the sacraments.^ But such Readers as neither have
had exercise, nor continuance in Christ's true religion, must abstain from
ministration of the sacraments till they give declaration and witnessing
of their honesty and further knowledge.
* For the Lords think that none be admitted to preach, but they
that are qualified therefor, but rather be retained readers ; and such as
are preachers already, not found qualified therefor by the Superintendent,
be placed to be readers.^
The Fifth Head, concerning the Provision for the Ministers,
AND for the Distribution of the Rents and Possessions justly
APPERTAINING TO THE KiRK.
Seeing that of our Master Christ Jesus and his Apostle Paul we have,
" That the workman is worthy of his reward," and that, " The mouth
of the labouring ox ought not to be muzzled," of necessity it is that honest
provision be made for the Ministers, which we require to be such that
they have neither occasion of solicitude, neither yet of insolence and
wantonness. And this provision must be made not only for their own
sustentation during their lives but also for their wives and children after
them. For we judge it a thing most contrarious to reason, godliness, and
equity, that the widow and children of him who, in ^ his life, did faithfully
serve the Kirk of God, and for that cause did not carefully make provision
for his family, should, after his death, be left comfortless of all provision.
* Provision for the wives of Ministers after their decease, to be remitted
to the discretion of the Kirk.
Difficult it is to appoint a several stipend to every Minister, by reason
that the charges and necessity of all will not be like ; for some will be
continuers in one place, [and] some will be compelled to travel, and oft
to change dwelling place (if they shall have charge of divers kirks).
Amongst these, some will be burdened with wife and children, and one
with more than another ; and some perchance will be single men. If
equal stipends should be appointed to all those that in charge are so
unequal, either should the one suffer penury, or else should the other have
superfluity and too much.
* We judge, therefore, that every Minister have sufficient whereupon
to keep an house, and be sustained honestly in all things necessary, as well
' This implies the intermediate office oi Exhorter. (See infra, 290)
* This is the first of the "notes and additions" referred to in the "Act of Secret
Council" of 27 January 1561. {Infra, 324)
* Vautrollier's suppressed edition ends at this point with the words, " the widow and
the children of him who in."
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 289
for keeping of his house, as clothes, flesh, fish, books, fuel, and other things
necessary, forth of the rents and treasury of the kirk, where he serveth,
at the discretion of the congregation, conform to the quality of the person
and necessity of the time. Wherein it is thought good that every Minister
shall have at least forty bolls [of] meal, and twenty-six bolls [of] malt,
to find his house bread and drink ^ ; and more, sa mekill as the discretion
of the kirk finds necessary ; besides money for buying of other provision
to his house, and other necessaries, the modification whereof is referred
to the judgment of the kirk, to be made every year at the choosing of the
elders and deacons of the kirk. Providing always, that there be advanced
to every Minister sufficient provision for one quarter of a year beforehand
of all things.
To him that travelleth from place to place, whom we call Super-
intendents, who remain, as it were, a month or less in one place, for the
establishing of the kirk, and for the same purpose changing to another
place, must further consideration be had. And, therefore, to such we think
six chalders [of] bear,^ nine chalders [of] meal, three chalders [of] oats for
his horse, 500 marks [of] money, to be eiked and pared ^ at the discretion
of the Prince and Council of the Realm ; to be payed to him yearly, in
manner foresaid."*
The children of the Ministers must have the liberties of the cities next
adjacent where their fathers labour, freely granted. They must have
the privileges in schools, and bursaries in colleges. That is, that they shall
be sustained at learning, if they be found apt thereto. And failing thereof,
that they be put to some handicraft, or exercised in some virtuous industry,
whereby they may be profitable members in a commonwealth.
* And the same we require for their daughters ; to wit, that they be *Additio
virtuously brought up, and honestly doted ^ when they come to maturity
of years, at the discretion of the Kirk.
And this in God's presence we witness, we require not so much for
ourselves, or for any that to us appertaineth, as that we do for the increase
of virtue and learning, and for the profit of the posterity to come. It is not
to be supposed that all men will dedicate themselves and children so to God,
and to sei've his kirk, that they look for no worldly commodity. But this
cankered nature, which we bear, is provoked to follow virtue when it
seeth honour and profit annexed to the same ; as, contrarily, then is
virtue of many despised, when virtuous and godly men live without
honour. And sorry would we be that poverty should discourage men from
study, and from following the way of virtue, by the which they might
edify the Kirk and flock of Christ Jesus.
Nothing have we spoken of the stipend of Readers, because, if they
' In 1 644 it was calculated that fifteen gallons of ale or twenty gallons of beer could
be brewed from one boll of malt. {Acts Pari. Scot., vi, pt. i, 2436)
■^ barley (of an inferior quality)
^ to be increased or decreased ; that is, with more or less
* Dr. G. Donaldson's calculation is that this was equivalent in all to about ;{^7oo a
year — no mean stipend for the year 1560. Although it was never paid in full, it is no
wonder that later there were those who said " many lords have not so much to spend "
{supra, 31).
* dowered
SgO APPENDIX VIII
can do nothing but read, they neither can be called nor judged true
ministers. And yet regard must be had to their labours ; but so that they
may be spurred forward to virtue, and not by a stipend appointed for their
reading, to be retained still in that estate. To a Reader, therefore, that
is lately entered we think forty marks, or more or less as the parishioners
and Reader can agree, sufficient : providing that he teach the children
of the parish, which he must do, besides the reading of the Common
Prayers, and Books of the New and Old Testaments.^ If from Reading
he begin to Exhort,^ and explain the Scriptures, then ought his stipend
to be augmented ; till finally he come to the honour of a Minister. But
and if he be found unable after two years, then must he be removed from
that office, and discharged of all stipend, that another may be proven as
long. For this always is to be avoided, that none who is judged unable
to come at any time to some reasonable knowledge, whereby he may
edify the Kirk, shall be perpetually nourished upon the charge of the Kirk.
Farther, it must be avoided that no child or person within age, that is,
within 21 years of age, be admitted to the office of a Reader ; but Readers
ought to be endued with gravity, wit,^ and discretion, lest by their light-
ness the Prayers or Scriptures read be of less price and estimation. It is
to be noted that the Readers be put in by the kirk, and [the] admission
of the Superintendent.
Nota [For] the other sort of Readers, who have long continued in godliness,
and have some gift of exhortation, who are in hope to attain to the degree
of a minister, and teach the children, we think an hundred marks, or
more, at the discretion of the kirk, may be appointed ; so that difference,
as said is, be betwix them and the ministers that openly preach the Word,
and minister the Sacraments.
Rests yet other two sorts of people to be provided for, [out] of that
which is called the patrimony of the Kirk * : to wit, the Poor, and Teachers
of the youthhead. Every several kirk must provide for the poor within
the self ; for fearful and horrible it is, that the poor, whom not only God
the Father in his law, but Christ Jesus in his Evangel, and the Holy
Spirit speaking by Saint Paul, hath so earnestly commended to our care,
are universally so contemned and despised. We are not patrons for
stubborn and idle beggars who, running from place to place, make a craft
of their begging, whom the Civil Magistrate ought to punish ; but for the
widow and fatherless, the aged, impotent, or lamed, who neither can
nor may travail for their sustentation, we say that God commandeth his
people to be careful. And therefore, for such, as also for persons of honesty
fallen in [to] decay and penury, ought such provision be made that [of]
our abundance should their indigence be relieved. How this most
conveniently and most easily may be done in every city and other parts
of this Realm, God shall show you wisdom and the means, so that your
^ For a description of the work of a Reader, see Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James
Melvill (Wodrow Soc), 22
" For Exiiorters, see the succeeding paragraph * knowledge
* See the Sixth Head— of the Rents and Patrimony of the Kirk [infra, 302-306) ; see
also the third head of the Supplication presented to the Reformation Parliament of 1 560
{supra, i, 337)
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 29 1
minds be godly thereto inclined. All must not be suffered to beg that
gladly so would do ; neither yet must beggars remain where they choose ;
but the stout and strong beggar must be compelled to work, and every
person that may not work, must be compelled to repair to the place
where he or she was born (unless of long continuance they have remained
in one place), and there reasonable provision must be made for their
sustentation, as the church shall appoint. The order nor sums, in our
judgments, cannot be particularly appointed, unto such time as the poor
of every city, town, or parish be compelled to repair to the places where
they were born, or of their residences, where their names and number
must be taken and put in [a] roll ; and then may the wisdom of the Kirk
appoint stipends accordingly.
V (i). Of the Superintendents
Because we have appointed a larger stipend to those that shall be
Superintendents than to the rest of the Ministers, we have thought good
to signify unto your Honours such reasons as moved us to make difference
betwix preachers at this time ^ ; as also how many Superintendents we
think necessary, with their bounds, office, [the manner of their] election,
and [the] causes that may deserve deposition from that charge.
We consider that if the Ministers whom God hath endued with his
[singular] graces amongst us should be appointed to several and certain
places, there to make their continual residence, that then the greatest part
of this Realm should be destitute of all doctrine ; which should not only
be occasion of great murmur, but also should be dangerous to the salvation
of many. And therefore we have thought it a thing most expedient for
this time that, from the whole number of godly and learned [men], now
presently in this Realm, be selected twelve or ten (for in so many Provinces
have we divided the whole), to whom charge and commandment shall be
given to plant and erect churches, to set order and appoint ministers (as
the former Order prescribeth) to the countries that shall be appointed to
their care where none are now. And by these means [your] love and
common care over all the inhabitants of this Realm (to whom ye are
equal debtors) shall evidently appear ; as also the simple and ignorant
(who perchance have never heard Christ Jesus truly preached) shall come
to some knowledge by the which many that now be dead in superstition
and ignorance shall attain to some feeling of godliness, by the which they
may be provoked to search and seek further knowledge of God, and his
true religion and worshipping. Where, by the contrary, if they shall be
neglected, they shall not only grudge,^ but also they shall seek the means
whereby they may continue in their blindness, or return to their accus-
tomed idolatry. And therefore nothing desire we more earnestly, than
that Christ Jesus be universally once preached throughout this Realm ;
which shall not suddenly be unless that, by you, men be appointed and
compelled faithfully to travail in such Provinces as to them shall be
assigned.
* That is, when there were still too few preachers for the work of the Church.
* complain
292 APPENDIX VIII
V (2). The Names of the Places of Residence, and several
Dioceses of the Superintendents
Imprimis, the Superintendent of Orkney ; whose Diocese shall be
to the Isles of Orkney, Shetland, Caithness, and Strathnaver,^ His resi-
dence to be in the town of Kirkwall.
2 The Superintendent of Ross ; whose Diocese shall comprehend
Ross, Sutherland, Moray, with the North Isles of the Skye, and the Lewis,
with their adjacents. His residence to be in [the] Canonry of Ross. ^
3 The Superintendent of Argyll ; whose Diocese shall comprehend
Argyll, [Kintyre,] Lome, the South Isles, Arran [and] Bute, with their
adjacents, with Lochaber. His residence to be in [Argyll].
4 The Superintendent of Aberdeen ; whose Diocese is betwix Dee
and Spey, containing the sherifTdom of Aberdeen and Banff. His residence
to be in Old Aberdeen.
5 The Superintendent of Brechin ; whose Diocese shall be the whole
sheriffdoms of Mearns and Angus, and the Brae of Mar to Dee. His
residence to be in Brechin.
6 The Superintendent of Saint Andrews ; whose Diocese shall com-
prehend the whole sheriffdom of Fife and Fotheringham, ^ to Stirling ;
and the whole sheriffdom of Perth.* His residence to be in Saint Andrews.
7 The Superintendent of Edinburgh ; whose Diocese shall comprehend
the whole sheriffdoms of Lothian, and Stirling on the south side of the
Water of Forth ; and thereto is added, by consent of the whole Church,
Merse, Lauderdale, and Wedale. His residence to be in [Edinburgh].
8 The Superintendent of Jedburgh ; whose Diocese shall comprehend
Teviotdale, Tweeddale, Liddesdale, with the Forest of Ettrick. His
residence to be [in Jedburgh] .
9 The Superintendent of Glasgow ; whose Diocese shall comprehend
Clydesdale, Renfrew, Menteith, Lennox, Kyle, and Cunningham, His
residence to be in Glasgow.
10 The Superintendent of Dumfries ; whose Diocese shall comprehend
Galloway, Carrick, Nithsdale, Annandale, with the rest of the Dales in
the West. His residence to be in Dumfries.
These men must not be suffered to live as your idl§ Bishops have done
heretofore ; neither must they remain where gladly they would. But
they must be preachers themselves, and such as may make no long
residence in any one place, till their churches be planted and provided of
Ministers, or at the least of Readers.
Charge must be given to them that they remain in no one place above
twenty or thirty days in their visitation, till they have passed through their
whole bounds. They must thrice every week, at the least, preach ; and
when they return to their principal town and residence, they must be
* Thus including part of Sutherland * Fortrose
' The old archdeaconry of St. Andrews (in the diocese of St. .\ndrews) had contained
the deaneries of Fife, Fothric, Gowrie, Angus, and Mearns. Fothric, here called Fother-
ingham, embraced the parishes running along the northern shore of the Forth.
* And also the sheriffdom of Kinross
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 293
likewise exercised in preaching and in edification of the church there.
And yet they must not be suffered to continue there so long, as they may
seem to neglect their other churches : but after that they have remained
in their chief town three or four months at most, they shall be compelled
(unless by sickness only they be retained), to re-enter in visitation, in
which they shall not only preach, but also examine the life, diligence, and
behaviour of the Ministers ; as also the order of their churches, [and]
the manners of the people. They must further consider how the poor
be provided ; how the youth be instructed. They must admonish where
admonition needeth ; dress such things as by good counsel they be able
to appease ; and, finally, they must note such crimes as be heinous that,
by the censure of the Church, the same may be corrected.
If the Superintendent be found negligent in any of these chief points
of his office, and especially if he be noted negligent in preaching of the
word, and in visitation of his churches, or if he be convicted of any of
those crimes which in the common Ministers are damned, he must be
deposed, without respect of his person or office. ^
V (3). Of the Election of Superintendents ^
In this present necessity, the nomination, examination, and admission
of Superintendents cannot be so strait as we require, and as afterwards
it must be.^
For this present, therefore, we think [it] sufficient that either your
Honours, by yourselves, nominate so many as may serve the fore- written
provinces, or that ye give commission to such men as in whom ye suppose
the fear of God [to be] to do the same ; and that the same men, being
called in your presence, shall be by you, and by such as your Honours
please [to] call unto you for consultation in that case, appointed to their
provinces. We think it expedient and necessary, that as well the gentle-
men, as burgesses of every diocese, be made privy at the same time to the
election of the Superintendent, as well to bring the Church in some
practice of her liberty, as to make the pastor better favoured of the flock
whom themselves have chosen. If your Honours cannot find for this
present so many able men as the necessity requireth, then, in our judg-
ments, more profitable it is that those provinces vaik * till God provide
better, than that men unable to edify and govern the Church be suddenly
placed in that charge. For experience hath taught us what pestilence hath
been engendered in the Church by men unable to discharge their offices.
When, therefore, after three years any Superintendent shall depart,
or chance to be deposed, the chief town within that province, to wit, the
Ministers, Elders, and Deacons, with the Magistrate and Council of the
same town, shall nominate and by public edicts proclaim, as well to
' See also infra, 294
^ See the Form and Order of the Election of the Superintendents, etc. [supra.
Appendix VII)
' " After that the Church be established, and three years be passed," two years'
faithful labour in the ministry was to be a prerequisite {infra, 295).
* remain vacant
294 APPENDIX VIII
the Superintendent, as to two or three provinces next adjacent, two or
three of the most learned and most godly Ministers within the whole realm,
that from amongst them, one, with public consent, may be elected and
appointed to the office then vaiking. And this the chief town shall be
bound to do within the term of twenty days. Which being expired and
no man presented, then shall three of the next adjacent provinces with
consent of their Superintendents, Ministers, and Elders, enter in into the
right and privileges of the chief town, and shall present every one of them
one, or two if they list, to the chief town, to be examined as the Order
requireth. As also, it shall be lawful for all the churches of the Diocese
to nominate within the same time such persons as they think worthy to
stand in election ; which must be put in edict.
After the nominations be made, public edicts must be sent, first warn-
ing all men that have any objection against the persons nominated, or
against any one of them, to be present in the chief town at day and place
aflfixed, to object what they can against the election of any one of them.
Thirty days we think sufficient to be assigned thereto ; thirty days, we
mean, after that the nomination be made.
Which day of election being come, the whole Ministers of that Province,
with three or more of the Superintendents next adjacent, or that shall
thereto be named, shall examine not only the learning, but also the
manners, prudence, and ability to govern the Church, of all those that
are nominated ; that he who shall be found most worthy may be burdened
with the charge. If the Ministers of the whole Province should bring with
them the votes of those that were committed to their care, the election
should be the more free ; but always, the votes of all those that convene
must be required. The examinations must be publicly made ; those that
stand in election must publicly preach ; and men must be charged in
the name of God, to vote according to conscience, and not after aflfection.
If anything be objected against any that stand in election, the Superin-
tendents and Ministers must consider whether the objection be made of
conscience or of malice, and they must answer accordingly. Other cere-
monies than sharp examination, approbation of the Ministers and Super-
intendents, with the public consent of the Elders and people then present,
we cannot allow.
The Superintendent being elected, and appoint6d to his charge, must
be subjected to the censure and correction of the Ministers and Elders,
not only of his chief town, but also of the whole Province over the which
he is appointed overseer.
If his offences be known, and the Ministers and Elders of his Province
be negligent in correcting him, then the next one or two Superintendents,
with their Ministers and Elders, may convene him, and the Ministers and
Elders of his chief town (provided that it be within his own Province or
chief town), and may accuse and correct as well the Superintendent in
those things that are worthy of correction, as the Ministers and Elders
for their negligence and ungodly tolerance of his offences.
Whatsoever crime deserve correction or deposition of any other
Minister, deserveth the same in the Superintendent, without exception of
person.
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 295
After that the Church be estabUshed, and three years be passed, we
require that no man be called to the office of a Superintendent who hath
not two years, at the least, given declaration of his faithful labours in the
ministry of some church.
No Superintendent may be transferred at the pleasure or request of
any one Province ; no, not without the consent of the whole council of
the Church,^ and that for grave causes and considerations.
Of one thing, in the end, we must admonish your Honours, to wit,
that, in appointing Superintendents for this present, ye disappoint not
your chief towns, and where learning is exercised, of such Ministers as
more may profit by residence in one place, than by continual travel from
place to place. For if ye so do, the youth in those places shall lack the
profound interpretation of the Scriptures ; and so shall it be long before
that your gardens send forth many plants ; where, by the contrary, if one
or two towns be continually exercised as they may, the Commonwealth
shall shortly taste of their fruit, to the comfort of the godly.
V (4). For the Schools
Seeing that the office and duty of the godly Magistrate is not only
to purge the Church of God from all superstition, and to set it at liberty
from bondage of tyrants, but also to provide, to the uttermost of his power,
how it may abide in the same purity to the posterities following, we can-
not but freely communicate our judgments with your Honours in this
behalf
V (5). The Necessity of Schools ^
Seeing that God hath determined that his Church here in earth shall
be taught not by angels but by men ; and seeing that men are born
ignorant of all godliness, and seeing also [that] God now ceaseth to
illuminate men miraculously, suddenly changing them, as that he did his
Apostles and others in the Primitive Church : of necessity it is that your
Honours be most careful for the virtuous education and godly upbringing
of the youth of this Realm, if either ye now thirst unfeignedly [for] the
advancement of Christ's glory, or yet desire the continuance of his benefits
to the generation following. For as the youth must succeed to us, so ought
we to be careful that they have the knowledge and erudition to profit and
comfort that which ought to be most dear to us, to wit, the Church and
Spouse of the Lord Jesus.
Of necessity therefore we judge it, that every several church have a
' The " whole council " of the Church is also referred to in relation to Church funds
{infra, 305), and, later still, it is called the " Assembly of the Universal Kirk gathered
within the Realm " [infra, 320). It was, in effect, the General Assembly.
' Earlier, in his Brief Exhortation to England, Knox had written that " for the preserva-
tion of religion, it is most expedient. That Scholes be universally erected in all cities and
chief townes, the oversight whereof to be committed to the magistrates and godly learned
men of the said cities and townes ; that of the youth godly instructed amongst them, a
seade may be reserved and continued, for the profet of Christes Church in all ages."
(Laing's Knox, v, 520)
296 APPENDIX VIII
Schoolmaster appointed, such a one as is able, at least, to teach Grammar
and the Latin tongue, if the town be of any reputation. If it be upland, *
where the people convene to doctrine but once in the week, then must
either the Reader or the Minister there appointed, take care over the
children and youth of the parish, to instruct them in their first rudiments,
and especially in the Catechism,^ as we have it now translated in the Book
of our Common Order, called the Order of Geneva. ^ And further, we
think it expedient that in every notable town, and especially in the town
of the Superintendent, [there] be erected a College, in which the Arts,
at least Logic and Rhetoric, together with the Tongues, be read by
sufficient Masters, for whom honest stipends must be appointed : as also
provision for those that be poor, and be not able by themselves, nor by
their friends, to be sustained at letters, especially such as come from
landward.*
The fruit and commodity hereof shall suddenly appear. For, first,
the youth- head and tender children shall be nourished and brought up
in virtue, in presence of their friends ; by whose good attendance many
inconvenients may be avoided, in the which the youth commonly falls,
either by too much liberty, which they have in strange and unknown
places, while they cannot rule themselves, or else for lack of good atten-
dance, and of such necessities as their tender age requireth. Secondly,
the exercise of the children in every church shall be great instruction
to the aged.
Last, the great Schools, called Universities, shall be replenished with
those that be apt to learning ; for this must be carefully provided, that
no father, of what estate or condition that ever he be, use his children at
his own fantasy, especially in their youth-head ; but all must be compelled
to bring up their children in learning and virtue.
The rich and potent may not be permitted to suffer their children
to spend their youth in vain idleness, as heretofore they have done. But
they must be exhorted, and by the censure of the Church compelled to
dedicate their sons, by good exercise, to the profit of the Church and to
the Commonwealth ; and that they must do of their own expenses,
because they are able. The children of the poor must be supported and
sustained on the charge of the Church, till trial be taken whether the
spirit of docihty ^ be found in them or not. If they be found apt to letters
and learning, then may they not (we mean, neither the sons of the rich,
nor yet the sops of the poor), be permitted to reject learning ; but must
be charged to continue their study, so that the Commonwealth may have
some comfort by them. And for this purpose must discreet, learned, and
grave men be appointed to visit all Schools for the trial of their exercise,
profit, and continuance ; to wit, the Ministers and Elders, with the best
learned in every town, shall every quarter take examination how the
youth hath profited.
' in the countryside, or to landward, as distinguished from the town
2 That is, the translation of Calvin's Catechism. (See Laing's Knox, iv, I43-144,
167-168 ; vi, 277-286, 341-345 ; and the note, supra, 282, note 2)
^ See supra, 282, note 2
* That is, from country districts ' aptitude for learning
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 297
A certain time must be appointed to Reading, and to learning of the
Catechism ; a certain time to the Grammar, and to the Latin tongue ;
a certain time to the Arts, Philosophy, and to the Tongues ; and
a certain [time] to that study in which they intend chiefly to travail for
the profit of the Commonwealth. Which time being expired, we mean in
every course, the children must either proceed to further knowledge, or
else they must be sent to some handicraft, or to some other profitable
exercise ; provided always, that first they have the form of knowledge
of Christian religion, to wit, the knowledge of God's law and command-
ments, the use and oflSce of the same, the chief articles of our belief, the
right form to pray unto God, the number, use, and effect of the sacraments,
the true knowledge of Christ Jesus, of his office and natures, and such
other [points] as without the knowledge whereof, neither deserveth [any]
man to be named a Christian, neither ought any to be admitted to the
participation of the Lord's Table. And therefore, these principals ought
and must be learned in the youth-head.
V (6). The Times appointed to every Course
Two years we think more than sufficient to learn to read perfectly,
to answer to the Catechism, and to have some entry in the first rudiments
of Grammar ^ ; to the full accomplishment whereof (we mean of the
Grammar), we think other three or four years, at most, sufficient. To the
Arts, to wit, Logic and Rhetoric, and to the Greek tongue, four years ;
and the rest, till the age of twenty-four years, to be spent in that study
wherein the learner would profit the Church or Commonwealth, be it
in the Laws, or Physic or Divinity. Which time to twenty-four years
being spent in the schools, the learner must be removed to serve the
Church or Commonwealth, unless he be found a necessary Reader in the
same College or University. If God shall move your hearts to establish
and execute this Order, and put these things in practice, your whole
Realm (we doubt not), within [a] few years, shall serve the self of true
preachers, and of other officers necessary for your Commonwealth.
V (7). The Erection of Universities
The Grammar Schools and of the Tongues being erected as we have
said, next we think it necessary there be three Universities in this whole
Realm, established in the towns accustomed. The first in Saint Andrews,
the second in Glasgow, and the third in Aberdeen.
And in the first University and principal, which is Saint Andrews,
there be three Colleges. And in the first College, which is the entry of the
University, there be four classes or seiges ^ : the first, to the new Supposts,^
shall be only Dialectics ; the next, only Mathematics ; the third, of
' *' Grammar " generally means Latin.
* seats, or, in modern parlance, Chairs
' The term " supposts " meant non-graduate scholars, but might be extended to
include all members of the University (even its servants) and university " clients " (such
as booksellers).
298 APPENDIX VIII
Physics only ; the fourth of Medicine. And in the second College, two
classes or seiges : the first, in Moral Philosophy ; the second in the Laws.
And in the third College, two classes or seiges : the first, in the Tongues,
to wit, Greek and Hebrew ^ ; the second, in Divinity.
Thefirst
gree
Second
degree
Third
degree
Fourth
degree
V (8). Of Readers, and of the Grees,^ of Time, and Study
Item, In the first College, and in the first class, shall be a Reader of
Dialectics, who shall accomplish his course thereof in one year. In the
Mathematics, which is the second class, shall be a Reader who shall
complete his course of Arithmetic, Geometry, Cosmography, and Astro-
logy, in one year. In the third class, shall be a Reader of Natural Philo-
sophy, who shall complete his course in a year. And who, after these
three years, by trial and examination, shall be found sufficiently instructed
in these aforesaid sciences, shall be Laureate and Graduate in Philosophy.
In the fourth class, shall be a Reader of Medicine, who shall complete his
course in five years : after the study of the which time, being by examina-
tion found sufficient, they shall be graduate in Medicine.
Item, In the second College, in the first class, one Reader only in
the Ethics, Economics, and Politics, who shall complete his course in
the space of one year. In the second class, shall be two Readers in the
Municipal and Roman Laws, who shall complete their courses in four
years ; after the which time, being by examination found sufficient, they
shall be graduate in the Laws.
Item, In the third College, in the first class, a Reader of the Hebrew,
and another of the Greek tongue, who shall complete the grammars
thereof in half a year, and the remanent of the year the Reader of the
Hebrew shall interpret a book of Moses, [or of] the Prophets, or the
Psalms ; so that his course and class shall continue one year. The Reader
of the Greek shall interpret some book of Plato, together with some place
of the New Testament. And in the second class, shall be two Readers
in Divinity, that one in the New Testament, that other in the Old, who
shall complete their course in five years. After which time, who shall be
found by examination sufficient, shall be graduate in Divinity.
Item, We think expedient that none be admitted unto the first College,
and to be Supposts of the University unless he have from the Master of
the School, and the Minister of the town where he was instructed in the
tongues, a testimonial of his learning, docility, age, and parentage ; and
likeways trial to be taken by certain Examinators, depute by the Rector
and Principals of the same, and, if he be found sufficiently instructed in
Dialectics, he shall incontinent, that same year, be promoted to the class
of Mathematics.
Item, That none be admitted to the class of the Medicine but he that
shall have his testimonial of his time well spent in Dialectics, Mathe-
matics, and Physics, and of his docility in the last.
* Scholars coming up to the University were expected to be already well
in Latin, learned in school.
'' degrees
founded "
k\
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 299
Item, That none be admitted unto the class of the Laws, but he that
shall have sufficient testimonials of his time well spent in Dialectics,
Mathematics, Physics, Ethics, Economics, and Politics, and of his docility ^
in the last.
Item, That none be admitted unto the class and seige of Divines but
he that shall have sufficient testimonials of his time well spent in Dialectics,
Mathematics, Physics, Ethics, Economics, Moral Philosophy, and the
Hebrew tongue, and of his docility in the Moral Philosophy and the
Hebrew tongue. But neither shall such as will apply them to hear
the Laws, be compelled to hear Medicine ; neither such as apply them to
hear Divinity be compelled to hear either Medicine or yet the Laws.
Item, In the Second University, which is Glasgow, shall be two Second
Colleges alanerlie.2 In the first shall be a class of Dialectics, another in "■^^^^^^y
Mathematics, the third in Physics, ordered in all sorts as [in] Saint
Andrews.
Item, In the Second College, four classes ; the first in Moral Philo-
sophy, Ethics, Economics, and Politics ; the second of the Municipal and
Roman Laws ; the third of the Hebrew tongue ; the fourth in Divinity.
Which shall be ordered in all sorts, conform to it we have written in the
order of the University of Saint Andrews.
The Third University of Aberdeen shall be conform to this University Third
r 01 • 11 ^ University
01 Glasgow, m all sorts. -^
Item, We think needful, that there be chosen of the body of the Univer-
sity to every College a man of learning, discretion, and diligence, who shall
receive the whole rents of the College, and distribute the same according
to the erection of the College ; and shall daily hearken the diet accounts,
adjoining to him weekly one of the Readers or Regents. Above whom ^
he shall [take] attendance upon their diligence, as well in their reading
as exercition of the youth in the matter taught ; upon the policy and
upholding of the place ; and for punishment of crimes, [he] shall hold
a weekly convention with the whole members of the College. He shall
be comptable * yearly to the Superintendent, Rector, and rest of the
Principals convened, about the first of November. His election shall be
in this sort : There shall be three of the most sufficient men of the Univer-
sity (not Principals already), nominated by the members of the College,
whose Principal is departed, sworn to follow their conscience, and
publicly proponed through the whole University. After the which time
eight days,^ the Superintendent, by himself or his special Procurator,
with the Rector and rest of the Principals, as a chapter convened, shall
confirm one of the three they think most sufficient, being aforesworn to
do the same with single eye, but respect to feud or favour.
Item, In every College, we think needful at the least one Steward, a
Cook, a Gardener, [and] a Porter, who shall be subject to [the] discipline
of the Principal, as the rest.
' aptitude to learning ^ only
' That is, " the body of the University "
^ accountable ^ That is, eight days later
(053) VOL n 20
300 APPENDIX VIII
Item, That every University have a Beadle subject to serve at all times
throughout the whole University, as the Rector and Principals shall
command.
Item, That every University have a Rector chosen from year to year
as shall follow. The Principals, being convened with the whole Regents
chapterly, shall be sworn that every man in his roume ^ shall nominate
such one as his conscience shall testify to be most sufficient to bear such
charge and dignity ; and three of them that shall be oftest nominated
shall be put in edict publicly, fifteen days afore Michaelmas. And then
shall on Michaelmas Even convene the whole Principals, Regents, and
Supposts that are graduate, or at the least studied their time in Ethics,
Economics, and Politics, and no others younger ; and every nation,^ first
protesting in God's presence to follow the sincere ditement ^ of their
consciences, shall nominate one of the said three, and he that has monyest *
votes shall be confirmed by the Superintendent and Principal, and his
duty with an exhortation proponed unto him. And this to be the 28 day
of September ; and thereafter oaths to be taken, hinc inde, of his just and
godly government, and of the remanent lawful submission and obedience.
He shall be propined ^ to the University, at his entry with a new garment,
bearing Insignia Magistratus ; and be held monthly to visit every College,
and with his presence decore ® and examine the lections and exercition
thereof. His assessors shall be a lawyer and a theologue, with whose
advice he shall decide all questions civil, betwix the members of the
University. If any without ^ the University pursue a member thereof, or
be pursued by a member of the same, he shall assist the Provost and
Bailies in those cases, or other judges competent, to see justice be
ministered. In likewise, if any of the University be criminally pursued,
he shall assist the Judges competent, and see that justice be ministered.
Summa of Item, We think it expedient that in every College in every University
^the^hree" there be twenty-four bursars, divided equally in all the classes and seiges,
Universi- as is above expressed : that is, in Saint Andrews, seventy-two bursars ;
n« in Glasgow, forty-eight bursars ; in Aberdeen, forty-eight ; to be sustained
only in meat upon the charges of the College ; and [to] be admitted at
the examination of the Ministry and chapter of Principals in the University,
as well in docihty ^ of the persons offered, as of the ability of their parents
to sustain them their selves, and not to burden the Commonwealth with
them.
V (9). Of Stipends and Expenses necessary
Item, We think expedient that the Universities be doted * with temporal
lands, with rents and revenues of the Bishoprics' temporality, and of the
Kirks Collegiate, so far as their ordinary charges shall require ; and
' ptace ; that is, in his turn or order
^ For a brief note on " nations " in the Scottish universities, see Rashdall, Universities
of Europe in the Middle Ages (new edn., 1936), ii, 307.
" dictate * most
' presented with in the sense of a formal gift upon acceptance of office
* adorn, in the sense of honour ' outwith ; outside
* aptitude to learning ' endowed
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 3OI
therefore, that it would please your Honours, by advice of your Honours'
Council and vote of Parliament, to do the same. And to the effect the
same may be shortly expediate,^ we have recollected ^ the sums we think
necessary for the same.
Imprimis, For the ordinary Stipend of the Dialectician Reader, the
Mathematician, Physician, and Moral Philosophy, we think sufficient
one hundred pounds for every one of them.
Item, For the Stipend of every Reader in Medicine and Laws, one
hundred and thirty-three pounds, 6s. 8d.
Item, To every Reader in Hebrew, Greek, and Divinity two hundred
pounds.
Item, To every Principal of a College, two hundred pounds. ^
Item, To every Steward, sixteen pounds of fee.
Item, To every Gardener, to every Cook, and Porter, ilkane,* ten
marks.
Item, To the Board of every Bursar, without the Classes of Theology
and Medicine, twenty pounds.
Item, [To every Bursar] in the Class of Theology, which will be only
twelve persons in Saint Andrews, twenty- four pounds.
Summa of yearly and ordinary expenses in the Univer-
sity of Saint Andrews, extends to .... 3796 lib.
Summa of yearly and ordinary expenses of Glasgow . 2922 lib.
Aberdeen, asmekill 2922 lib.
Summa of the Ordinary Charges of the whole . . 9640 lib.
Item, the Beadle's Stipend shall be of every entrant and suppost of the
University, two shillings ; of every one graduate in Philosophy, three
shillings ; of every one graduate in Medicine or Laws, four shillings ;
in Theology, five shillings ; all Bursars being excepted.
Item, We have thought good for building and upholding of the places,
[that] a general collection be made ; and that every Earl's son, at his
entry to the University, shall give forty shillings, and siclike at every
graduation, forty shillings. Item, Every Lord's son sicklike at ilk * time,
thirty shillings ; ilk freeholding Baron's son, twenty shillings : every
Feuar and substantious Gentleman's son, one mark. Item, Every sub-
stantious Husband ^ and Burgess son, at ilk time, ten shillings : Item,
Every one of the rest (excepting the Bursars), five shillings at ilk time.
And that this be gathered in a common box, put in keeping to the
Principal of the Theologians, every Principal having a key thereof, to be
counted ilk year once, with the relicts ^ of the Principals to be laid into
the same, about the fifteenth day of November, in presence of the Super-
• expedited ^ brought together
' In the manuscript {folio 281 verso), "to everie Principall of a Colledge, ij c. lb" ;
Laing's text reads, erroneously, " ij lb " * each
' That is, the holder of a husbandland which was nominally, but not necessarily,
twenty-six acres.
* residue or balances
302 APPENDIX VIII
intendent, Rector, and the whole Principals ; and, at their whole consent,
or at the least the most part thereof, reserved and employed only upon
the building and upholding of the places, and repairing of the same, as
ever necessity shall require. And therefor the Rector, with his assistants,
shall be held to visit the places ilk year once, incontinent after he be
promoted, upon the last of October, or thereby.
V (lo). Of the Privilege of the University
Seeing we desire that Innocence shall defend us rather than Privilege,
we think that ilk person of the University should answer before the
Provost and Baihes of ilk town where the Universities are, of all crimes
whereof they are accused, only that the Rector be Assessor to them in
the said actions. In civil matters if the question be betwix members of the
University on ilk side, making their residence and exercition therein for
the time, in that case the party called shall not be held to answer but
only before the Rector and his Assessors heretofore expressed. In all
other cases of civil pursuit, the general rule of the Law to be observed.
Actor sequatur forum rei, &c.'^
Item, That the Rector and all inferior members of the University be
exempted from all taxations, imposts, charges of war, or any other charge
that may onerate or abstract him or them from the care of their office :
such as Tutory, Curatory, Deaconry, or any siclike, that are established,
or hereafter shall be established in our Commonwealth. To the effect,
that but 2 trouble, that the one may wait upon the upbringing of the
youth in learning, that the other bestow his time only in that most necessary
exercition.
All other things touching the books to be read in each class, and all
such particular affairs, we refer to the discretion of the Masters, Principals,
and Regents, with their well-advised Councils : not doubting but if God
shall grant quietness, and if your Wisdoms grace to set forward letters in
the sort prescribed, ye shall leave wisdom and learning to your posterity,
a treasure more to be esteemed nor any earthly treasure ye are able to
provide for them ; which, without wisdom, are more able to be their
ruin and confusion, than help or comfort. And as this is most true, so we
leave it with the rest of the commodities to be weighed by your Honours'
wisdom, and set forward by your authority to the most high advancement
of this Commonwealth, committed to your charge.
f
The Sixth Head, of the Rents and Patrimony of the Kirk.
These two sorts of men, that is to say, the Ministers and the Poor,
together with the Schools, when order shall be taken thereanent, must be
sustained upon the charges of the Church.^ And therefore provision must
' That is, " A pursuer shall follow the court of the defender " ; in other words, the
pursuer must pursue in a court to the jurisdiction of which the defender is subject. (See
Trayner's Latin Maxims) ^ without
' Cf. tlie third head of the Supplication presented to the Reformation Parliament
of 1560 {supra, i, 337).
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 3O3
be made, how and of whom such sums must be hfted. But before we enter
in this head, we must crave of your Honours, in the name of the Eternal
God and of his Son Christ Jesus, that ye have respect to your poor brethren,
the labourers and manurers of the ground ; who by these cruel beasts,
the Papists, have been so oppressed that their life to them has been dolorous
and bitter. If ye will have God author and approver of your reformation,
ye must not follow their footsteps ; but ye must have compassion upon
your brethren, appointing them to pay so reasonable teinds, that they
may feel some benefit of Christ Jesus now preached unto them.
With the grief of our hearts we hear that some Gentlemen are now
as cruel over their tenants as ever were the Papists, requiring of them
whatsoever before they paid to the Church ; so that the Papistical
tyranny shall only be changed in the tyranny of the lord or of the laird. ^
We dare not flatter your Honours, neither yet is it profitable for you that
so we do. If you permit such cruelty to be used, neither shall ye, who by
your authority ought to gainstand such oppression, neither [shall] they
that use the same, escape God's heavy and fearful judgments. The
Gentlemen, Barons, Earls, Lords, and others, must be content to live
upon their just rents, and suffer the Church to be restored to her liberty,
that, in her restitution, the poor, who heretofore by the cruel Papists have
been spoiled and oppressed, may now receive some comfort and relaxation,
* Concluded by the Lords : That these teinds and other exactions, *Additio
to be clean discharged, and never to be taken in time coming ; as, the
uppermost Cloth, the Corpse-present, the Clerk-mail, the Pasche offerings,
Teind Ale, and all handlings Upland,^ can neither be required nor
received of godly conscience.^
Neither do we judge it to proceed from justice that one man shall
possess the teinds of another ; but we think it a thing most reasonable,
that every man have the use of his own teinds, provided that he answer
to the Deacons and Treasurers of the Church of that which justly shall be
appointed unto him. We require Deacons and Treasurers rather to Additio
receive the rents, nor the Ministers themselves ; because that of the
teinds must not only the Ministers be sustamed, but also the Poor and The lords
Schools. And therefore we think it most expedient that common ^|^^^^^^j
Treasurers, to wit, the Deacons, be appointed from year to year, to receive gfthe
the whole rents appertaining to the Church ; and that commandment receiving
be given, that no man be permitted either to receive either yet to intromet °£^Jj^^
with anything appertaining to the sustentation of the persons foresaid,
but such as by common consent of the Church are thereto appointed.
If any think this prejudicial to the tacks and assedations * of those
that now possess the teinds, let them understand that an unjust possession
is no possession before God ; for those of whom they received their title
and presupposed right, were and are thieves and murderers, and had no
power so to alienate the patrimony and common-good of the Church.
* That this continued is clear from the Supplication of 1562 {supra, 49-50).
'' all takings from the countryside
* For these exactions, see Statutes of the Scottish Church (Scot. Hist. Soc), 178, note 2;
Robertson, Concilia Scotia, ii, 305-306.
* holdings and leases
304 APPENDIX VIII
And yet we are not so extreme, but that we wish just recompense to be made
to such as have disbursed sums of money to those unjust possessors (so
that it has not been of late days in prejudice of the Church) : but such as
are found and known to be done of plain collusion in no wise ought to be
maintained of you. And for that purpose, we think it most expedient that
whosoever have assedation of teinds or churches be openly warned to
produce their assedation and assurance, that cognition being taken, the
just tacksman ^ may have a just and reasonable recompense for the years
that are to run, the profit of the years passed being considered and de-
ducted ; and the unjust and surmised ^ may be served accordingly. So
that the Church, in the end, may recover her liberty and freedom, and
that only for relief of the Poor.
Your Honours may easily understand that we speak not now for
ourselves, but in favour of the Poor and the labourers defrauded and
oppressed by the priests, and by their confederate pensioners. For while
that the priest's pensioner's idle belly is delicately fed, the Poor, to whom
a portion of that appertains, were pined with hunger ; and moreover
the true labourers were compelled to pay that which [they] ought not :
for the labourer is neither debtor to the dumb dog called the Bishop,
neither yet unto his hired pensioner ; but is debtor only unto the Church.
And the Church is only bound to sustain and nourish her charges, the
persons before mentioned, to wit, the Ministers of the word, the Poor,
and the Teachers of the youth.
But now to return to the former Head. The sums able to sustain these
forenamed persons, and to furnish all things appertaining to the preserva-
tion of good order and policy within the Church, must be lifted off the
teinds, to wit, the teind sheaf, teind hay, teind hemp, teind lint, teind
fish, feind calf, teind foal, teind lamb, teind wool, teind cheese, &c.
And because that we know that the tithes reasonably taken, as is before
expressed, will not suffice to discharge the former necessity, we think
that all things doted ^ to hospitality,"^ all annual rents, both in burgh and
[to] land, pertaining to Priests, Chantries, Colleges, Chaplainries, and to
Friars of all Orders, to the Sisters of the Scans, ^ and to all others of that
Order, and such others within this Realm, be received still to the use of the
Church or Churches within the towns or parishes where they were doted.
Furthermore to the upholding of the Universities and sustentation of the
Superintendents,'' the whole revenue of the temporality of the Bishops',
Deans', and Archdeans' lands, and all rents of lands pertaining to the
Cathedral Churches whatsoever. And further, merchants and rich
Agreed craftsmen in free Burghs, who have nothing to do with the manuring of
a/fo o>' me ^j^^ ground, must make some provision in their cities, towns, or dwelling
places, for to support the need of the Church.
* leaseholder ' That is, without legal right
^ gifted in endowment ; mortified
* to hospitals, that is, almshouses. But only the old endowed hospitals of the Roman
Church. (See infra, 305, note 3)
* That is, the Sisters of the Convent of St. Katherine of Sienna. The district in Edin-
burgh where the convent was located is still known as The Sciennes.
' As given, supra, 289, 300-301
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 3O5
To the Ministers, and failing thereof the Readers, must be restored
their manses and their glebes ; for else they cannot serve their flock at
all times as their duty is. If any glebe exceed six acres of land, the rest to
remain in the possessor's hands, while order be taken therein.
The Lords condescend that the Manses and Yards be restored to the [Additio]
Ministers : and all the Lords consent that the Ministers have six acres
of lands, except Marischal, Morton, Glencairn, and Cassillis, where
Manses are of great quantity.^
The receivers and collectors of these rents and duties must be the
Deacons or Treasurers appointed from year to year in every church,^
and that by common consent and free election of the church. The
Deacons may distribute no part of that which is collected, but by com-
mandment of the Ministers and Elders ; and they may command nothing
to be delivered, but as the Church before hath determined. To wit, the
Deacons shall, of the first, pay the sums, either quarterly, or from half
year to half year, to the Ministers which the Kirk hath appointed. The
same they shall do to the Schoolmasters, Readers, and Hospitals ^ (if
any be), always receiving acquittances for their discharge.
If any extraordinary sums lie to be delivered, then must the Ministers,
Elders, and Deacons consult whether the deliverance of those sums doth
stand with the common utility of the Church or not ; and if they do
universally agree and condescend either upon the affirmative or the
negative, then because they are in credit and office for the year, they may
do as best seemeth unto them. But if there be controversy amongst them-
selves, the whole Church must be made privy ; and after that the matter
be exponed, and the reasons heard, the judgment of the Church with the
Minister's consent shall prevail.
The Deacons shall be bound and compelled to make accounts to the
Ministers and Elders of that which they have received, as oft as the Policy
shall appoint. And the Elders w^hen they are changed (which must be
every year), must clear their accounts before such auditors as the Church
shall appoint. And both the Deacons and Elders being changed, shall
deliver to them that shall be now elected, all sums of money, corns, and
other profits resting in their hands ; the tickets ^ whereof must be delivered
to the Superintendents in their visitation, and by them to the great Council
of the Church, that as well the abundance as the indigence of every church
may be evidently kno\vn, that a reasonable equality may be had through-
out the whole Realm. If this order be precisely kept, corruption cannot
suddenly enter. For the free and yearly election of Deacons and Elders ^
shall suffer none to usurp a perpetual dominion over the Church ; the
knowledge of the rental shall suffice them to receive no more than whereof
they shall be bound to make accounts ; the deliverance of the money to
* In the manuscript (folio 285 recto) this paragraph is a marginal addition. It is
indicative of the discussions that took place in relation to the " policy " advocated by the
" godly ministers." See also the Bibliographical Note, supra, i, cii-ciii.
^ Supra, 303
° That is, to the new almshouses to be newly established or newly maintained by the
Reformed Church.
* vouchers * See infra, 309-310
306 APPENDIX VIII
the new officers shall not suffer private men [to] use in their private
business that which appertaineth to the public affairs of the Church.
The Seventh Head, of Ecclesiastical Discipline.
As that no Commonwealth can flourish or long endure without good
laws, and sharp execution of the same, so neither can the Church of God
be brought to purity, neither yet be retained in the same, without the order
of Ecclesiastical Discipline, which stands in reproving and correcting of
those faults which the civil sword doth either neglect, either may not
punish. Blasphemy, adultery, murder, perjury, and other crimes capital,
J worthy of death, ought not properly to fall under censure of the Church ;
/ \ because all such open transgressors of God's laws ought to be taken away
by the civil sword. But drunkenness, excess (be it in apparel, or be it in
\ eating and drinking), fornication, oppression of the poor by exactions,
deceiving of them in buying or selling by wrong mete or measure, wanton
words and licencious living tending to slander, do properly appertain to
the Church of God, to punish the same as God's word commandeth.
But because this accursed Papistry hath brought in such confusion
in the world, that neither was virtue rightly praised, neither vice severely
punished, the Church of God is compelled to draw the sword, which of
Consented God she hath received, against such open and manifest offenders, cursing
on by the ^^d excommunicating all such, as well those whom the civil sword ought
to punish as the others, from all participation with her in prayers and
sacraments, till open repentance manifestly appear in them. As the order
of Excommunication and proceeding to the same ought to be grave and
slow, so, being once pronounced against any person, of what estate and
condition that ever they be, it must be kept with all severity. For laws
made and not kept engendereth contempt of virtue and brings in confusion
and liberty to sin. And therefore this order we think expedient to be
observed before and after excommunication.
First, if the offence be secret and known to few, and rather stands in
suspicion than in manifest probation, the offender ought to be privately
admonished to abstain from all appearance of evil ; which, if he promises
to do, and to declare himself sober, honest, and orje that feareth God, and
feareth to offend his brethren, then may the secret admonition suffice for
his correction. But if he either contemn the admonition, or, after promise
made, do show himself no more circumspect than he was before, then must
the Minister admonish him ; to whom if he be found inobedient, they
must proceed according to the rule of Christ, as after shall be declared.
If the crime be public, and such as is heinous, as fornication, drunken-
ness, fighting, common swearing, or execration, then ought the offender
to be called in the presence of the Minister, Elders, and Deacons, where
his sin and offence ought to be declared and agredged,^ so that his con-
science may feel how far he hath offended God, and what slander he hath
raised in the Church. If signs of unfeigned repentance appear into him,
and if he require to be admitted to public repentance, the Ministry may
* shown to be grave
- THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 307
appoint unto him a day when the whole Church conveneth together, that
in presence of all he may testify the repentance \vhich before them he
professed. Which, if he accept, and with reverence do, confessing his sin,
and damning the same, and earnestly desiring the Congregation to pray
to God with him for mercy, and to accept him in their society, notwith-
standing his former offence, then the Church may, and ought [to] receive
him as a penitent. For the Church ought to be no more severe than God
declareth himself to be, who witnesseth, that " In whatsoever hour a
sinner unfeignedly repenteth, and turns from his wicked way, that he will
not remember one of his iniquities." And therefore the Church ought
diligently to advert that it excommunicate not those whom God absolveth.
If the offender called before the Ministry be found stubborn, hard-
hearted, or one in whom no sign of repentance appeareth, then must he
be dismissed with an exhortation to consider the dangerous estate in which
he stands ; assuring him, if they find into him no other token of amendment
of life, that they will be compelled to seek a further remedy. If he within
a certain space show his repentance to the Ministry, they must present
him to the Church as before is said.
But if he continue in his impenitence, then must the Church be
admonished that such crimes are committed amongst them, which by
the Ministry hath been reprehended, and the persons provoked to repent ;
whereof, because no signs appeareth unto them, they could not but
signify unto the Church the crimes, but not the person, requiring them
earnestly to call to God to move and touch the hearts of the offenders, so
that suddenly and earnestly they may repent.
If the person malign, ^ then, the next day of public assembly, the crime
and the person must be both notified unto the Church, and their judgment
must be required, if that such crimes ought to be suffered unpunished
amongst them. Request also would be made to the most discreet and to
the nearest friends of the offender to travail with him to bring him to
knowledge of himself, and of his dangerous estate ; with a commandment
given to all men to call to God for the conversion of the impenitent. If
a solemn and a special prayer were made and drawn for that purpose,
the thing should be the more gravely done.
The third Sunday, the Minister ought to require if the impenitent
have declared any signs of repentance to any of the Ministry ; and if he
hath, then may the Minister appoint him to be examined by the whole
Ministry, either then instantly, or at another day affixed to the consistory :
and if repentance appear, as well of the crime, as of his long contempt,
then may he be presented to the Church, and make his confession, and
to be accepted as before is said. But if no man signify his repentance, then
ought he to be excommunicate ; and by the mouth of the Minister,
consent of the Ministry, and commandment of the Church, must such
a contemner be pronounced excommunicate from God, and from the
society of his Church.
After which sentence may no person (his wife and family only excepted)
have any kind of conversation with him, be it in eating and drinking,
* That is, remains contumacious
308 APPENDIX VIII
buying or selling, yea, in saluting or talking with him, except that it be
at the commandment or licence of the Ministry for his conversion ; that
he by such means confounded, seeing himself abhorred of the faithful
and godly, may have occasion to repent and be so saved. The sentence
of his Excommunication must be published universally throughout the
Realm, lest that any man should pretend ignorance.
His children begotten or born after that sentence and before his
repentance, may not be admitted to baptism, till either they be of age to
require the same, or else that the mother, or some of his especial friends,
members of the Church, offer and present the child, abhorring and damn-
ing the iniquity and obstinate contempt of the impenitent. If any think
it severe that the child should be punished for the iniquity of the father,
let them understand that the sacraments appertain only to the faithful
and to their seed : But such as stubbornly contemn all godly admonition,
and obstinately remain in their iniquity, cannot be accounted amongst
the faithful.
VII (2). The Order for Public Offenders
We have spoken nothing of those that commit horrible crimes, as
murderers, man-slayers, and adulterers ; for such (as we have said) the
Civil sword ought to punish to death. But in case they be permitted to
live, then must the Church, as before is said, draw the sword which of
God she hath received, holding them as accursed even in their very fact ;
the offender being first called, and order of the Church used against him,
in the same manner as the persons that for obstinate impenitence are
publicly excommunicated. So that the obstinate impenitent, after the
sentence of excommunication, and the. murderer or adulterer, stand in
one case as concerning the judgment of [the Church] ; that is, neither
of both may be received in the fellowship of the Church to prayers or
sacraments (but to hearing of the word they may), till first they offer
themselves to the Ministry, humbly requiring the Ministers and Elders
to pray to God for them, and also to be intercessors to the Church, that
they may be admitted to public repentance, and so to the fruition of the
benefits of Christ Jesus, distributed to the members of his body.
If this request be humbly made, then may not the Ministers refuse to
signify the same unto the Church, the next day of public preaching, the
Minister giving exhortation to the Church to pray to God to perform the
work which he appeared to have begun, working in the heart of the
offender unfeigned repentance of his grievous crime, and the sense and
feeling of his great mercy, by the operation of his Holy Spirit. Thereafter
a day ought publicly to be assigned unto him to give open confession of his
offence and contempt, and so to make a public satisfaction to the Church
of God. Which day, the offender must appear in presence of the whole
Church, and with his own mouth damn his own impiety, publicly con-
fessing the same ; desiring God of his grace and mercy, and his congrega-
tion, that it will please them to accept him in their society, as before is said.
The Minister must examine him diligently whether he find a haitrent and
displeasure of his sin, as well of his crime as of his contempt : which if
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 309
he confess, he must travail with him, to see what hope he hath of God's
mercy.
And if he find him reasonably instructed in the knowledge of Christ
Jesus [and] in the virtue of his death, then may the Minister comfort him
by God's infallible promises, and demand of the Church if they be content
to receive that creature of God (whom Sathan before had drawn in his
nets), in the society of their body, seeing that he declares himself penitent.
Which, if the Church grant, as they may not justly deny the same, then
ought the Minister in public prayer to commend him to God, confess the
sin of that offender, and of the whole Church desire mercy and grace for
Christ Jesus' sake. Which prayer being ended, the Minister ought to exhort
the Church to receive that penitent brother in their favour, as they require
God to receive themselves when they have offended ; and in sign of their
consent, the Elders and chief men of the Church shall take the penitent
by the hand, and one or two in name of the whole shall kiss and embrace
him with all reverence and gravity, as a member of Christ Jesus.
Which being done, the Minister shall exhort the reconciled to take
diligent heed in times coming that Sathan trap him not in such crimes,
admonishing him that he will not cease to tempt and try [by] all means
possible to bring him from that obedience which he hath given to God,
and to the ordinance of his Son Christ Jesus. The exhortation being
ended, the Minister ought to give public thanks unto God for the con-
version of that their brother, and for the benefits which we receive by
Jesus Christ, praying for the increase and continuance of the same.
If the penitent, after that he have offered himself to the Ministry, or
to the Church, be found ignorant in the principal points of our religion,
and chiefly in the article of Justification, and of the office of Christ Jesus,
then ought he to be exactly instructed before he be received. For a
mocking of God it is to receive them in repentance who knoweth not
wherein stands their remedy, when they repent their sin.
VII (3). Persons subject to Discipline
To Discipline must all Estates within this Realm be subject if they Consented
offend, as well the rulers as they that are ruled ; yea and the Preachers ^r^^'
themselves, as well as the poorest within the Church. And because the
eye and mouth of the Church ought to be most single and irreprehensible,
the life and conversation of the Ministers ought most diligently to be
tried. Whereof we shall speak, after that we have spoken of the election of
Elders and Deacons, who must assist the Ministers in all public affairs of
the Church, &c.
The Eighth Head, touching the Election of Elders and
Deacons, &g.i
Men of best knowledge in God's word, of cleanest life, men faithful,
and of most honest conversation that can be found in the Church, must
^ See also supra, Appendix VII
310 APPENDIX VIII
be nominated to be in election ; and the names of the same must be
publicly read to the whole Kirk by the Minister, giving them advertise-
ment that from amongst these must be chosen Elders and Deacons. If
any of the nominated be noted with public infamy, he ought to be repelled ;
for it is not seemly that the servant of corruption shall have authority
to judge in the Church of God. If any man knows others of better qualities
within the Church than those that be nominated, let them be put in
election, that the Church may have the choice.
What If churches be of smaller number than that Seniors and Deacons can
churches be chosen from amongst them, then may they well be joined to the next
joined let ^dj^cent church. For the plurality of churches, without ministers and
the policy Order, shall rather hurt than edify.
judge "f he election of Elders and Deacons ought to be used every year once
(which we judge to be most convenient the first day of August) ; lest
that by long continuance of such officers, men presume upon the liberty
of the Church.^ It hurts not that one man be retained in office more years
than one, so that he be appointed yearly, by common and free election ;
provided always, that the Deacons, treasurers, be not compelled to receive
the office again for the space of three years.
How the votes and suffrages may be best received, so that every man
may give his vote freely, every several Church may take such order as
best seemeth to them.
The Elders being elected, must be admonished of their office, which
is to assist the Minister in all public affairs of the Church ; to wit, in
judging and decerning causes ; in giving of admonition to the licentious
liver ; [and] in having respect to the manners and conversation of all men
within their charge. For by the gravity of the Seniors ought the light and
unbridled life of the licentious [to] be corrected and bridled.
Yea, the Seniors ought to take heed to the life, manners, diligence, and
study of their Ministers. If he be worthy of admonition, they must
admonish him ; of correction, they must correct him. And if he be
worthy of deposition, they with consent of the Church and Superintendent,
may depose him, so that his crime so deserve. If a Minister be light in
conversation, by his Elders and Seniors he ought to be admonished. If
he be negligent in study, or one that vaketh ^ not upon his charge and
flock, or one that proponeth not fruitful doctrine, he deserveth sharper
admonition and correction. To the which if he be found stubborn and
inobedient, then may the Seniors of one Church complain to the Ministry
of the two next adjacent Churches, where men of greater gravity are ;
to whose admonition if he be found inobedient, he ought to be discharged
from his ministry till his repentance appear, and a place be vacant for
him.
If any Minister be deprehended ^ in any notable crime, as whoredom,
adultery, murder, manslaughter, perjury, teaching of heresy, or any such
as deserve death, or [that] may be a note of perpetual infamy, he ought
to be deposed for ever. By heresy, we mean pernicious doctrine plainly
taught, and obstinately defended, against the foundation and principles
* Cf. supra, 305-306 ' attendeth • apprehended ^y
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 3 II
of our faith. And such a crime we judge to deserve perpetual deposition
from the ministry ; for most dangerous we know it to be, to commit the
flock to a man infected with the pestilence of heresy.
Some crimes deserve deposition for a time, and while ^ the person give
declaration of greater gravity and honesty. As if a minister be depre-
hended drunk, in brawling or fighting, an open slanderer, an infamer of
his neighbour, [or] factious and [a] sower of discord, he may be com-
manded to cease from his ministry, till he declare the signs of repentance ;
upon the which, the Church shall abide him the space of twenty days
or further, as the Church shall think expedient, before that they proceed
to a new election.
Every inferior Church shall by one of their Seniors and one of their
Deacons, once in the year, notify unto the ministry of the Superintendent's
Church, the life, manners, study, and diligence of their Ministers, to the
end that the discretion of some may correct the lenity of others.
Not only may the life and manners of the Ministers come under
censure and judgment of the Church, but also of their wives, children, and
family. Judgment must be taken, that he neither live riotously, neither
yet avariciously ; yea, respect must be had how they spend the stipend
appointed to their living. If a reasonable stipend be appointed, and they
live avariciously, they must be admonished to live so as they receive ; for
as excess and superfluity is not tolerable in a minister, so is avarice and the
careful solicitude of money and gear utterly to be damned in Christ's
servants, and especially in those that are fed upon the charge of the
Church. We judge it unseemly and not tolerable that ministers shall be
boarded in common ale-houses or taverns.
Neither yet must a Minister be permitted to frequent and commonly
haunt the Court, unless it be for a time, when he is either sent by the
Church, either yet called for by the Authority for his counsel and judg-
ment. Neither yet must he be one of the council in Civil affairs, be he
never judged so apt for that purpose ; but either must he cease from the
ministry (which at his own pleasure he may not do), or else from bearing
charge in Civil affairs, unless it be to assist the Parhament if he be called.
The office of the Deacons, as is before declared, is to receive the rents
and gather the alms of the Church, to keep and distribute the same, as
by the ministry of the Kirk shall be appointed. They may also assist in
judgment with the Ministers and Elders, and may be admitted to read in
the assembly if they be required, and be found able thereto.
The Elders and Deacons, with their wives and households must be
under the same censure that is prescribed for the Ministers : for they
must be careful over their office ; and seeing that they are judges to the
manners of others, their own conversation ought to be irreprehensible.
They must be sober, humble, lovers and entertainers of concord and
peace ; and, finally, they ought to be the example of godliness to others.
And if the contrary thereof appear, they must be admonished by the
Minister, or by some of their brethren of the ministry, if the fault
be secret ; and if it be open and known, it must be rebuked before the
' mtU
312 APPENDIX VIII
ministry, and the same order kept against the Senior or Deacon, that
before is described against the Minister.
We think it not necessary that any pubUc stipend shall be appointed
either to the Elders or yet to the Deacons, because their travail continues
but for one year ; and also because that they are not so occupied with the
affairs of the Church, but that reasonably they may attend upon their
domestical business.
The Ninth Head, concerning the Policy of the Church.
Policy we call an exercise of the Church in such things as may bring
the rude and ignorant to knowledge, or else inflame the learned to greater
fervency, or to retain the Church in good order. And thereof there be
two sorts. The one [is] utterly necessary ; as that the word be truly
preached, the sacraments rightly ministered, [and] common prayers
publicly made ; that the children and rude persons be instructed in the
chief points of religion, and that offences be corrected and punished.
These things, we say, be so necessary, that without the same there is no
face of a visible Kirk. The other is profitable, but not of mere necessity ;
as, that Psalms should be sung ; that certain places of the Scriptures
should be read when there is no sermon ; [and] that this day or that day,
few or many in the week, the Church should assemble. Of these and such
others we cannot see how a certain order can be established. For in some
churches the Psalms may be conveniently sung ; in others, perchance,
they cannot.^ Some churches may convene every day ; some thrice or
twice in the week ; some perchance but once. In these, and such like,
must every particular Church, by their own consent, appoint their own
policy.
In great towns we think expedient that every day there be either
Sermon, or else Common Prayers, with some exercise of reading the
Scriptures. What day the public Sermon is, we can neither require or
greatly approve that the Common Prayers be publicly used, lest that we
shall either foster the people in superstition, who come to the Prayers as
they come to the Mass ; or else give them occasion to think that those be
no prayers which are made before and after Sermoru
In every notable town, we require that one day, besides the Sunday,
be appointed to the Sermon and Prayers ; which, during the time of
Sermon, must be kept free from all exercise of labour, as well of the master
as of the servants. In smaller towns, as we have said, the common consent
of the Church must put order. But the Sunday must straitly be kept,
both before and after noon, in all towns. Before noon, must the word
be preached and sacraments ministered, as also marriage solemnised, if
occasion offer. After noon, must the young children be publicly ex-
amined in their Catechism in audience of the people, ^ in doing whereof the
• Though men and women were to be exhorted to exercise themselves in the Psalms
that they might the more ably praise God with heart and voice {infra, 314).
'^ See Selections from the Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery and Synod of Aberdeen (Spalding
Club), 23 {anno 1578).
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 313
Minister must take great diligence, as well to cause the people to under-
stand the questions proponed, as the answers, and the doctrine that may
be collected thereof. The order and how much is appointed for every
Sunday, is already distincted in our Book of Common Order ^ ; which
Catechism is the most perfect that ever yet was used in the Church.
At afternoon also may Baptism be ministered, when occasion is offered
of great travail before noon. It is also to be observed, that prayers be
used at afternoon upon the Sunday, where there is neither preaching nor
catechism.
It appertaineth to the Policy of the Church to appoint the times when
the Sacraments shall be ministered. Baptism may be ministered when-
soever the word is preached ; but we think it more expedient, that it be
ministered upon the Sunday,^ or upon the day of prayers, only after the
sermon ; partly to remove this gross error by the which many deceived
think that children be damned if they die without Baptism ; and partly
to make the people assist the administration of that sacrament with greater
reverence than they do. For we do see the people begin already to wax
weary by reason of the frequent repetition of those promises.
Four times in the year we think sufficient to the administration of the
Lord's Table,^ which we desire to be distincted, that the superstition of
times may be avoided so far as may be. Your Honours are not ignorant
how superstitiously the people run to that action at Pasche, even as [if]
the time gave virtue to the Sacrament ; and how the rest of the whole
year they are careless and negligent, as [if] that it appertaineth not unto
them but at that time only. We think therefore most expedient, that the
first Sunday of March be appointed for one [time] ; the first Sunday of
June for another ; the first Sunday of September for the third ; and the
first Sunday of December for the fourth. We do not deny but that any
several church, for reasonable causes, may change the time, and may
minister ofter ; but we study to suppress superstition. All Ministers must
be admonished to be more careful to instruct the ignorant than ready to
satisfy their appetites ; and more sharp in examination than indulgent
in admitting to that great Mystery such as be ignorant of the use and virtue
of the same. And therefore we think that the administration of the Table
ought never to be without that examination pass before, especially of
those whose knowledge is suspect. We think that none are apt to be
admitted to that Mystery who cannot formally say the Lord's Prayer, the
Articles of the Belief, and declare the sum of the Law.
Further, we think it a thing .most expedient and necessary, that every
Church have a Bible in English, and that the people be commanded to
' See the note, supra, 282, note 2
^ Baptism on Sundays was apparently being observed in September 1562. (See de
Gouda's report in Pollen, Papal Negotiations with Mary Queen of Scots, Scot. Hist. Soc,
123, 135)
' In the Geneva Order the rubric lays down " The day when the Lord's Supper is
ministered, which commonly is used once a month, or so oft as the Congregation shall
think expedient. . . ." (Laing's Knox, iv, 191) ; but, in December 1562, the General
Assembly ordained that the Communion should be ministered " four times in the year
within burghs, and twice in the year to landward." {Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 30)
314 APPENDIX VIII
convene to hear the plain reading or interpretation of the Scripture, as
the Church shall appoint ; that by frequent reading this gross ignorance,
which in the cursed Papistry hath overflowed all, may partly be removed.
We think it most expedient that the Scriptures be read in order, that is,
that some one Book of the Old and the New Testament be begun and
orderly read to the end. And the same we judge of preaching, where the
Minister for [the] most part remaineth in one place. For this skipping and
divagation from place to place of the Scripture, be it in reading, or be it
in preaching, we judge not so profitable to edify the Church, as the con-
tinual following of one text.
Every Master of household must be commanded either to instruct,
or else cause [to] be instructed, his children, servants, and family, in the
principles of the Christian religion ; without the knowledge whereof
ought none to be admitted to the Table of the Lord Jesus. For such as
be so dull and so ignorant, that they can neither try themselves, neither
yet know the dignity and mystery of that action, cannot eat and drink
of that Table worthily. And therefore of necessity we judge it, that every
year at least, public examination be had by the Ministers and Elders of
the knowledge of every person within the Church ; to wit, that every
master and mistress of household come themselves and their family so
many as be come to maturity, before the Ministers and Elders, to give
confession of their faith, and to answer to such chief points of Religion as
the Ministers shall demand. Such as be ignorant in the Articles of their
Faith, understand not, nor cannot rehearse the Commandments of God,
[and] know not how to pray, neither whereinto their righteousness
consists, ought not to be admitted to the Lord's Table. And if they
stubbornly continue, and suffer their children and servants to continue
in wilful ignorance, the discipline of the Church must proceed against
them unto excommunication ; and then must the matter be referred to
the Civil Magistrate. For seeing that the just liveth by his own faith, and
that Christ Jesus justifieth by knowledge of Himself, insufferable we judge
it that men shall be permitted to live and continue in ignorance as members
of the Church of God.
Moreover, men, women, and children would be exhorted to exercise
themselves in the Psalms, that when the Church conveneth, and does sing,
they may be the more able together with common heart and voice to praise
God.i
In private houses we think it expedient, that the most grave and
discreet person use the Common Prayers at morn and at night, for the
comfort and instruction of others.^ For seeing that we behold and see the
hand of God now presently striking us with divers plagues, we think it
a contempt of his judgments, or a provocation of his anger more to be
kindled against us, if we be not moved to repentance of our former un-
thankfulness, and to earnest invocation of his name, whose only power
' See the young James Melville's appreciation of the Psalms and the tunes thereof,
which ever thereafter he found " a great blessing and comfort." {Autobiography and Diary
of Mr. James Mtlvill, Wodrow Soc, 22)
^ Knox had earlier stressed this in his brief Letter of Wholesome Counsel addressed to the
Protestants of Scotland on his departure from them in 1556. (Laing's Knox, iv, 137)
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 315
may (and great mercy will), if we unfeignedly convert unto Him, remove
from us these terrible plagues which now for our iniquities hang over our
heads. " Convert us, O Lord, and we shall be converted."
IX (2). For Preaching, and Interpreting of Scriptures, &c.i
To the end that the Church of God may have a trial of men's know-
ledge, judgments, graces, and utterances ; and also, that such as somewhat
have profited in God's word may from time to time grow to more full
perfection to serve the Church, as necessity shall require : it is most
expedient that in every town, where schools and repair of learned men
are, that there be one certain day every week appointed [to] that exercise,
which Saint Paul calleth prophesying. The order whereof is expressed
by him in these words : " Let two or three prophets speak ; and let the Coi'- 14.
rest judge : But if anything be revealed to him that sitteth by, let the '^'^
former keep silence : [For] ye may, one by one, all prophesy, that all
may learn, and all may receive consolation. And the spirits (that is, the
judgments) of the prophets, are subject to the prophets." Of which words
of the Apostle, it is evident that in Corinth, when the Church did assemble
for that purpose, some place of Scripture was read ; upon the which,
first one gave his judgment to the instruction and consolation of the
auditors, after whom did one other either confirm what the former had
said, or did add what he had omitted, or did gently correct or explain
more properly where the whole verity was not revealed to the former.
And in case some things were hid from the one and from the other, liberty
was given to the third to speak his judgment for edification of the Church,
Above the which number of three (as appeareth), they passed not, for
avoiding of confusion.
These exercises, we say, are things most necessary for the Church of
God this day in Scotland. For thereby (as said is) shall the Church have
judgment and knowledge of the graces, gifts, and utterances of every man
within their own body ; the simple, and such as have somewhat profited,
shall be encouraged daily to study and proceed in knowledge ; the Church
shall be edified (for this exercise must be patent to such as list to hear and
learn) ; and every man shall have liberty to utter and declare his mind
and knowledge to the comfort and edification of the Church.
But lest that of a profitable exercise might arise debate and strife,
curious, peregrine and unprofitable questions are to be avoided. All
interpretation disagreeing from the principles of our faith, repugning to
charity, or that stands in plain contradiction to any other manifest place
of Scripture, is to be rejected. The interpreter in that exercise may not
take to himself the liberty of a public preacher, yea, although he be a
Minister appointed ; but he must bind himself to his text, that he enter
not by disgression in explaining common-places. He may use no invective
in that exercise unless it be with sobriety in confuting heresies. In ex-
hortations or admonitions he must be short, that the time may be spent
in opening of the mind of the Holy Ghost in that place, in following the
* See the Geneva Order, in Laing's Knox, iv, 178-179
(653) VOL n 21
3l6 APPENDIX VIII
file ^ and dependence of the text, and in observing such notes as may
instruct and edify the auditure.^ For avoiding of contention, neither may
the interpreter, neither yet any of the assembly, move any question in
open audience, whereto himself is not content to give resolution without
reasoning with any other ; but every man ought to speak his own judg-
ment to the edification of the Church.
If any be noted with curiosity, or bringing in any strange doctrine,
he must be admonished by the moderators, the Ministers and Elders,
immediately after that the interpretation is ended. The whole members
and number of them that are of the Assembly ought to convene together,
where examination should be had, how the persons that did interpret did
handle and convey the matter ; they themselves being removed till every
man have given his censure ; after the which, the persons being called,
the faults (if any notable be found) are noted, and the person gently
admonished. In that last Assembly all questions and doubts (if any arise)
should be resolved without contention.
The Ministers of the parish churches to landward, adjacent to every
chief town, and the Readers, if they have any gift of interpretation, within
six miles must assist and concur to those that prophesy within the towns ;
to the end that they themselves may either learn, or else others may learn
by them. And moreover, men in whom are supposed any gifts to be
which might edify the Church if they were well applied, must be charged
by the Ministers and Elders to join themselves with that session and com-
pany of interpreters, to the end that the Church may judge whether
they be able to serve to God's glory, and to the profit of the Church in
the vocation of Ministers, or not. And if any be found disobedient, and
not willing to communicate the gifts and spiritual graces of God v/ith
their brethren, after sufficient admonition, discipline must proceed against
them ; provided that the Civil Magistrate concur with the judgment
and election of the Church. For no man may be permitted to live as
best pleaseth him within the Church of God ; but every man must
be constrained, by fraternal admonition and correction, to bestow his
labours, when of the Church they are required, to the edification of
others.
What day in the week is most convenient for thgt exercise, and what
books of the Scriptures shall be most profitable to be read, we refer to the
judgment of every particular Church, we mean, to the wisdom of the
Ministers and Elders.
IX (3). Of Marriage
Because that Marriage, the blessed ordinance of God, in this cursed
Papistry hath partly been contemned, and partly hath been so infirmed,
that the persons conjoined could never be assured of continuance, if the
Bishops and Prelates list to dissolve the same, we have thought good to
show our judgments how such confusion in times coming may be best
avoided.
And first, public inhibition must be made that no persons under the
* thread " audience
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 317
power and obedience of others, such as sons and daughters, [and] those
that be under curators, neither men nor women, contract marriage
privily and without knowledge [of their parents, tutors, or curators, under
whose power they are for the time] : which if they do, the censure and
discipline of the Church [ought] to proceed against them. If the son or
daughter, or other, have their heart touched with desire of marriage, they
are bound to give that honour to the parents that they open unto them
their affection, asking of them counsel and assistance, how that motion,
which they judge to be of God, may be performed. If the father, friend,
or master, gainstand their request, and have no other cause than the
common sort of men have (to wit, lack of goods, or because they are not
so high-born as they require), yet must not the parties whose hearts are
touched make any covenant till further declaration be made unto the
Church of God. And, therefore, after they have opened their minds to
their parents, or such others as have charge over them, they must declare
it also to the Ministry, or to the Civil Magistrate, requiring them to travail
with their parents for their consent, which to do they are bound. And
if they, to wit, the Magistrate or Ministers, find no just cause why the
marriage required may not be fulfilled, then, after sufficient admonition
to the father, friend, master, or superior, that none of them resist the work
of God, the Ministry or Magistrate may enter in the place of the parent,
and by consenting to their just requests may admit them to marriage.
For the work of God ought not to be hindered by the corrupt affections
of worldly men. The work of God we call, when two hearts (without
filthiness before committed) are so joined that both require and are
content to live together in that holy bond of matrimony.
If any man commit fornication with the woman whom he required
in marriage, then do both lose this foresaid benefit, as well of the Church
as of the Magistrate ; for neither of both ought to be intercessors or
advocates for filthy fornicators. But the father, or nearest friend,
whose daughter being a virgin is deflowered, hath power by the law of
God to compel the man that did that injury to marry his daughter. Or
if the father will not accept him by reason of his offence, then may
he require the dot ^ of his daughter ; which if the oflTender be not able
to pay, then ought the Civil Magistrate to punish his body by some other
punishment.
And because that fornication, whoredom, and adultery, are sins most
common in this Realm, we require of your Honours, in the name of the
Eternal God, that severe punishment, according as God hath commanded,
be executed against such wicked offenders. For we doubt not but such
enorme crimes openly committed, provoke the wrath of God, as the
Apostle speaketh, not only upon the oflfenders, but also upon such places
as where, without punishment, they are committed.
But to return to our former purpose : Marriage ought not to be Agrees to
contracted amongst persons that have no election for lack of understanding; f '''^^^
and therefore we affirm, that bairns and infants cannot lawfully be riage
married in their minor age, to wit, the man within fourteen years of age,
* dowry
3l8 APPENDIX VIII
and the woman within twelve years, at the least. ^ Which if it chance any
to have been, and have kept their bodies always separate, we cannot
judge them bound to adhere as man and wife, by reason of that promise,
which in God's presence was no promise at all. But if in the years of
judgment they have embraced the one the other, then by reason of
their last consent, they have ratified that which others did promise for
them in their youth-head.
In a Reformed Church, marriage ought not to be secretly used, but
in open face and public audience of the Church. And for avoiding of
dangers, expedient it is that the banns be publicly proclaimed three
Sundays (unless the persons be [so] known, that no suspicion of danger
may arise, and then may the banns be shortened at the discretion of the
Ministry). But in no wise can we admit marriage to be used secretly,
how honourable that ever the persons be. The Sunday before sermon
we think most convenient for marriage, and it to be used no day else
without the consent of the whole Ministry.
Marriage once lawfully contracted, may not be dissolved at man's
pleasure, as our master Christ Jesus doth witness, unless adultery be com-
mitted ; which, being sufficiently proven in presence of the Civil Magis-
trate, the innocent (if they so require) ought to be pronounced free, and
the offender ought to suffer the death as God hath commanded. If the
Civil sword foolishly spare the life of the offender, yet may not the Church
be negligent in their office, which is to excommunicate the wicked, and
to repute them as dead members, and to pronounce the innocent party
to be at freedom, be they never so honourable before the world. If the
life be spared (as it ought not to be) to the offenders, and if the fruits of
repentance of long time appear in them, and if they earnestly desire to be
reconciled with the Church, we judge that they may be received to partici-
pation of the Sacraments, and of the other benefits of the Church, (for
we would not that the Church should hold those excommunicate whom
God absolved, that is, the penitent).
If any demand, whether that the offender after reconciliation with the
Church, may not marry again, we answer, That if they cannot live con-
tinent, and if the necessity be such as that they fear further offence of God,
we cannot forbid them to use the remedy ordained of God. ^ If the party
offended may be reconciled to the offender, then we judge that in nowise
* In 1568 we find the Superintendent of Fife forbidding the solemnization of a marriage
until the man had completed fourteen years of age. {St. Andrews Kirk Session Register,
Scot. Hist. Soc, i, 299-300). In 1600 the General Assembly lamented that there was
" untimeous marriage of young and tender persons " and " no law nor statute of the
Kirk, [made] as yet defining the age of persons to be married " ; and thereafter it ordained
the ages for marriage to be those that are given above, and desired the Commissioners of
the Assembly to have its decision ratified by the Convention of Estates. {Booke of the
Universall Kirk, iii, 953)
^ In 1600, however, the General Assembly had to note that the marriage of persons
convicted of adultery was a great temptation to married persons to commit that crime,
thinking thereby to be separated by divorce and thereafter to enjoy those with whom they
had committed adultery. Accordingly the Assembly thought it expedient to crave an
Act at the next Convention of Estates " discharging all marriages of such persons as are
convicted of adultery." {Booke of the Universall Kirk, iii, 953)
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 319
it shall be lawful to the offender to marry any other, except the party
that before hath been offended ; and the solemnization of the latter
marriage must be in the open face of the Church like as the former, but
without proclamation of banns.
This we do offer as the best counsel that God giveth unto us in so
doubtsome a case. But the most perfect Reformation were, if your
Honours would give to God his honour and glory, that ye would prefer
his express commandment to your own corrupt judgments, especially in
punishing of those crimes which he commandeth to be punished with
death. For so should ye declare yourselves God's true and obedient
officers, and your Commonwealth should be redd ^ of innumerable
troubles.
We mean not, that sins committed in our former blindness ^ (which
be almost buried in oblivion) shall be called again to examination and
judgment. But we require that the law may now and hereafter be so
established and executed, that this ungodly impunity of sin have no place
within this Realm. For in the fear of God we signify unto your Honours,
that whosoever persuadeth unto you that ye may pardon where God
commandeth death, deceiveth your souls, and provokes you to offend -^ota
God's Majesty.
IX (4). Of Burial
Burial in all ages hath been held in estimation, to signify that the
same body that was committed to the earth should not utterly perish,
but should rise again. And the same we would have kept within this
Realm, provided that superstition, idolatry, and whatsoever hath pro-
ceeded of a false opinion, and for advantage sake, may be avoided ; as
singing of Mass, Placebo, and Dirige, and all other prayers over or for
the dead, are not only superfluous and vain, but also are idolatry, and do
repugn to the plain Scriptures of God. For plain it is, that everyone that
dieth departeth either in the faith of Christ Jesus, or else departeth in
incredulity. Plain it is, that they that depart in the true faith of Christ
Jesus, rest from their labours, and from death [do] go to life everlasting,
as by our Master and by his Apostle we are taught. But whosoever departs
in unbelief or in incredulity, shall never see life, but the wrath of God
abideth upon him. And so, we say that prayers for the dead are not
only superfluous and vain, but do expressly repugn to the manifest
Scriptures and verity thereof
For avoiding all inconvenients, we judge it best, that neither singing
nor reading be at the burial. For albeit things sung and read may ad-
monish some of the living to prepare themselves for death, yet shall some
superstitious and ignorant persons ever think that the works, singing, or
reading of the living do and may profit the dead. And therefore, we think f^^frs
most expedient that the dead be conveyed to the place of burial with ^'^^^^ ^^
some honest company of the Church, without either singing or reading ; thejudg-
yea, without all kind of ceremony heretofore used, other than that the dead '"^"^ V
be committed to the grave, with such gravity and sobriety, as those that Church
' cleared ^ So also supra, 285
320 APPENDIX VIII
be present may seem to fear the judgments of God, and to hate sin, which
is the cause of death.
*[Additio\ * And yet, notwithstanding, we are not so precise, but that we are
content that particular Kirks use them in that behalf, with the consent
of the Ministry of the same, as they will answer to God, and [the] Assembly
of the Universal Kirk gathered within the Realm. ^
We are not ignorant that some require a sermon at the burial, or else
some places of Scriptures to be read, to put the living in mind that they
are mortal, and that likewise they must die. But let those men understand
that the sermons which be daily made, serve for that use ; which if men
despise, the preaching of the funeral sermons shall rather nourish super-
stition and a false opinion (as before is said), than that they shall bring
such persons to any godly consideration of their own estate. Attour,
either shall the Ministers for the most part be occupied in preaching
funeral sermons, or else they shall have respect to persons, preaching
at the burial of the rich and honourable, but keeping silence when the
poor or despised departeth ; and this with safe conscience cannot the
Ministers do. For, seeing that before God there is no respect of persons,
and that their ministry appertaineth to all alike, whatsoever they do to
the rich, in respect of their ministry, the same they are bound to do to the
poorest under their charge.
In respect of divers inconvenients, we think it neither seemly that the
Church appointed to preaching and ministration of the Sacraments shall
be made a place of burial ; but that some other secret and convenient
place, lying in the most free air, be appointed for that use ; the which
place ought to be well walled and fenced about, and kept for that use
only.^
IX (5). For Reparation of Churches
Lest that the word of God, and ministration of the Sacraments, by
unseemliness of the place come in contempt, of necessity it is that the
churches and places where the people ought publicly to convene be with
expedition repaired in doors, windows, thatch, and with such preparations
within, as appertaineth as well to the majesty of the word of God as unto
Agreed on the ease and commodity of the people. And because we know the slothful-
ness of men in this behalf, and in all other which may not redound to
their private commodity, strait charge and commandment must be given
that within a certain day the reparations must be begun, and within
another day, to be affixed by your Honours, that they be finished. Penalties
and sums of money must be enjoined, and without pardon taken from the
contemners.
' That particular Kirks availed themselves of this dispensation seems to be clear from
*' The Forme and Maner of Buriall usit in the Kirk of Montrois " ( Wodrow Soc. Mis-
cellany, i, 293-300). This service, which may be dated between 1560 and 1581. includes an
address by the Minister or Reader, a Prayer, and a Funeral Hymn — this last being one
of the Gude and Godly Ballatis particularly appropriate to the occasion.
^ In addition to this recommendation, far advanced for the time, we should note that
in 1563 the General Assembly ordained that the dead were to be buried " six feet under
the earth." {Booke of the Uuiversall Kirk, i, 43)
f
1
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 321
The reparation would be according to the possibility and number of
the Church. Every Church must have doors, close windows of glass,
thatch or slate able to withhold rain, a bell to convocate the people
together, a pulpit, a basin for baptism, and tables for the ministration of
the Lord's Supper.^ In greater churches, and where the congregation is
great in number, must reparation be made within the Church for the
quiet and commodious receiving of the people. The expenses to be lifted
partly of the people, and partly of the teinds, at the consideration of the
Ministry.
IX (6). For Punishment of those that profane the Sacraments
AND do contemn THE WORD OF GOD, AND DARE PRESUME TO
MINISTER THEM, NOT BEING THERETO LAW^FULLY GALLED
As Sathan hath never ceased from the beginning to draw mankind
in one of two extremities, to wit, that men should either be so ravished
with gazing upon the visible creatures that, forgetting the cause why
they were ordained, they attributed unto them a virtue and power which
God hath not granted unto them ; or else that men should so contemn
and despise God's blessed ordinance and holy institutions, as [if] that
neither in the right use of them were there any profit, neither yet in
their profanation were there any danger. As this wise, we say,
Sathan hath blinded the most part of mankind from the beginning ; so
doubt we not, but that he will strive to continue in his malice even to
the end. Our eyes have seen, and presently do see the experience of the
one and of the other. What was the opinion of most part of men of the
Sacrament of Christ's body and blood, during the darkness of superstition,
is not unknown ; how it was gazed upon, kneeled unto, borne in procession,
and finally worshipped and honoured as Christ Jesus Himself. And so
long as Sathan might then retain man in that damnable idolatry, he was
quiet, as one that possessed his kingdom of darkness peaceably. But since
that it hath pleased the mercies of God to reveal unto the unthankful world
the light of his word, the right use and administration of his sacraments,
he assays ^ man upon the contrary part. For where (not long ago), men
stood in such admiration of that idol in the Mass that none durst presume
to have said the Mass but the foresworn shaven sort, the Beast's marked
men, some dare now be so bold as, without all convocation,^ to minister
(as they suppose), the true sacraments in open assemblies. And some
idiots* (yet more wickedly and more impudently), dare counterfeit in their
houses that which the true Ministers do in the open congregation ; they
presimie, (we say), to do it in houses without reverence, without word
preached, and without Minister, other than of companion to companion.*
This contempt proceedeth, no doubt, from the malice and craft of that
* For the Lord's Supper was to be taken "sitting at a table " {supra, 282), though no
seats are specified in the furnishings.
* tests ^ That is, without a proper calling
* Here used in the sense oi private persons, laymen, rather than in the sense oi uneducated,
igiiorant persons.
^ But see Winzet's pertinent questions on this point in Certane Tractatis (Maitland
Club), [i8], 89.
Ci
322 APPENDIX VIII
Serpent who first deceived man, of purpose to deface the glory of Christ's
Evangel, and to bring his blessed sacraments in a perpetual contempt.
And further, your Honours may clearly see how proudly and stubbornly
the most part despise the Evangel of Christ Jesus offered unto you ; whom
unless that sharply and stoutly ye resist, we mean as well the manifest
despiser as the profaner of the sacraments, ye shall find them pernicious
enemies ere it be long. And therefore, in the name of the Eternal God, and
of his Son Christ Jesus, we require of your Honours that, without delay,
strait Laws be made against the one and the other.
We dare not prescribe unto you what penalties shall be required of
such : But this we fear not to affirm, that the one and the other deserve
Optima death ; for if he who doth falsify the seal, subscription, or coin of a king
ollatio is adjudged worthy of death ; what shall we think of him who plainly
doth falsify the seals of Christ Jesus, Prince of the kings of the earth ?
If Darius pronounced that a balk should be taken from the house of that
man, and he himself hanged upon it, that durst attempt to hinder the
re-edification of the material Temple,^ what shall we say of those that
contemptuously blaspheme God, and manifestly hinder the [spiritual]
Temple of God (which is the souls and bodies of the elect) to be purged,
by the true preaching of Christ Jesus, from the superstition and damnable
idolatry in which they have been of long plunged and held captive ?
If ye (as God forbid) , declare yourselves careless over the true Religion,
God will not suffer your negligence unpunished. And therefore, more
earnestly require we, that strait laws may be made against the stubborn
contemners of Christ Jesus, and against such as dare presume to minister
his Sacraments, not orderly called to that office, lest that while there be
none found to gainstand impiety, the wrath of God be kindled against
the whole.
The Papistical priests have neither power nor authority to minister
the Sacraments of Christ Jesus ; because that in their mouth is not the
sermon of exhortation.^ And therefore, to them must strait inhibition
be made, notwithstanding any usurpation which they have had in that
behalf in the time of blindness. It is neither the clipping of their crowns,
the crossing of their fingers, nor the blowing of the dumb dogs called the
Bishops, neither yet the laying on of their hands,^that maketh them true
Ministers of Christ Jesus. But the Spirit of God inwardly first moving the
hearts to seek Christ's glory and the profit of his Church, and thereafter
the nomination of the people, the examination of the learned, and public
admission (as before is said), makes men lawful Ministers of the woi'd and
sacraments. We speak of an ordinary vocation, where churches are
reformed, or at least tend to reformation, and not of that which is
extraordinary, when God by Himself, and by his only power, raiseth up
to the Ministry such as best pleaseth his wisdom.
The Conclusion
Thus have we, in these few Heads, offered unto your Honours our
judgments, according as we were commanded, touching the Reformation
» Ezra, vi, u ^ Cf. supra, 287
THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 323
of things which heretofore have altogether been abused in this cursed
Papistry. We doubt not but some of our petitions shall appear strange
unto you at the first sight. But if your Wisdoms deeply consider that we
must answer not only unto men, but also before the throne of the Eternal
God, and of his Son Christ Jesus, for the counsel which we give in this so
grave a matter, your Honours shall easily consider that more assured it
is to us to fall in the displeasure of all men in earth, than to offend the
Majesty of God, whose justice cannot suffer flatterers and deceitful coun-
sellors unpunished.
That we require the Church to be set at such liberty that she neither
be compelled to feed idle bellies, neither yet to sustain the tyranny which
heretofore by violence hath been maintained, we know will offend many.
But if we should keep silence hereof, we are most assured to offend the
just and righteous God, who by the mouth of his Apostle hath pronounced
this sentence : " He that laboureth not, let him not eat." If we in this
behalf, or in any other, require or ask any [other] thing than by God's
expressed commandment, by equity, and good conscience ye are bound
to grant, let it be noted, and after repudiated ^ ; but if we require nothing
which God requireth not also, let your Honours take heed how ye gain-
stand the charge of Him whose hand and punishment ye cannot escape.
If blind affection rather lead you to have respect to the sustentation of
those your carnal friends, who tyrannously have empired above the poor
flock of Christ Jesus, than that the zeal of God's glory provoke and move
you to set his oppressed Church at freedom and liberty, we fear your sharp
and sudden punishments, and that the glory and honour of this enterprise
be reserved unto others.
And yet shaU this our judgment abide to the generations following for
a monument and witness, how lovingly God called you and this Realm
to repentance, what counsellors God sent unto you, and how ye [have]
used the same. If obediently ye hear God now calling, we doubt not but
He shall hear you in your greatest necessity. But if, following your own
corrupt judgments, ye contemn his voice and vocation, we are assured
that your former iniquity, and present ingratitude, shall together crave
just punishment from God, who cannot long delay to execute his most just
judgments, when, after many offences and long blindness, grace and
mercy offered is contemptuously refused.
God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, by the power of his Holy
Spirit, so illuminate your hearts that ye may clearly see what is pleasing
and acceptable in his presence ; so bow the same to his obedience that ye
may prefer his revealed will to your own affections ; and so strengthen
you by the spirit of fortitude that boldly ye may punish vice and maintain
virtue within this Realm, to the praise and glory of his Holy name, to
the comfort and assurance of your own consciences, and to the consolation
and good example of the posterities following. Amen. So be it.
By your Honours'
Most humble Servitors, etc.
From Edinburgh, The 20 of May 1 560
» Cf. supra, 280-281
324
APPENDIX VIII
Act of Secret Council, 27 January 1560^
We, who have subscribed these Presents, having advised with the
Articles herein specified, as is above mentioned from the beginning of this
Book, think the same good, and conform to God's Word in all points ;
conform to the Notes and Additions thereto eikit ^ ; and promise to set
the same forward at the uttermost of our powers : Providing that the
Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other prelates and beneficed men, which else ^
have adjoined them to us, bruik * the revenues of their benefices during
their lifetimes, they sustaining and upholding the Ministry and Ministers,
as is herein specified, for preaching of the Word, and ministering of the
Sacraments of God.
[Sic Subscribitur) ^
James ^
James Hamilton '
Ar». Argyll ^
James Stewart ^
Rothes ^^
James Haliburton ^^
R. Boyd 12
Alex". Campbell, Dean of
Moray ^^
William of Culross ^^
Master Alex^. Gordon ^^
Bargany Younger ^'^
George Corrie of Kelwood i'
John Shaw of Haily ^^
Andrew Hamilton of Letham ^^
Glencairn 2U
Ochiltree ^^
Sanquhar ^^
Saint John ^3
William Lord Hay ^^
Drumlanrig 25
Cunninghamhead 26
John Maxwell 2'
Andro Ker of Fawdonside 28
T. Scott of Haining 2^
John Lockhart of Barr ^^
George Fentoun of that Ilk ^^
lochinvar ^2
* That is, 27 January 1561 ; the new year, at this time, did not begin until 25 March.
See also supra, i, 345.
^ added. The " notes and additions " are marked on pages 288, 289, 290, 303, 305,
320 ; but attention should also be paid to such marginal comments as " Consented on
by the Council " {supra, 306), or " Agreed on " {supra, 320)
^ otherwise, in the sense of already * possess
' In the manuscript ( folio 300 recto) a rough attempt has been made to write the first
few signatures in facsimile. /
° James, Duke of Chatelherault
' James, Lord Hamilton, eldest son of the Duke of Chatelherault
* Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll
* Lord James Stewart, Commendator of St. Andrews and Pittenweem ; afterwards
Earl of Moray, and Regent of Scotland.
'0 Andrew, fifth Earl of Rothes
" James Haliburton, sometimes styled Tutor of Pitcur. He was Provost of Dundee.
(See Laing's Knox, vi, 678-679)
'■' Robert, fifth Lord Boyd
*^ Alexander Campbell, Dean of Moray, third son of Colin, third Earl of Argyll
** William Colville, Commendator of Cuiross
1' Alexander Gordon, titular Archbishop of Athens, second son of John, Lord Gordon
(eldest son of Alexander, third Earl of Huntly). He had been Archbishop of Glasgow
(1550-51) ; Bishop of the Isles, and Abbot of Inchaffray and Icolmkill ; and became
Elect of Galloway, after the death of Andrew Durie, in 1558.
t
APPENDIX VIII 325
'* Thomas Kennedy, of Bargany, Ayrshire
" George Corrie of Kelwood (Ayrshire) '* John Shaw of Haily (Ayrshire)
" Andrew Hamilton of Letham (Lanarkshire)
"" Alexander, fourth Earl of Glencairn
*' Andrew Stewart, second Lord Ochiltree
^'' Robert, sixth Lord Crichton of Sanquhar
'" James Sandilands, second son of Sir James Sandilands of Calder ; Lord St. John,
and afterwards Lord Torphichen.
" William, fifth Lord Hay of Yester '^ Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig
"• William Cunningham of Cunningham head (Ayrshire)
" Sir John Maxwell of Terregles (became Lord Herries in 1566)
■* Andrew Ker of Fawdonside (Selkirkshire). He married for his second wife, Mar-
garet Stewart, daughter of Lord Ochiltree, and widow of John Knox.
^' Thomas Scott of Haining (Selkirkshire)
^" John Lockhart of Barr (Ayrshire)
'' George Fentoun of Fentoun. In the manuscript this name appears as " George
Setoun of that ilk." There was no Seton of that Ilk ; and George, fifth Lord Seton, never
joined the Reformers. Fentoun of that Ilk is the most likely alternative reading.
'^ Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar (Kirkcudbrightshire)
Knox informs us {supra, i, 345), that the Book of Discipline was also subscribed by,
among others,
William, Earl Marischal *
John, Earl of Menteith
James, Earl of Morton *
John, Lord Lindsay of the Byres
Patrick, Master of Lindsay
Sir Alexander Stewart of Garlies
* These Lords are referred to in the discussion anent glebes {supra, 305).
APPENDIX IX 1
ACTS OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL RELATING TO THE
THIRDS OF THE BENEFICES
Apud Edinburgh, xxii Decembris, Anno 1561
[Sederunt
Jacobus Dux de Chatelherault
Georgius Comes de Huntlie
Archibaldus Ergadie Comes
Willelmus Marescalli Comes
Johannes Atholie Comes
Willelmus Comes de Montross
Jacobus Comes de Morton
Alexander Comes de Glencairn
Jacobus Commendatarius St.
Andree et Pittenweem
Johannes Dominus Erskine
Magister Robertus Richardson The-
saurarius
Magister Jacobus Makgill de Nether
Rankeillour Clericus Registri
Johannes Bellenden de Auchnoull
miles Clericus Justiciarie
Willelmus Maitland de Lethington
junior Secretarius
Presentibus etiam Dominis subscriptis ratione Conventionis, viz.
Johanne Comite de Sutherland, Georgio Comite de Cathenes, Andrea
Comite de Rothes, Johanne Domino de Menteith, Johanne Domino
Glamis, Hugone Domino Somerville, Roberto Domino Boyd, Johanne
Domino Fleming, Georgio Domino Seton, Johanne Domino Innermeath,
Alexandro Domino Hume, Davide Domino Drummond, Andrea Domino
Stewart de Ochiltree, Jacobo Domino Sancti Johannis, Johanne Magistro
de Maxwell, et Jacobo Douglas de Drumlanrig, militibus] ^
The same day, forsamekle as the Queen's Majesty, by the advice of
the Lords of her Secret Council, foreseeing the imminent trouble which
apparently was to arise amongst the lieges of her realm for matters of
Religion : to stay the same, and to evade all inconvenients that may follow
thereupon, intercommuned with a part of the Clergy and Estate Ecclesi-
astical, with whom then reasoning being had, it was thought good and
expedient by her Highness, that a General Convention should be appointed
the XV day of December instant, whereto the rest of the Estates might have
repaired and, by the advice of the whole, a reasonable overture made and
order taken for staying of the apparent trouble, and quieting of the whole
country. Which Convention being by her Majesty appointed, and sundry
days of Council kept, and the said Ecclesiastical Estate ofttimes required
that the said order might be taken and overture made for staying of trouble
' See supra, 28, note 3
^ The sederunt has been suppUed from Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 192, where also
the Act will be found. In the manuscript this first Act is incorrectly dated 20 December
1 56 1. Knox's entries have been collated with the Register, but only one or two minor
details have been corrected.
326
THE THIRDS OF THE BENEFICES 327
and quieting of the country ; first ^ of all, in presence of the Queen's
Majesty, and Lords of Council foresaid, and others of the Nobility of this
Realm, compeared ^ John, Archbishop of Saint Andrews, Robert, Bishop
of Dunkeld, Patrick, Bishop of Moray, and Henry, Bishop of Ross, and for
themselves respective offered to the Queen's Grace to be content of three
parts ^ of the rents of their benefices, and the fourth * part thereof to be
employed as her Grace thought expedient. And because the certainty
thereof was not known, nor yet what sums of money would sufficiently
sustain the Ministry and Ministers of God's word within this Realm, nor
yet how mekle was necessary to support the Qjueen's Majesty above her
own rents for the common affairs of the country : Therefore, it is con-
cluded, decerned, and determined by the Queen's Grace and Lords of
Council foresaid, and others of the Nobility present, that if the fourth
part ^ of the fruits of the whole benefices ecclesiastical within this Realm
may be sufficient to sustain the Ministry through the whole Realm, and
support the Queen's Majesty to entertain and set forward the common
affairs of the country, failing thereof, the third part of he said fruits,
or more, while ^ it be found sufficient to the effect foresaid, to be taken up
yearly in time coming, while ^ a general order be taken therein ; samekle
thereof to be employed to the Queen's Majesty for entertaining and
setting forward of the common affairs of the country, and samekle thereof
unto the Ministers and sustentation of the Ministry, as may reasonably
sustain the same, at the sight and discretion of the Queen's Majesty and
Council foresaid : and the excrescence and superplus to be assigned unto
the old possessors. And to that effect that the rents and yearly avail of
the whole benefices within this Realm may be clearly known to the
Queen's Majesty and Council foresaid. It is statute and ordained, that the
whole rentals of all benefices within this Realm be produced before her
Grace and Lords foresaid, at the times underwritten ; That is to say,
of the benefices on this side of the Mounth,' the xxiv day of January
next to come, and beyond the Mounth, the tenth of February next
thereafter. And ordains letters to be directed to officers of the Queen's
sheriffs in that part, to pass, charge, and require all and sundry Arch-
bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Commendators and Priors of this Realm on
this side of the Mounth personally, if they can be apprehended, and failing
thereof, at the said Archbishops', Bishops', Abbots', Commendators' and
Priors' dwelling-places, cathedral kirks, or abbeys ; and all Deans, Sub-
' The manuscript (folio 313 recto) has last of all.
■^ To compear is a legal term meaning to present oneself in court either in response to
a summons or in fulfilment of an obligation to attend under the burden of rendering suit
or presence.
^ In the manuscript, " to be content of the two parte," thus anticipating the arrange-
ment eventually reached.
* In the manuscript, corrected hom. fourth to third, and then back again by a marginal
correction to fourth.
^ In the manuscript, again corrected ivom. fourth to third, and then back again, by
a marginal correction io fourth.
° until
' The Mounth is the old name for the range of mountains extending across Scotland
from Aberdeenshire on the east to northern Argyll on the West.
328 APPENDIX IX
deans, Archdeans, Chanters, Sub-chantors, Provosts, Parsons, Vicars,
and other beneficed men [whatsomever],^ their Chamberlains and Factors,
personally or at their dwelling-places, or at their parish kirks, where they
should remain, to exhibit and produce before the Queen's Majesty and
Lords foresaid, the said xxiv day of January next to come, the just and
true rental of the avail and rents of their benefices to the effect foresaid ;
and to charge the prelates and other beneficed men on the yond ^ side of
the Mounth in manner respective foresaid, to [exhibit and] ^ produce the
just and true rental of their benefices before the Queen's Majesty and
Lords foresaid the said tenth day of February next to come, to the effect
above rehearsed, With certification to them that fails, the Queen's Grace
and Council will proceed against [them] as accords : And siclike to charge
the whole Superintendents, Ministers, Elders, and Deacons of the principal
towns and shires of this Realm, to give in before the Queen's Grace and
Lords of Council foresaid, the said xxiv day of January next to come,
a formal and sufficient roll and memorial, what may be sufficient and
reasonable to sustain the Ministry and whole Ministers of this Realm,
that her Majesty and Lords of Council foresaid may take order therein
as accords : And further, that the Queen's Majesty and Lords of Council
foresaid [may] ^ ryplie ^ and digestly weigh and consider what necessary
support is required to be taken yearly of the fruits of the said benefices
by * her Grace's own yearly rent, to entertain and set forward the common
affairs of this Realm, against the said xxiv day of January next to come,
that then it may be proceeded in the said matter, all parties be satisfied,
and the whole country and lieges thereof set in quietness.
[The same day, forsamekle as the weighty and debatable causes
standing amongst the lieges of this Realm, which might give occasion of
break and inquieting of the whole estate of the same — for eschewing
thereof the Queen's Majesty appointed a Convention of the Nobility
and Clergy of her Grace's Realm foresaid, to compear the xv day of ^J
December instant : which being held, and divers times continued, com-
peared, John, Archbishop of Saint Andrews, Robert, Bishop of Dunkeld,
Patrick, Bishop of Moray, and Henry, Bishop of Ross, and offered as after
follows ; That is to say, that they being restored to their benefices and
privileges and answered thereof, offers to the Queen's Majesty for the space
of one year, the fourth part of the rents of their benefices, to be employed
as her Grace thinks expedient : And this they offered, and no fui'ther.] ^
Apud Linlithgow, 24 Januarii, Anno &c. 1561 "
Forsamekle as the Queen's Majesty, by the advice of the Lords of
her Secret Council, directed her Letters commanding all and sundry
' The words within square brackets do not appear in the entry in the Register of the
Privy Council. ^ beyond, that is further
' maturely, through heing fully informed * besides, apart from
' This entry does not appear in the manuscript. It is taken from the Register of the
Privy Council (i, 194) and serves to connect the preceding Act with those that follow.
° That is, 24 January 1562. No sederunt appears in the Register of the Privy Council
(i, 196).
THE THIRDS OF THE BENEFICES 329
Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, [Commendators] ,^ Priors, Deans, Arch-
deans, [Subdeans, Chantors, Subchantors],^ Parsons, Vicars, and all other
beneficed men, their factors, fermorars,^ and tacksmen,^ to compear
before her Highness and Lords foresaid, at Edinburgh, or where it shall
happen them to be for the time, so many as dwells upon this side of the
Mounth, the xxiv day of January instant ; and them that dwells beyond
the Mounth, the tenth day of February next to come ; that the just avail
of their benefices may be known, so that thereafter her Grace might take
order for the sustaining of the Ministry of the Kirk,'* and public business
of the Realm : And because the Queen's Majesty is presently occupied
in other affairs, and may not attend herself upon the receipt of the said
rentals, Therefore her Highness has given and granted, and by these
presents gives and grants, full power and commission to Master James
McGill of Rankeillor Nether, Clerk of Register, Sir John Bellenden of
Auchinoull, knight, Justice Clerk, Treasurer, Secretary, Advocate, and
Laird of Pittarrow,^ To call before them, within the burgh of Edinburgh,
ail and sundry prelates and beneficed men who are charged by virtue of
the said letters, and now being in Edinburgh, or that hereafter shall
happen to repair thereto, their factors and fermorars, and there inquire
of them the rentals of their benefices, and receive the same from them,
to the eflfect foresaid : And siclike that the said Commissioners cause
warn all Superintendents, [Ministers] ^ Elders, and Deacons, to give unto
them the names of the whole Ministers of this Realm, that the just calcula-
tion being considered and made by the said Commissioners of the avail
of the said benefices, they may report the same to the Queen's Majesty,
that her Highness may take order therein ; according to the [just] ^ tenor
of the first Ordinance made thereupon,
Apud Edinburgh, xii Februarii, Anno &g. 1561 ^
[Sederunt
Georgius Comes de Huntlie Alexander Comes de Glencairn
Archibaldus Comes Ergadie ■ Jacobus Comes de Morton
Jacobus Comes de Mar Johannes Dominus Erskine
Willelmus Marescalli Comes Johannes Bellenden de Auchnoull
Johannes Atholie Comes miles Clericus Justiciarie.] '
The which day, forsamekle as by Statute and Ordinance made by the
Queen's Majesty and Lords of Secret Council, and her Highness's letters
' The words within square brackets do not appear in the entry in the Register of the
Privy Council. * Tenants holding by a money-rent or ferme
' Tenants holding on a tack or lease
* In the Register of the Privy Council (i, 196) the wording runs " ministers of the poor
and public business of the realm."
' These officials were Mr. Robert Richardson, Treasurer ; William Maitland of
Lethington, Secretary ; and Mr. John Spens of Condie, Advocate. Sir John Wishart
of Pittarrow was appointed as Comptroller less than a month later, namely on 16 February
1562. (MS. Reg. Secreti Sigilli, xxxi, 3) * That is, 12 February 1562
' The sederunt is supplied from the Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, i, 199.
330 APPENDIX IX
directed thereupon, All and sundry Archbishops, [Bishops] ^ Abbots,
Commendators, Priors, Archdeans, Deans, Subdeans, Chantors, Sub-
chantors. Provosts, Parsons, Vicars, and other beneficed men of this Realm,
were charged to exhibit and produce the rentals of their benefices before
her Majesty and Lords foresaid, in manner following : That is to say,
the said beneficed men, [dwelling] ^ on this side of the Mounth, the xxiv
day of January last bypast, and on the other side of the Mounth, the tenth
of February instant, to that effect that order might be taken therein con-
form to the said Ordinance ; with certification to them, and they failed,
the Queen's Majesty and Council [foresaid] ^ would take order therein,
as the same Ordinance bears : Notwithstanding the which, and that the
Queen's Majesty and Council, and others appointed by her for receiving
of the said rentals, has continually, since the said xxiv day of January,
awaited upon the receiving thereof ; yet a very small number of them has
produced the said rentals, contemning therethrough not only her Grace's
Ordinance and Proclamation foresaid, but also herself and her authority,
like as they were princes and not subjects, express against reason, equity,
and justice : For remedy whereof, the Queen's Majesty ordains by advice
of the Lords of her Secret Council that Factors and Chamberlains be
appointed to intromet, gather, uplift and receive to our Sovereign Lady's
use all and sundry mailles,^ fermes,^ teinds,* rents, provents,^ emoluments,
cains,^ profits and duties of whatsomever benefices, whereof the rentals
are not produced, conform to the said Ordinance : And if any rental
else ' produced l^ears not the just avail, but is fraudfully made, to intromet
and uptake samekle of the fruits and profits of the said benefices as are
omitted forth of the said rental ; and the ingivers of the rentals, and
possessors of the benefices thereof, shall never have action to crave, clame,
or receive from the tenants and possessors, further nor is contained in the
said rentals else ' produced by them : and the said tenants and possessors
shall nowise be held to pay any more for their rowmes ^ to the possessors
of the said benefices and ingivers of the said rentals, nor is contained in
the same rentals else produced, as said is : And that the said Factors and
Chamberlains to be appointed by the Queen's Majesty shall have sufficient
power to intromet and uptake the fruits and profits foresaid, siclike as if
special letters of Factory and Chamberlainry were granted to them there-
upon. And ordains the Lords of Session to direct forth letters at the said
Factors' and Chamberlains' instance, either horning or poinding,^ as shall
be thought expedient, for causing of them to be answered of the fruits of
the said benefices, to be forthcoming to the Queen's Majesty's behalf,
while further order be taken therein.
* The words in square brackets do not appear in the entry in the Register of the Privy
Council.
^ farm-rents ^ rents * tithes ' profits, or issues
* duties paid in kind ' already * holdings
* That is, either letters declaring a person a rebel and at the horn, or letters ordering his
moveable goods to be distrained or poinded.
THE THIRDS OF THE BENEFICES
331
Apud Edinburgh, xv Februarii, Anno &c. 1561 ^
[Sederunt
Georgius Comes de Huntlie
Archibaldus Ergadie Comes
Jacobus Comes de Mar
Johannes Atholie Comes
Jacobus Comes de Morton
Willelmus Marescalli Comes] ^
The which day, forsamekle as the Queen's Majesty, by the advice of
the Lords of her Secret Council and others divers of the Nobility, had of
before, upon the xxii day of December last bypast, ordained that if the
fourth part of the fruits and rents of all the benefices within this Realm
were not sufficient for the support of her Majesty and other particular
charges underwritten necessary to be borne for the tranquillity of the
country ; then the third part of the said fruits, more or less, should be
taken up to the effects foresaid. And attour ^ ordained letters to be directed
charging all and sundry beneficed men, on this side of the Mounth, to
produce their rentals upon the xxiv day of January last bypast ; and
the tenth day of February instant was prefixed by the said letters for in-
bringing of all rentals of the benefices beyond the Mounth ; with certifica-
tion that who produced not the said rentals at the days foresaid respective,
the Queen's Majesty and her Council would provide remedy. According
to the which certification, her Highness, with advice of her Council fore-
said, has ordained that those who have not produced their rentals, whole
and full intromission shall be had of their fruits, by them whom her
Majesty shall direct thereto ; and who have not given in their just rentals,
whatsomever part omitted in their said rentals shall be intrometted with
in like manner. And further, having consulted ryply,* and diligently
advised upon the common affairs and necessities concerning the Queen's
Majesty, and charges to be borne, for the common weal of the Realm,
and sustentation of the Preachers and Readers, conform to the said
Ordinance made thereupon of before, has found and declared the whole
third parts of all benefices within this Realm, of which the rentals are
produced, to be taken up by the person or persons to be nominated by
her Majesty, and to begin upon this last crop of the year of God 1561,
the same to be employed to the effect foresaid : together with the whole
fruits of the benefices whereof the rentals are not produced ; and also
of samekle as is omitted in the rentals produced : And that order be
directed by the Queen's Majesty to the Lords of Session that the old
possessors may be answered of the remaining fruits of the said benefices ;
providing that the third part foresaid be fully and wholly taken up by
the persons to be deputed to the uptaking thereof : And this order
to continue and stand ay and whill ^ further order be taken by the
Queen's Majesty with advice of her Estates. Moreover her Highness
by the advice of her Council foresaid, has statute and ordained that all
1 That is, 15 February 1562
' The sederunt has been supplied from the Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, i, 201.
' moreover * maturely, through hcing fully informed
' until
(653) Vol u 22
332 APPENDIX IX
annuals,^ mailles,^ and duties within free burghs, or other towns of this
Realm, as well pertaining to Chaplainries, Prebendaries, as to Friars,
together with the rents of the Friars' lands, wherever they be, [and the]
setting and disponing ^ thereupon, be intrometted with, and taken up
by such as her Grace shall depute thereto ; for employing of the same
by her Highness, to Hospitals, Schools, and other godly uses, as shall seem
best to her Highness, by the advice of her Council : And knowing that
nothing is more commodious for the said Hospitals, nor the places of
Friars as [are] yet standing undemolished, as also to the entertaining
of Schools, Colleges, and other uses foresaid : Ordains the Provost and
Bailies of Aberdeen, Elgin in Moray, Inverness, Glasgow, and other
burghs of this Realm, where the same are not demolished, to entertain
and uphold the said Friars' places standing in the said towns, upon the
common good * thereof, and to use the same to the common-weal and
service of the said towns, ay and quhill ^ the Queen's Majesty be further
advised and take final order in such things, notwithstanding any other
gift, title, or interest given to whatsomever persons of the said places, with
their yards, orchards, and pertinents, by our Sovereign Lady of before.^
* annual rents - here meaning burgage-rents ' leasing or conveying
* The common good of a burgh was the property and income belonging in common to the
whole community of the burgh.
^ until
« For a final Act of the Privy Council in relation to the ingathering of the Thirds of
the Benefices, passed to prevent a fraudulent prior-ingathering of fruits and rents, see
Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, i, 204-206.
APPENDIX X
ANE EPISTLE DIRECT FRA THE HOLYE ARMITE OF
ALLARIT,! TO HIS BRETHEREN THE GRAY FREIRES 2
I, Thomas, Armite in Larite,^
Sainct Frances brether do hartlie greit,
Beseiking yow with ferme intent, •
To be walkryfe * and diligent ;
For thir Lutherians, rissen of new,
Ovtr Ordour daylie dois persew :
Thay smaikis ^ do sett their haill intent.
To reid this EngUsh New Testament ;
And sayes. We have thame clene disceavit.
Therefore, in haist, they man be stoppit.
Our stait ^ hypocrisie they prysse,^
And us blaspheamis on this wyse,
Sayand, That we are heretikes,
And fals, loud, liand, mastif tykes ;
Cumerars ^ and quellars ^ of Christes kirk,
Sueir swongeouris ^" that will not wirk,
But_ydleJ[ie our^ living wynnes.
Devouring woulves into sheip skynnes ,
Hurkland with huides ^ ^ into our neck,
Wyth Judas mynd to jouck and beck,^^
Seikand Christes peple to devoir,
The down thringars '^ of God his glore,
Professouris of hipocrisie,
And doctouris in idolatrie,
Stout fyschares with the Feihdis nett.
The upclosars of Heavins yett,^*
Cankcarit corruptars of the Creid,
Homlok sawares ^^ amangest good seid,
To trow ^^ in traytouris, that do men tyiste,^'
The hie way kennand thame fra Ghryst,
' Holy Hermit of Alareit, that is, of Loretto, near Musselburgh
tl '' See supra, i, 30, note 5
I * Thomas Douchtie, founder of the Chapel of Our Lady of Loretto (1533). (See
Diurnal of Occurrents, 1 7)
^ watchful ^ Those poltroons ^ estate ' account
* troublers » slayers ■" lazy sluggards
" hulking beneath our hoods '^ bow and cringe *' overthrowers
'* gate 1* hemlock sowers " believe *' entice
333
334 APPENDIX X
Monstouris with the Beast his mark,
Dogges that never stintes to bark,
Kirk men that are with Christ unkend,
A sect that Sathane self hes send,
Lnrkand in holes, lyke tray tour toddes,^
Mantenaris of idoles and false goddes,
Fantastik fooles and feynzeit fleachearis,^
To turne fra the treuth the verie teachearis.
For to declair thair haill sentence,
Wald mekle cummer ^ your conscience.
They say your fayth it is sa stark,
Your cord and lowsie coit * and sark,
Ye lippin ^ it may bring yow to salvatioun,
And quyte excludes Christ his passioun.
I dreid this doctryne, yf it last,
Sail other gar us either wirk or fast ;
Therfor, with speid we mon provyde,
And not our proffit to oureslyde.
I schaip my selfe, within schort quhyle,
To turse ^ our Ladie in Argyle ;
And their, uncraftie wyse to wirk,
Till that we bigged ' have ane kirk ;
Syne ^ miracles mak be your avyse.
Thay kettereles,^ though they had but lyse,
The twa part to us they will bring :
But ordourlie to dress this thing,
A gaist ^" I pu[r]pose to gar gang.
Be counsall of Freir Walter Lang,^^
Quhilk sail mak certane demonstrations,
To help us in our procurations.
Your haly Ordour to decoir :
That practik he proved anes before,
Betuix Kirkcaldie and Kingorne ^^ ;
But lymmars ^^ made therat sic skorne,
And to his fame maide sic degressioun,
Sensyne he hard not the Kinges confessioun.
Thoicht at that tyme he came na speid,
I pray yow tak guid will as deid ;
' foxes - dissembling flatterers ' much trouble * coat
' trust " to carry off hastily ' built ' afterwards
' those low follows '° ghost
" Friar Walter [William] Laing was a chaplain attached to James V's court. Accord-
ing to Foxe he betrayed Henry Forrest's confession to Cardinal Beaton. Friar Laing's
" conjuring of a ghost " is referred to by Galderwood {History, i, 142), and by Buchanan
(see infoa, note 13)
'■' Buchanan says at Dysart.
•' rogues. And among the " rogues " who made scorn of Friar Laing's " ghaist " was
undoubtedly George Buchanan. (See the analysis of his Franciscanus, lines 823-911, in
Glasgow Quatercenlenary Studies of George Buchanan, 312-321)
APPENDIX X ■ 335
And him amongest your selves receave,
As ane worth mony of the leave. ^
Quhat I obteyne may, through his arte,
Ressoun wald ye had your parte.
Your Ordour handles na monye,
But for uther casualitie,
As beif, meill, butter, and cheiss,
Or quhat that we have, that ye plese.
Send your Bretheren et habete.
As now nocht elles, but valete.
Be Thomas your brother at command,
A cullurune kythed ^ throw many a land.
the rest, the others * a rascal known
GLOSSARY
A reference within brackets indicates that an explanatory note has been
suppUed on that page
abuse deceive (by word or by writing)
advise consider ; take under consideration
aefald honest, sincere ; (literally, one-
fold
after according to
aggreage, aggredge aggravate ; make graver ;
lay stress upon
allanerly only
allutterly utterly, entirely
allya alliance
almous alms
aneuch enough
annual annual-rent
aposthume aposteme (abscess)
arguessin lieutenant of a galley (i, 1 08)
armite eremite, hermit
attour moreover
aucht owed
auditour, auditure auditory, audience
ayre early
backs, to give backs to turn one's back, to
retreat
barratry the purchase or sale of an ecclesi-
astical benefice or pension (i, 341)
bawbie a small coin of base metal, worth at
one time six pence (Scots), and hence
worth about a halfpenny (English) ;
vulgarly equated with a halfpenny
bear barley (of an inferior quality)
beck cringe ; bow down
beddrelles bedridden
beetle a heavy wooden mallet
begould began
bewray distort
besides apart from
big, bigg build
bigane bygone ; in the past
birse bristle ; used metaphorically for the
beard
boast, boist threaten
bordel, bordell brothel
boss disreputable fellow ; drunkard (i, 44)
boiird jest
Bowes [papal] Bulls
box gift
brag boast
brod board ; a ' painted brod ' is thus a
picture
brook, bruik, bruke possess, hold ; enjoy
bruit report, rumour
bud increase
budd bribe
buist, bust chest, coffer (i, 130)
bukkill buckle, hence engage, grapple
bundin bound
burne deceive ; play false
but without
butting plunder ; or, perhaps, household
gear (i, 32)
by without regard to ; despite ; apart
from ; without
bye-lyers ' sitters on the fence '
cagot hypocrite (ii, 190)
caiche catch-ball
cain duty paid in kind
calsay causeway ; street
cammoise coarse linen (ii, 62)
cannabie canopy
carters card-players
censement judgment ; opinion
charge maintain (a use derived from the
meaning ' to cause to bear ')
^eek-mate boon companion
claw-backs ' back-scratchers ' ; flatterers ;
toadies
cockle corn-cockle (the weed, Lychnis
Githago or Agrostemma Githago)
cqft bought
coloured pretended ; disguised ; sham
compear to present oneself in response to a
formal summons (ii, 327)
compte account
conceit conception
conferring comparing
337
*338
GLOSSARY
conjured sworn
contentation satisfaction ; contentment
course, by course in turn
cowhuby cow-boy, cow-herd ; hence, a
stupid fellow
cowp up tip up
craig rock ; neck
cuide chrisom
cullurune poltroon
cummer trouble
cummerer troubler
cunning wise
cunz'ie coinage
cunzie-house mint
cure a narrow passage
cursing excommunication
dadding dashing
dagg pistol
dagged shot thickly ; let fly
danton daunt, intimidate, subdue
deambulatour place for a stroll
debtful due
decern determine, judge
decoir, decore adorn, in the sense of honour
deface defame
delation formal accusation
deprave defame
deprehend apprehend, take
dictament phraseology
die ton saying
ding drive, smash, overcome, defeat
discovering uncovering, disclosing, exposing
dispone convey
divagation wandering
docility aptitude for learning
document admonition ; intimation ; evidence
dontybours, dountybours hangers-on ; courte-
sans (ii, 9)
dortour dormitory
doted endowed ; dowered
doung driven, struck, overcome
dounthring overthrow
dule weed mourning weeds
dung driven, struck, overcome
effeiring pertaining to, proportionate to
effeirs concerns ; as effeirs as accords
effray fright
eik increase ; add
eird earth
eirdit buried
else otherwise ; already
e7ne kinsman
emplesour pleasure
ene eyes
engine genius ; mother-wit
enseignzie, ensenzie ensign, standard ; used
also for the men under an ensign, that is,
a company
entracted detracted
entres entry ; interest
espials spies
ethnick gentile, that is, heathen
everilk each and every
expone explain ; represent
extrye axle-tree
fact act, deed ; matter
falcon a cannon, of about three inches
calibre
falsett falseness, deceit
fard fervour, vehemence
fashery trouble, vexation
fate act, deed ; matter
feals faithful followers ; dependants ;
vassals
fear slowly ; solemnly
fenzeil, feynzeit feigned ; dissembled
ferilie wonderfully ; marvellously
ferme rent
fermorar a tenant holding on a money-rent
fertour reliquary (i, 127)
fessned fixed, fastened
file thread
fleachearis flatterers
fleiche flatter
fleyed afraid
fiingers dancers
flirt scoff
flyre ridicule
foiranent, foranent directly opposite
forfaltour forfeiture
forsatnekle forasmuch
forsars galley-slaves (i, 108)
foryett forgot
fow full
frack resolute ; active ; to make frack to
make ready
fray frighten
freammed, fremmed distant ; foreign ;
strange
furiors billeting officers (i, 183)
gait road
gaper aspirant
garnish fortify ; garrison
gart caused
GLOSSARY
339
gawfe guffaw
gawmound gambol
gernal, girnal, girnel granary
gett brat ; child
girn snarl (ii, 237)
glaise a short sharp burst of heat
glondours ill-favour (i, 71)
glowming scowling
good-daughter step-daughter (ii, 33)
goodsire grandfather
gossips god-parents ; sponsors
graitfi harness ; ware ; fittings, furnishings
grandsire great-grandfather
gree degree ; step
greet, greit weep
gretumly greatly
grew shudder
gyrth sanctuary
hackbut of crock arquebus-i-croc (i, 320)
haitrent hatred
hamesucken violent breaking into a house
and the assault of a man (or woman)
within his (or her) house
hant haunt ; frequent
happ skip
harberous providing shelter or protection ;
hospitable
hard-head a small coin of base metal (i, 222)
hards coarse linen (i, 88)
harle drag ; draw
haterent, hatterent hatred
hecht promise ; engagement
helsum wholesome
herschip ravaging
hetterent hatred
horn, to put to the horn to denounce as a rebel
(ii> 59)
host cough
how deep
hulie cautiously, carefully
hurkland crouching
idiot a private person ; hence, a layman
ilk each
ilkane each one
incredulity unbelief
indifferent impartial
indurate hardened ; impenitent
inlaik lack, want
intend direct towards
intromet intermeddle ; interfere
jack a quilted coat for war
jackmen armed followers ; liveried retainers
jefwells knaves, rascals (i, 34)
joise enjoy
jouk bow ; stoop down ; duck
jow move from side to side ; tojow the bell
to ring the bell
justified executed ; put to death
ken know
kepp intercept
kettereles low-down fellows
kist chest
kithed practised
knapped cracked, struck
knapscall head-piece
kythed known, shown
lapped wrapped up
lardon sarcasm ; double-entendre (i, 366)
lared bogged
lavachre purification ; baptism (i, 151)
I aw tie loyalty
layit money money of base
layit alloyed ;
alloy
leasings, lesings
leave, lave rest,
leif live
lesum lawful
limmer rogue
lippen trust, expect :
confidently expect
lies, falsehoods
remainder
lippen to rely upon.
maill rent
manck lack ; be deficient
manrent, bond of a bond or engagement to
support a superior in all his quarrels and
affairs
marmouset a small grotesque image (i, 127)
marrow one of a pair ; one's equal, or
opponent (in a contest)
mean, meane, mene complain
mean design ; intent
mekle much
mell meddle
menzie company ; retinue ; following
mint threat
mister need
modify assess
monzeons minions
monzeors ? monsieurs, that is, messieurs
morrion steel-cap ; helm
mot may
mowes jest
mummers mutterers
340
neff fist
nejfeling fisticuffs
non-sunt a small coin of base metal (i, 222)
notour notorious ; well-known
oblisse bind ; that is, be imder obligation
oblist bound ; obliged ; under obligation
ojferand offering ; receipts from offerings
once at one time ; at once ; at one and the
same time ; once and for all
or ere
orison oration
orphelingis orphans
oidk week
over-thorte athwart ; across
oxter arm-pit
padgean pageant ; mummery
pair, pare impair ; decrease
palzean, palzeon pavilion ; tent
panel the accused in court
pasche Easter
pasementit laced
pasquil lampoon
patrociny patronage
paucks cunning ; slyness
pined punished
placebo 'yes-man' (i, 15)
plack a small coin of base metal (i, 16)
plain complain
platt plan ; scheme
pleuch plough
pley debate
pock bag
poise, pose hoard ; hoard of money ; treasure
pottingar apothecary
presently now ; at present
pretence intent
pretend intend
prevent come before ; forestall ; forgo
prick point
prickers light horsemen
propine to offer a gift
proport purport
provents issues ; revenues
purpose, to hold purpose with to enter into
conversation with
pynours pioneers ; labourers
raik track (i, 320)
rang reigned
reacuntar rencontre
reason question
reclame call upon ; reclaim
GLOSSARY
recollect bring together
red rid, free
reduce bring back
regiment rule ; government
reif theft
remanent remainder, rest
remit put back ; re-instate ; send back
reparelling plenishing ; furnishing
repone place back ; restore
repugn impugn
respect respite ; postpone
retrahibition countermand
ring reign
ripely, reply, ryply maturely
Toung, rung reigned
rouped, rowped croaked
rowme place ; turn ; holding (of land) —
hence, inheritance
rownged filed ; worn away
ruse boast
ryped searched
scabrously rudely
scaill disperse
scantly scarcely
schone shoes
scoupars skippers
scripped mocked
scruijf a thin covering ; thus used for thin
or worn money, or money of a very base
alloy (i, 221)
seige seat
seinze synod, session
sen since ; thereafter
sensyne since ; later
shackle-bones wrists
shavelings a contemptuous term for the
Roman clergy with their shaven tonsures
shopped struck
siclyke suchlike ;' likewise
silly weak
sithence since
skaill disperse
skair part
skeife section ; division (1, 94)
skrimpled scorched
skybalds worthless fellows ; ragamuffins
sloghorne slogan ; war-cry
smaiks poltroons
smote strain
snappers mishaps
sned lop
solist solicitous
souter shoe-maker
I
k
GLOSSARY
341
sparse spread
speir inquire
splint leg-armour
spuilzie, spulzie spoil
spurtill a large wooden stick used for
stirring
stammered staggered
stancheour stanchion
steik shut
stog stab ; stog-sword a thrusting-sword
stop interfere with
stopped holed
stoup prop
stowen stolen
stowth theft
stracked clasped (of hands)
sture at to be discontented with
sua so
sueir loth ; lazy
suppost supporter (i, 232)
swash drum
swing sway
swongeours ' lead-swingers ' ; sluggards
syne after ; afterwards ; moreover — that
is, after all that
tack lease
tacksman leaseholder
tone taken
targatting tasselling
teinds tithes
tender have regard to ; safeguard
tentation trial
thai, thay those
thir these
thochl though
thoill, thole suffer, endure ; allow ; undergo
thrist thirst
tinsall, tynsall loss
toddes foxes
to-look prospect
toome, tume empty
tor arm (of a chair)
tred path ; direction
trowan trusted
tyiste entice
tynsall, tinsall loss
tynt lost
turse carry
urnquhile late, deceased
unable disqualify
unhap misfortune, mischance
unprovided unprepared ; unforeseen
upfall relapse
vaik become, or remain, vacant
vake attend to
vissorne vizor ; mask
wa unhappy
wadset, wodset mortgage
wait know
walking awake
walkryfe watchful
want do without ; lack
wanton extravagant
war worse
waring expense
worsting, warstling wrestling
wat know
while until
whinger short sword, or dagger ; (literally,
a hanger)
wit know ; knowledge
wite blame
witty wise
wodness, woodness rage ; anger
wolter overturning ; revolution
wote know
wreck niggardly ; avaricious (i, 344)
yead,yeid went
yett gate
yond beyond ; further
A NOTE ON AUTHORITIES
The intention of this Note is to give the general reader some guidance with
regard to the Hterature on Knox and the history of his time. The Note does
not pretend to be exhaustive, and no attempt has been made to include all the
works cited in the Introduction and in the footnotes to the Text. The works
have been grouped as follows :
(i) The Works of John Knox
(2) Biographies of John Knox
(3) Contemporary Documents and Records
(4) Contemporary or near-contemporary Narrative Sources, Literary Works,
and Polemical Writings
(5) Modern Works
(i) THE WORKS OF JOHN KNOX
The Works of John Knox ; Collected and edited by David Laing. 6 vols. Edin-
burgh, 1 846- 1 864.
Vols. I and H, which contain the ' History of the Reformation of Religion
within the Realm of Scotland,' were published by the Bannatyne Club (and
issued also to members of the Wodrow Society) ; vols. HI, IV, V, and VI were
not published by the Bannatyne Club, but were printed on Club paper and
provided for the members. A reprint of the six volumes, with new title-pages,
was issued by James Thin in 1895.
The general arrangement of the six volumes is :
Vol. I The History of the Reformation, Books I and II.
This volume contains a valuable note on the ' Manuscript Copies
of the History.'
Vol. II The History of the Reformation, Books HI, IV, and V.
Vol. Ill Early Writings, from 1548 to 1554, including Letters to Mrs.
Elizabeth Bowes and her daughter Marjory, 1553-1554-
Vol. IV Writings from 1555 to 1558, including the First Blast of the Trumpet
against the Monstrous Regiment of Women, the two versions of the
Letter to the Queen Regent, and Familiar Epistles, 1555- 1558.
Vol. V Further Writings, 1558- 1560.
Vol. VI Letters written 1559-1572 ; the Reasoning With. Quintin Kennedy;
the Sermon preached in St. Giles, 19 August 1565 ; the Book of
Common Order ; and other documents and writings.
This volume contains an Editorial Preface giving a brief outline
of Knox's life and work.
This monumental collection is unlikely ever to be superseded. Through-
out, the notes and the editorial comments reflect the learning and scholarship
of David Laing, then " easily the Prince of all living authorities in all matters
of Scottish history and biography."
The text of the History of the Reformation is based upon the so-called ' MS.
343
344 A NOTE ON AUTHORITIES
of 1566 ' — the earliest of the manuscripts— and has been used for the present
edition. (See supra, 1, xcv-cix)
[Cited throughout as ' Laing's Knox ']
(2) BIOGRAPHIES OF JOHN KNOX
The principal biographies are :
P. Hume Brown. John Knox, A Biography. 2 vols. London, 1895
A careful and well-documented biography including, for the period of
Knox's exile abroad, the results of original research into Continental sources.
Because of its scope, the work is also a study of the Reformation period in
Scottish history.
A. Taylor Innes. John Knox. Edinburgh, 1896. (Famous Scots Series)
An admirable survey, within a limited compass, of the main aspects of
Knox's life and work. Based largely on Knox's own writings, the book
captures something of the essential spirit of the man.
Andrew Lang. John Knox and the Reformation. London, 1 905
Like all Andrew Lang's work, this ' biography ' is lively and provocative.
In the Preface Lang states that he has tried " to get behind Tradition," while
Knox's History of the Reformation is to be regarded " as the work of an old-
fashioned advocate rather than as the summing up of a judge." The book
is a useful corrective : it compels the reader to re-assess Knox's work and
to determine for himself how much of the ' new criticism ' is accurate and
fair.
Thomas M'Crie. Life of John Knox. 2 vols. Edinburgh, 5th ed., 183 1
This was the first important biography of Knox, and it has enjoyed a
deservedly high reputation. Even to-day it is still useful. Admittedly it
represents the ' Tradition ' to which Andrew Lang took exception ; but it
is a work of scholarship and, while the bias can be easily detected, there is
no attempt to distort the evidence or to suppress important facts.
Lord Eustace Percy. John Knox. London, 1937
This is the most recent biography and in many ways it is the best ; cer-
tainly it is the best for the general reader. It is honest and impartial ; it
understands the ' spirit of the time ' ; and it provides the necessary European
background. Although the Preface opens with the words, " This is not
a work of original research," full advantage has been taken of the research
of others, and an attempt has been made to evaluate the results. Finally,
and not unimportant, the book is written in an attractive and easy style. The
absence of any apparatus criticus is to be regretted.
(3) CONTEMPORARY DOCUMENTS AND RECORDS
Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland. Vol. VII 1538-41 ; vol. VIII 1541-
46; vol. IX 1546-51 ; vol. X 1551-59; vol. XI 1559-66. (H.M. Stationery
Office)
Acts and Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland, from the year 1560.
Edited by Thomas Thomson. 3 vols. (Bannatyne Club and Maitland Club,
1839-1845)
[Cited as Booke of the Universall Kirk]
Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland. Vol.11 1424-1567J vol. Ill 1567-92. (Record
Commission)
ft
A NOTE ON AUTHORITIES 345
Ancient Criminal Trials in Scotland ; compiled from the original Records and MSS.
Edited by Robert Pitcairn. 3 vols. (Bannatyne Club and Maitland Club,
1833)
[Cited as Pitcairn, Criminal Trials']
Booke of the Universall Kirk. See Acts and Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the
Kirk of Scotland
Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the Reign of Elizabeth. (H.M. Stationery
Office)
[Cited as Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth. The relevant volumes are :
Vol. I 1558-59 ; vol. II 1559-60 ; vol. Ill 1560-61 ; vol. IV 1561-62 ;
vol. V 1562 ; vol. VI 1563 ; vol. VII 1564-65.]
Calendar of State Papers relating to Scotland and Mary, Queen of Scots. Vol. I 1547-63 ;
vol. II 1563-69. (H.M. Stationery Office)
[Cited as Calendar of Scottish Papers]
Concilia Scotia. See Statuta Ecclesits Scoticauis
Criminal Trials. See Ancient Criminal Trials
Edinburgh Records : The Burgh Accounts. Edited by Robert Adam. 2 vols. (Printed
for the Lord Provost, Magistrates, and Council ; Edinburgh, 1899)
Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of Aberdeen. Edited by John Stuart.
2 vols. (Spalding Club, 1844, 1848)
Extracts from the Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh. Edited by Sir James D. Marwick.
4 vols. (Scottish Burgh Records Society, 1869- 1882). Vol. I 1403- 1528
(see Scottish Historical Review, xxvi, 190) ; vol. II 1528-57 ; vol. Ill 1557-71 ;
vol. IV 1573-89. A general index to the four volumes was published separ-
ately in 1892.
[Cited as Edinburgh Burgh Records']
Hamilton Papers. Vol. I 1532-43 ; vol. II 1543-90. (H.M. Stationery Office)
Inventaire Chronologique des Documents relatifs d VHistoire d'Ecosse conserves aux Archives
du Royaume a Paris. Edited by Alexandre Teulet. (Abbotsford Club, 1839)
Inventaires de la Royne Descosse. Edited by Joseph Robertson. (Bannatyne Club,
1863)
This work has a long, fully documented and exceedingly valuable Preface,
which is, unfortunately, unindexed.
Mission de Beccane de Pavie, Baron de Fourquevaux, en Ecosse, i§4g : Documents
originaux dufonds Fourquevaux. Edited by G. Dickinson. Oxford, 1948
Papal Negotiations with Mary Qiieen of Scots during her Reign in Scotland, 1361-1567.
Edited by John Hungerford Pollen. (Scottish History Society, 1901)
Papiers d'Etat, Pieces et Documents inedits ou pen connus relatifs d. rHistoire de VEcosse
au XV J^ Siecle. Edited by Alexandre Teulet. Vol. I 1513-60 ; vol. II
1561-87; vol. Ill 1563-1603. (Bannatyne Club, 1852-1860)
[Cited as Papiers d'Etat]
Register of the Minister, Elders and Deacons of the Christian Congregation of St Andrews,
1559-1600. Edited by David Hay Fleming. 2 vols. (Scottish History
Society, 1889, 1890)
[Cited as St Andrews Kirk Session Register]
346 A NOTE ON AUTHORITIES
Register of the Privy Council of Scotland. Vol. I 1545-69 ; vol. II 1569-78. (H.M.
Stationery Office)
Relations Politiques de la France et de VEspagne avec VEcosse au XVI^ Siecle. Edited
by Alexandre Teulet. 5 vols. Paris, 1862
[Cited as Relations Politiques]
Rentale Dunkeldense, 1505-1517. Edited by Robert Kerr Hannay. (Scottish History
Society, 1915)
Rentale Sancti Andree, 1538-1546. Edited by Robert Kerr Hannay. (Scottish History
Society, 1913)
Sadler's State Papers. See State Papers and Letters of Sir Ralph Sadler
St. Andrews Kirk Session Register. See Register of the Minister, Elders and Deacons
of the Christian Congregation of St. Andrews
State Papers and Letters of Sir Ralph Sadler. Edited by A. Clifford. 2 vols. Edin-
burgh, 1809
Scottish Correspondence of Mary of Lorraine, 1543-1560. Edited by Annie I. Cameron.
(Scottish History Society, 1927)
Statuta Ecclesiee Scoticana {Concilia Scotiie). Edited by Joseph Robertson. 2 vols.
(Bannatyne Club, 1866)
Vol. I consists entirely of an exceedingly valuable and fully documented
Preface.
Statutes of the Scottish Church, 1225-1559. Translated and edited by David Patrick.
(Scottish History Society, 1907)
This is a translation of Joseph Robertson's collection, Statuta Ecclesite
Scoticance, but the translator has provided his own Introduction, Notes and
Appendices. (
5
(4) CONTEMPORARY OR NEAR-CONTEMPORARY NARRATIVE
SOURCES, LITERARY WORKS, AND POLEMICAL WRITINGS !
The Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James Melvill. Edited by Robert Pitcairn.
(Wodrow Society, 1842) |
James Melville (i 556-1 61 4), nephew of the more celebrated Andrew
Melville, was a student at St. Andrews at the time of Knox's sojourn there.
The Catechism set forth by Archbishop Hamilton [1552] ; together with the Two-Penny
Faith [1559]. I
A facsimile edition with a Preface by Alexander F. Mitchell. Edinburgh,
1882.
A Compendious Book of Psalms and Spiritual Songs [? 1570] — commonly known as " The
Gude and Godlie Ballates." Edited by David Laing. Edinburgh, 1868
See supra, i, xxi-xxii
A Diurnal of Remarkable Occurrents that have passed within the Country of Scotland since
the Death of King James the Fourth till the year 1575. Edited by Thomas Thomson.
(Bannatyne Club and Maitland Club, 1833)
An anonymous, independent and exceedingly valuable contemporary
record of events, of which by far the greater part covers the important period
1559-73. Unfortunately the Bannatyne and Maitland Club editions are
unindexed, though a separate, but not wholly satisfactory, index was prepared
A NOTE ON AUTHORITIES 347
by A. G. Scott and others, and published in 1938. A critical edition of the
Diurnal has been long overdue.
[Cited as Diurnal of Occurrents]
Fragments 0/ Scotish History. [Edited by Sir John Graham Dalyell.] Edinburgh,
1798
The last three ' Fragments ' are the contemporary ' Diary of Robert
Birrel, Burgess of Edinburgh, 1532-1605,' ' The Late Expedition in Scot-
land under the Earl of Hertford, 1544,' and Patten's ' Account of the Expe-
dition into Scotland under the Duke of Somerset, 1547.'
The Gude and Godlie Ballates. See A Compendious Book of Psalms and Spiritual Songs
Historie and Chronicles of Scotland, written and collected by Robert Lindesay of Pitscottie.
Edited by iEneas J. G. Mackay. 3 vols. (Scottish Text Society, 1899, 191 1)
Lindsay of Pitscottie (? 1500-? 1565) was sympathetic to the Reformers
and to the English party. His narrative is lively and often amusing, and he
is the source of many of the romantic stories of Scottish history. A work to
be used with the greatest caution, but to be read with the greatest pleasure.
[Cited as Pitscottie, Chronicles]
A History of Greater Britain, by John Major. Translated and edited by Archibald
Constable. (Scottish History Society, 1892)
The Historia Majoris Britanniae of John Major (1469- 1550) was first pub-
lished at Paris in 1521, and is in many ways a remarkable book for its time.
It is particularly valuable for its observations on the corruption within the
Church and on the urgent need for reform.
The Historie of Scotland, wrytten first in Latin by the most reverend and worthy Jhone
Leslie, Bishop of Rosse, and translated in Scottish by Father James Dalrymple.
Edited by E. G. Cody and William Murison. 2 vols. (Scottish Text Society,
1888, 1895), and
Tht History of Scotland, from the Death of King James I to the year 1561, by John Lesley,
Bishop of Ross. Edited by Thomas Thomson. (Bannatyne Club, 1830)
The De Origine, moribus, et rebus gestis Scotorum of John Leslie, or Lesley
(1527-96), was published at Rome in 1578, and contains ten Books, of which
the concluding three Books bear the separate title De rebus gestis Scotorum poster-
lores libri tres, recentiorum regum historiam, qucB hucusque desiderabatur, ab anno domini
iiccccxxxt^i. usque ad annum udlxh. fusius continentes. These last three Books
were originally written (1570) in the vernacular (Bannatyne Club edition,
above) ; they were then rewritten by Lesley in Latin with the addition of the
earlier Books, and from the Latin of the whole ten Books a very poor translation
into the vernacular was made by Father James Dalrymple in 1596 (Scottish
Text Society edition, above).
Lesley was a loyal servant to Mary and to the Roman Church. His
account of the history of his own time is useful and, upon occasion, well
reasoned ; but he is never able to forget his allegiances.
Tht History oj Scotland, by George Buchanan. Translated from the Latin, with
Notes, by James Aikman. 4 vols. Glasgow, 1827
A critical edition of that part of Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia
(1582), which covers the history of his own time would be welcome. Although
a ' party history ' (and, with Buchanan's Lennox connections, doubly hostile
to Mary because of the murder of Darnley), Buchanan's account of the period
(663j VOL n 23
348 A NOTE ON AUTHORITIES
1559 to 1567 is still useful if only as the account of a contemporary revealing
the passions and prejudices of that difficult time.
[Cited as Aikman's Buchanan]
History of the Church of Scotland, by John Spottiswoode. Edited by M. Russell (vol. I)
and Mark Napier (vols. II-III). 3 vols. (Spottiswoode Society, 1851)
John Spottiswoode (1565-1637) was Archbishop of Glasgow, and later
Archbishop of St. Andrews, in the ' First Episcopacy.' His History, written
at the command of James VI, is that of a moderate Episcopalian, and his
comments are naturally influenced in the same direction. But he is more
charitable than Calderwood {q.v.), and it is difficult to find, in his own words,
anything written " out of humour." He undoubtedly had access to a copy
of Knox's History, but he did not borrow heavily in the manner of Calderwood.
[Cited as Spottiswoode, History]
A Historie of the Estate of Scotland, from the year i^§g to the year 1566. See Miscellany
of the Wodrow Society
The History of the Kirk of Scotland, by Mr. David Calderwood. Edited by the Rev.
Thomas Thomson (vols. I-VII) and David Laing (vol. VIII). 8 vols.
(Wodrow Society, 1 842-1 849)
David Calderwood (1575- 1650) wrote as a perfervid Presbyterian and an
opponent of Episcopacy (see his Altare Damascenum, 162 1), and his History
received the encouragement and support of the General Assembly. This
bias being borne in mind, his History is particularly valuable in that he gives
in extenso many documents of which the originals have since been lost. A
shorter version, entitled The True History of the Church of Scotland, preceded
publication of the full work ; the full work certainly gave him a right to be
regarded, in the words of the contemporary Robert Baillie, as the " living
magazine of our ecclesiastical history." For the period to 1564 he borrows
heavily from Knox.
[Cited as Calderwood, History]
Memoirs of his own Life, by Sir James Melville ofHalhill. Edited by Thomas Thomson.
(Bannatyne Club and Maitland Club, 1827, 1833)
Sir James Melville (1535-1617) was frequently entrusted with diplomatic
missions in the reign of Mary, and in the earlier part of the reign of James VI.
His Memoirs cover the period 1549-93. Undoubtedly he had much ' inside
knowledge ' ; he writes with zest ; and we are indebted to him for many
interesting details. But he compiled his Memoirs late iri life, and, upon occasion,
his memory may have played him false.
Miscellany of the Wodrow Society. Vol. I (all published). Edited by David Laing.
(1844)
Among other material this volume contains :
A Historie of the Estate of Scotland, from the year i§§g to the year i§66
This is a late seventeenth-century transcript of part of an earlier manu-
script by an unknown author. The part that has thus survived covers the
period July 1558 to April 1560. It is of considerable value as relating " a
number of minute circumstances at the period of the Reformation not else-
where to be met with," and serving " to corroborate the statements of other
writers." Laing was of opinion that the original manuscript was not written
by " a person hving at the time and describing events as an eye-witness," but
by a later writer deriving his information " from some contemporary authority."
A NOTE ON AUTHORITIES 349
Ane Compendius Tractive, &c., set fur th be Maister Quintine Kennedy, i§^8
Quintin Kennedy (1520-64) was one of the few meritorious churchmen
in the pre-Reformation Church, and it is significant that his Compendius Tractive
stands alone as the one work written during the period 1558-60 in support
of the cause of Rome. In it Kennedy strives to encourage each " Christian
man " to a continuance of faith and belief in the old Church, basing his
arguments on the Scriptures (to answer the Reformers' appeal to the Word
of God) and on the decisions of the Councils of the Church.
The Poetical Works of Sir David Lyndsay. Edited by David Laing. 3 vols. Edin-
burgh, 1879
Sir David Lindsay, or Lyndsay (? 1490- 1555) saw service at the court
of James V, was Lyon King of Arms, and was regarded with affection by his
contemporaries as a man of upright life " invariably opposed to falsehood."
His poetical works are a valuable source for the social history of his time ; they
illustrate the baronial disorders within Scotland, the party factions and the
family feuds, the weakness of the central authority, and, above all, the licentious
lives of the clergy and the corruption within the Church. Essentially Lindsay
was the people's poet ; he wrote for the people and to the people ; and his
sympathies are always with the people against Nobility and Church alike.
Two Missions of Jacques de la Brosse. Edited by Gladys Dickinson. (Scottish
History Society, 1942)
This volume contains ( i ) Discours des affaires du Royaume descosse : a report
by La Brosse and Menage of the state of Scotland, social, military, and political,
in the autumn of 1543 ; and (2) Journal : a day-to-day account of the siege
of Leith from 22 January to 15 June 1560.
Both these documents are important. The first is a reasoned summary
which throws new light on the part played by Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox,
in the political intrigue following the death of James V. The second is a
graphic and detailed description of the closing episode in the ' uproar for
religion.'
(5) MODERN WORKS
Peter Hume Brown. History of Scotland to the Present Time. 3 vols. Cambridge,
1911
George Brunton and David Haig. An Historical Account of the Senators of the
College of Justice. Edinburgh, 1836
John Hill Burton. The History of Scotland. 8 vols, and Index. New (Second)
edition, Edinburgh, 1873
George Gordon Coulton. Scottish Abbeys and Social Life. Cambridge, 1933
John DowDEN. The Bishops of Scotland. Glasgow, 19 12
An invaluable work of reference.
David Hay Fleming. Mary Queen of Scots : from her Birth to her Flight into England.
Second edition, London, 1898
An exceedingly careful and fully documented work. The text occupies
pages 1-176 ; the " Notes and References " and the " Documents hitherto
unpublished" occupy pages 177-514; and an Itinerary occupies pages
515-543- It is much to be regretted that this wealth of evidence, analysed
with critical scholarship, has no index.
David Hay Fleming. The Reformation in Scotland. London, 19 10
A standard work by a scholar who had an unrivalled knowledge of the
350 A NOTE ON AUTHORITIES
history of the Scottish Church in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Hay Fleming, like Knox, could find httle that was good in the Church of
Rome, while on the other hand, " inspired by the vital principles of a pure
Scottish Calvinism," he strove in all his writings " to vindicate the character
of the Reformers and the Covenanters."
Robert Kerr Hannay. The Scottish Crown and the Papacy, 1424-1560. Edinburgh,
1 93 1. (Historical Association of Scotland, Pamphlets, New Series, No. 6)
An admirable summary of the relations of Church and State.
Thomas F. Henderson. Mary Queen of Scots. 2 vols. London, 1905
John Herkless and Robert Kerr Hannay. The Archbishops of St. Andrews.
5 vols. Edinburgh, 1907-1915
Robert Keith. History of Affairs of Church and State in Scotland. Edited by John
Parker Lawson (vols. I and H) and C.J. Lyon (vol. HI). 3 vols. (Spottis-
woode Society, 1844- 1850)
Robert Keith (1681-1757) was Bishop of Fife, 1733-43. In 1743 he was
chosen as Primus of the Scottish Episcopal Church. His work betrays a strong
episcopal bias — " avoiding Rome on the one hand, and Geneva on the other "
— but he had a keen and critical mind, and he supported his History with
a full apparatus of letters and documents. Although beginning at 1527,
by far the greater part of the work is devoted to the period 1560-68.
[Cited as Keith's History']
Andrew Lang. History of Scotland. 4 vols. Edinburgh, 1903-1907
Andrew Lang. The Mystery of Mary Stewart. London, 1901
Peter Lorimer. Knox and the Church of England, etc. London, 1875
Peter Lorimer. Patrick Hamilton. Edinburgh, 1857
Alexander R. MacEwen. A History of the Church in Scotland. 2 vols. London,
I9i3> 1918
A valuable and scholarly ecclesiastical history of Scotland covering the
period from the earliest times to the success of the Reformation movement
in 1560.
Janet Girdwood Macgregor. The Scottish Presbyterian Polity. Edinburgh, 1926
William Law Mathieson. Politics and Religion. 2 vols. Glasgow, 1902
A history of Scotland from the eve of the Reformation to the Revolution
Settlement.
Alexander Ferrier Mitchell. The Scottish Reformation. Edinburgh, 1900
James Balfour Paul {ed.). The Scots Peerage. 9 vols. Edinburgh, 1904-1914
An indispensable work of reference, though not all the contributions are
of equal merit. The Addenda et Corrigenda in vol. IX should be consulted in
conjunction with the main articles.
Hew Scott. Fasti Ecclesitp. Scoticana. 7 vols. New and revised edition, Edin-
burgh, 1915-1928
An indispensable work of reference for the " succession of ministers in
the Church of Scotland from the Reformation." Unfortunately the contribu-
tions are of unequal merit ; the arrangement leaves much to be desired ; and
a volume of Addenda et Corrigenda is sadly needed.
Patrick Fraser Tytler. History of Scotland. 9 vols. Second edition, Edinburgh,
1841-1843
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S52
INDEX
The form of the names chosen for the headings follows the usually accepted rules. References
are given from alternative forms.
Brief biographical details {in square brackets immediately after the heading) are given in
certain cases, either because the persons played important parts in the history of Scotland or
because such details are required for purposes of identification. They make no pretence to
biographical research and are derived from easily accessible books, to which the reader is
referred for further information.
The items within each entry are arranged chronologically and, especially in the longer
entries, dates have been inserted at frequent intervals to facilitate quick reference.
Abbotshall, Lairds of. See Scott, Thomas,
of Abbotshall ; Scott, Thomas, of
Pitgorno and Abbotshall
Abercorn. Lordship of, this and others given
by the Queen " to scoupars, dancers,
and dalliers with dames," ii. 102
Abercromby, — , a Black Friar, receives
permission from Mary to preach
(c. Dec. 1565), ii. 175
Aberdeen, Diocese. For Bishops of, see
Dunbar, Gavin, Bishop of Aberdeen ;
Elphinstone, William ; Gordon,
William
— Town, two men found guilty of
" hanging " an image of St. Francis
at, i. xxiv ; Superintendent of Diocese
of Aberdeen to reside in Old Aberdeen,
laid down in the Book of Discipline, ii.
292 ; Adam Heriot appointed minister
at (19 July 1560), i. 334 ; magistrates
of, to maintain undemolished friaries
for public good (Act of Privy Council,
15 Feb. 1562), ii. 332 ; Queen and
her court transact business at (autumn
1562), ii. 54 ; Mary comes to, ii. 58 ;
Queen orders forces to assemble at
(5 Oct. 1562), ii. 58 ; Huntly marches
towards, ii. 59 ; dead body of Huntly
conveyed to Tolbooth in, ii. 61
For Provost of, see Menzies, Thomas
— University, courses of study at, pro-
posed in the Book of Discipline, ii. 297,
299 ; bursars, ii. 300 ; stipends, ii.
300-1
Abergeldie, Laird of See Gordon, Alex-
ander, of Abergeldie
Acheson, Alexander, elected Bailie of Edin-
burgh (8 Oct. 1561), ii. 22, note 4
Act of Oblivion, promised in the " Con-
cessions " (6 July 1560), i. 327 ;
passed (3 June 1563), ii. 79 and note 5
Adamson, Elizabeth [wife of James Barron],
delights in the company of Knox be-
cause he " opened more fully the
fountain of God's mercies than did
the common sort of teachers," i. 119;
her testimony and death, i. 119-20
Adamson, John, elected BaiUe of Edin-
burgh (8 Oct. 1561), ii. 22, note 4
Adamson, William, one of the few in
Edinburgh who had the " bruit of
knowledge " when the town was
drowned in superstition, i. 43
Addiston [seat in Midlothian of David
Borthwick of Lochill], suffers at hands
of Queen Regent and French, i. 302
Adultery, punishments for, in " The Two-
penny Faith," i. 139 ; Edinburgh Act
against (10 June 1560), i. 355 ; pro-
clamation of Edinburgh Acts against,
ii. 21-2, 22, note 1 ; Mary " lacks no
craft, both to cloak and to maintain "
it, ii. 35 ; it is free without punish-
ment in France, ii. 35-6 ; Protestants
assert that God's punishment for, is
death, ii. 49, 318 ; Act against, ii. 79
and note 5, 80 and note 1 ; Supplica-
tion to Queen that adulterers should
be punished according to law (1565),
ii. 141
See also Fornication
Advocate, Lords. See Borthwick, David,
of Lochill ; Crichton, Robert, of
Elliock ; Spens, John, of Condie
Aikman, Francis, one of the few in Edin-
burgh who had the " bruit of know-
ledge " when the town was drowned
in superstition, i. 43
Ainslie's Supper (Apr. 1567), ii. 205
Airlie, James Ogilvy, fifth Lord Ogilvy of.
See Ogilvy
Airthe, William. See Arth
A Lasco, John [1499- 1560; of Polish
origin ; reformer ; pastor of a con-
gregation of reformers at Emden,
1542-48 ; of influence at court of
Edward VI — Dictionary of National
Biography], befriended by Edward VI,
i. 1 17
Albany, Henry Stewart, Duke of. See
Darnley, Henry Stewart, Lord
Alesius, or Alane, Alexander [ 1 500-65; born,
Edinburgh ; educated, St. Andrews ;
probably converted to new faith by
Patrick Hamilton ; imprisoned ;
escaped to Malmo ; friend of Melan-
chthon ; visited England, 1535 ;
welcomed by Cranmer and Latimer ;
363
354
INDEX
lectured at Queen's College, Cam-
bridge ; fled to Wittenberg, 1540 ;
removed to Leipzig, 1543 ; twice
Rector of the University of Leipzig ;
died there — Mitchell, Scottish Reforma-
tion, 239-83, 295-307 ; MacEwen,
Hist, of the Church in Scotland, i. 463-4],
takes refuge in Germany from perse-
cution in Scotland, i. 23 ; appointed
to University of Leipzig, i. 23
Alnwick, Knox invited to confer with
Sir Harry Percy (on 3 Aug. 1559) at,
i. 294
Amboise, Protestant plot (Feb.-Mar. 1560)
to seize the Guises, barbarously sup-
pressed at, i. 348 and note i
Amiens, Bishop of. See Pellev6, Nicolas de
Anabaptists, ii. 270
Ancrum Moor, Battle of (27 Feb. 1545),
i. 58 and note 5
Andelot, Francois de Coligny, seigneur d'
[son of Gaspard de Coligny ; was with
French forces at sieges of Haddington
and Boulogne ; died, 1569], one of the
commanders of the French army in
Scotland (1549), i. 102
Anderson, Alexander [Rector of Methlick,
appointed Principal of King's College,
Aberdeen, 1550 ; refused to subscribe
the Confession of Faith and, with the
Sub-Principal and three of the regents,
was deposed from all office in the
University, 1569 ; died, 1578], de-
fends the Mass, at the Convention of
NobiHty, Edinburgh (15 Jan. 1561),
i- 352-3> 352, note 2
Anderson, William [maltman in Perth],
put to death for heresy by Beaton at
Perth (Jan. 1544), i. 55
Angennes, Jacques d', sieur de Rambouillet.
See Rambouillet
Angus, contributes men to Scots army at
Solway Moss (1542), i. 36 ; many in,
comforted by preaching of John
Roger, i. 56 ; contributes men to
Scots army at Pinkie (1547), i. 99 ;
most of the district laid waste by Eng-
lish (1547), i. loi ; Reformed clergy
preach in, i. 125 ; Paul Methven openly
preaches in, i. 148 ; when Queen
Regent summons preachers to Stirling
(10 May 1559) men from Angus
assemble at Perth to give them sup-
port, i. i6o ; gentlemen from, come
to aid of Perth, i. 172 ; explain their
objective to the Queen Regent's agents,
i. 172 ; Congregation of, joins in
defensive confederacy at Perth (31 May
1559)5 i- 178-9; "professors" in,
summoned to St. Andrews (4 June
1559) for reformation of religion there,
i. 181 ; men from, assist Congregation
at Cupar Muir, i. 184 ; brethren from,
to convene at Perth (24 June 1559) for
its deliverance, i. 187 ; unable to assist
in any number the brethren in Edin-
burgh ov/ing to shortness of notice
(July 1559), i. 200 ; Protestant gentle-
men of, meet English armv at Preston
(4 Apr. 1560), i. 312 ; John Erskine
of Dun nominated Superintendent for
Mearns and, i. 334 ; Queen raises
forces in (1562), ii. 58 ; they repulse
Huntly's company at Battle of Cor-
richie (28 Oct. 1562), ii. 61 ; letters
from Brethren of Kyle to those of,
warning them of the increasing
idolatry of the Mass (1565), ii. 140-1 ;
Queen summons military aid from
(17 July I565)> ii- 155-6 ; Mary and
Darnley summon forces from, to meet
at Linlithgow (24 Aug. 1565), ii.
159
Angus, Archibald Douglas, sixth Earl of
[? 1 489 -1 55 7 ; grandson of Archibald,
fifth earl ; married, 1514, Margaret
Tudor, widow of James IV ; drove
Hamiltons from Edinburgh in ' Cleanse
the Causeway,' 1520 ; held James V
in his power and virtually ruled
Scotland, 1526-28 ; forfeited and
escaped to England, 1528 ; restored,
1543 ; commanded van at Pinkie,
1547 ; by his marriage with Margaret
Tudor had one daughter, Margaret,
who became wife of Matthew, fourth
Earl of Lennox, and was mother of
Henry, Lord Darnley, second husband
of Mary Queen of Scots — -Scots Peerage,
i. 190-3], defeats Scott of Buccleuch
at Melrose (25 July 1526), i. 22 and
note 3 ; defeats third Earl of Lennox
near LinUthgow (4 Sept. 1526), i. 22
and note 3 ; forfeited by Parliament
(Sept. 1528), i. 22 and note 5 ; sent by
Heni-y VIII to Scottish frontier, i. 31 ;
his bastard son captured at Hadden
Rig (24 Aug. 1542), i. 31 ; narrowly
escapes capture himself, i. 31 ; joins
Lennox's faction at Ayr (Yule, 1543),
i. 51 ; captured at siege of Glasgow
(3 Apr. 1544), i. 51 ; freed from
Blackness Casde (4 May 1544), i. 57 ;
defeats Sir Ralph Eure at Battle oi
Ancrum Moor (27 Feb. 1545), i. 58,
note 5 ; his daughter Margaret, by
Margaret Tudor, marries fourth Earl
of Lennox in London, i. 59, note 3 ;
rumour of unsuccessful plot by, against
Beaton, i. 75 ; repairs again to the
Court after death of Beaton, i. 79 ; to
win favour of Chatelherault suggests
that St. Andrews Castle should be
besieged, i. 79 ; at Battle of Pinkie
(Sept. 1547), i. 99, 100 ; bribed with
Order of St. Michael, sells the Queen
to France, i. 103
Annan, Protestant Lords at, ii. 172
Annand, John [Canon of St. Andrews;
becanie Principal of St. Leonard's
College, 1544 ; with David Beaton
strove to tighten discipline in the
college in matters of faith ; was
succeeded in the office^ of Principal
by John Law, 1550 — Herkless and
Hannay, College of St. Leonard, passim],
" a rotten Papist," he " long troubled
John Rough in his preaching," i. 83 ;
Knox by pen supports Rough against
him, i. 83 ; Knox publicly disputes
with him in Parish Kirk of St. Andrews,
i. 83-4 ; mentioned, i. Ixxvii
Anne, Duchess of Friesland, sends John
Willock to Scotland on a trade
mission, i. 1 18 and note 5
Anstruther, Knox preaches at (? 10 June
1559), i. 181 and note 3
Anstruther, Robert, Dumbarton Castle
delivered to (Apr. 1562), ii. 42 and
note 6
Anthony [of Bourbon], King of Navarre
[King of Navarre by his marriage
with Jeanne d'Albret, 1547 ; died,
1562], convenes at Orleans (Nov.
1560), i. 348; is arrested (or rather
left at liberty but under close surveill-
ance), i. 348 and note 4
Appointments, for surrender of Perth
(29 May 1559), i. 177 and note 2 ;
at Cupar (13 June 1559), i. 185-6
See also Leith, Appointment at the
Links of
Arbroath, Robert Cumin, schoolmaster at,
sentenced by General Assembly, ii. 66
— Abbey, George Douglas's name put
forward for preferment to, i. 79
For Abbots of, see Beaton, David,
Cardinal, Archbishop of St. Andrews ;
Beaton, James, Archbishop of Glas-
gow ; Beaton, James, Archbishop
of St. Andrews ; Hamilton, John
Hamilton, first Marquess of
Arbuckle, — , a Grey Friar, his disputation
with Knox, i. 90-2
Argyll, John Carswell nominated Super-
intendent of (1560), i. 334 ; Super-
intendent of, to reside in, laid down in
the Book of Discipline, ii. 292 ; Mary
hunts in (1563), ii. 85
Argyll, Archibald Campbell, fourth Earl of
[eldest son of Colin, third Earl ;
succeeded, 1529-30 ; opposed the
marriage of Mary and Edward (VI) ;
fought at Pinkie, 1547, and at siege
of Haddington, 1548 ; embraced the
Protestant religion ; died, 1558 — Scots
Peerage, i. 338-9], appointed one of
four Regents in " will " of James V,
i. 41 ; but he is rejected by the
nobility, i. 41 ; joins Beaton's party
in opposition to Chatelherault, i. 49 ;
from Linlithgow they take Mary and
INDEX 355
her mother to Stirling, i. 49 ; at Battle
of Pinkie (Sept. 1547), i. 99 ;
bribed with Order of St. Michael, sells
the Queen to France, i. 103 ; Knox
stays with, at Castle Campbell, i. 123 ;
maintains John Douglas, who preaches
publicly in his house, i. 125, 138 ;
signs invitation to Knox at Geneva to
come to Scotland (10 Mar. 1557),
i. 132; signs "Common Band"
(3 Dec. 1557), i. xxix, 137 ; Arch-
bishop Hamilton sends Sir David
Hamilton to Argyll to warn him to
withdraw his favour from Douglas,
i. 138 ; texts of letter, memorandum
and Argyll's reply, ii. 246-54 ; his
death disappoints the Bishops, for he
left his son " to suppress all super-
stition and idolatry, to the uttermost
of his power," i. 138 ; marries, as his
first wife, Helen, daughter of first
Earl of Arran, ii. 249, note 2
Argyll, Archibald Campbell, fifth Earl of
[born ? 1538 ; eldest son of Archibald,
fourth earl ; Lord Lome until 1558,
when he succeeded as fifth earl ;
signed the first Band or Covenant of
1557, but in 1559 strove, on the side
of the Queen Regent, for a peaceful
settlement ; immediately thereafter
joined the Lords of the Congregation ;
was much in favour with Mary after
her return to Scotland in 1561 ;
intrigued to deliver Mary from Loch-
leven ; present, ineffectively, at Lang-
side ; submitted to Regent Moray,
1569 ; intrigued on Mary's behalf,
1570 ; submitted to Regent Lennox,
1 57 1 ; was a candidate for the
regency when Mar was appointed ;
died, I ^y^— Scots Peerage, i. 340-3],
joins Knox at Calder House (1555),
i. 121 ; signs " Common Band "
(3 Dec. I557)^ >• xxix, 137 ; his
father's admonition to him to forward
the Evangel and to suppress all super-
stition and idolatry, i. 138 ; " In
which point small fault can be found
with him to this day. God be merciful
to his other oflTences," i. 139 and
note I ; Moray conveys to him Queen
Regent's promises to Protestants i.
they will support her in obtaining
crown-matrimonial for Francis, i. 141 ;
comes from Queen Regent to Perth to
inquire into cause of convocation of
lieges there (24 May 1559), i. 173 ;
their reply to him, i. 173 ; Knox's
message to Queen Regent sent
through, i. 173-4 j persuaded by
Queen Regent to desert Protestants
if they rise in rebellion, i. 175-6 ;
sent from Stirling to hasten conclusion
of treaty with Protestants at Perth, i.
356
INDEX
176 ; earnestly persuades the Congre-
gation to accept an Appointment, i.
177 ; Willock and Knox accuse him
of infidelity, but he replies that he was
bound by promise to aid Queen
Regent in effecting a settlement, but
if she should break her promise he
would assist the Brethren, i. 177 ; sub-
scribes Band drawn up by Congrega-
tions at Perth (31 May 1559), i. 179 ;
perceiving Queen Regent's tyranny
and falsehood and, mindful of his
promise to the Brethren, he secretly
leaves Perth, refuses (i June 1559) to
return at Queen Regent's order and
goes to St. Andrews, i. 180 ; calls
meeting for ' reformation ' at St.
Andrews (4 June 1559), i- 181 ; eight
days' truce between Moray and, on
one side, and Chatelherault and
d'Oysel on other, concluded at Cupar
(13 June 1559), i. 185^ ; goes from
Cupar to St. Andrews, i. 186 ; writes
jointly with Moray (? 15 June 1559) to
Queen Regent complaining of breach
of treaty and asking soldiers to be
withdrawn from Perth and free election
of magistrates there to be restored, i.
187-8 ; appointed to reply to Huntly,
Mar and Bellenden, who had ordered
Reformers to desist from besieging
Perth, i. 188-9 > tries to dissuade
men from Dundee from purging Scone
and saves the Palace and Abbey for
one night, i. 190 ; leaves Perth
secretly with Moray, i. 190, 191 ;
they capture Stirling, i. 191 ; Queen
Regent and her " crafty Council "
persuade Chatelherault that Argyll
and Moray plan to deprive the Duke
of title to the Crown, i. 196 ; Queen
Regent desires {12 July 1559) to speak
privately with him, but the Congre-
gation fear treachery, i. 196 ; one
of the delegates of the Congregation
at the conference with the Queen
Regent's delegates at Preston (July
1559), i. 197 ; signs letter from Lords
of the Congregation to Cecil (19 July
I559)> i- 290, note i ; informed by
Mar, Captain of Edinburgh Castle,
that he would assist the French if
their entry into Edinburgh was
opposed (July 1559), i. 201 ; Chatel-
herault and Huntly promise him that
they will go over to side of the Con-
gregation if Queen Regent breaks
terms of Appointment made at Leith
Links (24 July 1559), i. 204 ; departs
from Stirling to Glasgow (Aug. 1559),
i. 207 ; before going thence to his own
country, where the Queen Regent had
stirred up trouble, he requires Glen-
cairn, Boyd, Ochiltree and others to
meet in Kyle, i. 207 ; meets Chatel-
herault, at his request, at Hamilton,
i. 208 ; Chatelherault requires him to
write " friendly and comfortable
letters " to his son. Lord David
Hamilton, in prison in France, i. 208 ;
comes to Convention at Stirling
(10 Sept. 1559), i. 229; goes to
Hamilton with others to consult with
Chatelherault, i. 229 ; signs letter
( 1 9 Sept. 1 559) to Queen Regent pro-
testing against the fortifying of Leith
by the French, i. 230 ; mutinous
troops of the Congregation make a
" fray " upon his " Highland men,"
i. 257 ; checks the French when they
enter Edinburgh from Leith (31 Oct.
1559)3 i- 260 ; makes Glasgow his
headquarters when Lords of the
Congregation divide their forces be-
tween Glasgow and St. Andrews, i. 276
(and cf. i. 298) ; signs instructions
(loth Feb. 1560) to commissioners
sent to Berwick to treat with Duke
of Norfolk, i. 310 ; by Contract of
Berwick (27 Feb. 1560), he is to assist
in reducing northern Ireland to " the
perfect obedience of England," i.
305-6 ; signs ratification of Contract
of Berwick (27 Feb. 1560) at Leith
(10 May 1560), i. 308 ; meets English
army at Preston (4 Apr. 1560), i. 31 1 ;
signs " Last Band at Leith " at Edin-
burgh (27 Apr. 1560), i. 315 ; Queen
Regent, during her last illness, desires
to speak with, i. 321 ; signs the Book
of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), i. 345, ii.
324 ; sent with Arran and Glencairn to
the west to destroy all places and
monuments of idolatry, they destroy
Paisley, St. Mary's of Fail, Kilwinning
and part of Crossraguel (1561), i. 364 ;
chosen Privy Councillor (6 Sept. 1561),
ii. 20 ; present at meetings of Privy
Council \vhich passes acts for the
" thirds of the benefices " (22 Dec.
1561), ii. 28, 326; (12 Feb. 1562),
ii- 3?9 ; (15 Feb. 1562), ii. 331 ;
appointed to assess ministers' stipends,
ii- 30 j Queen urges Knox to effect
reconciliation between him and his
wife, her half-sister, ii. 73-4 ; Knox
writes to, from Glasgow, censuring him
in strong terms for his treatment of his
wife (7 May 1563), ii. 74-6 ; displeased
with Knox's letter, but does not show
his displeasure in public, ii. 76 ; pre-
sides at trial of Papists (19 May 1563),
ii. 76 ; present at Council before
which Knox is summoned (Dec. 1563),
ii. 93 ; attends General Assembly
(June 1564), but joins group of
courtiers who sit apart, ii. 107 ;
accompanies Moray who has convened
at Edinburgh for trial of Bothwell
(2 May 1565), ii. 144 ; agrees to
Mary's proposals for her marriage to
Darnley provided religion is estab-
lished by Parliament and Mass
abolished, ii. 146 ; arrives too late
for Council meeting at Perth (31 May
1565), ii. 146 ; attends General
Assembly at Edinburgh (25 June
1565), ii. 148 ; at Lochleven (July
1565), ii. 153 ; rumoured that he is
leading a great army against Atholl
(July 1565), ii. 154 ; attends meeting
of Lords at Stirling (15 July 1565) to
discuss matters before meeting of
Parliament, ii. 155 ; when Moray is
put to the horn (6 Aug. 1565), the
Queen threatens to do the same to
Argyll and others, ii. 157 {andcf.ii. 165);
Atholl's hostility to, exploited by the
Papists, ii. 157; joins Protestant Lords
at Ayr (Aug. 1565), ii. 158 ; expected
at Hanailton (2 Sept. 1565), ii. 160 ;
denounced rebel and put to the horn
(Sept. 1565), ii. 165 (and cf. ii. 157) ;
■his being put to the horn in 1565
referred to, ii. 59, marginal note ; be-
lieved that Mary would march against
(1565), ii. 168 ; summoned by Darn-
ley to Dunbar, comes only as far as
Linlithgow, ii. 182 ; received into
favour by the Queen, ii. 185 ; present
at General Assembly (25 June 1566),
ii. 187 ; makes a bond with other
Lords at Stirling to defend the young
Prince (i May 1567), ii. 207 ; but he
withdraws, " seduced by some fair
words," ii. 207 ; joins Hamilton fac-
tion (June 1567), ii. 213 ; summoned
to Edinburgh by General Assembly
(June 1567) to settle true worship of
the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but excuses himself
on grounds that he could not come
with safety to Edinburgh, ii. 214 aiid
note 2 ; Queen signs writ (24 July
1567) appointing him joint legent till
Moray's return, or on his death, or
with Moray if latter refuses to be sole
regent, ii. 215 and note 2
For his wife, ':ee Stewart, Lady Jane
Argyll, Colin Campbell, third Earl of, his
daughter Agnes married to Sir James
Macdonnel of Antrim, i. 306, note i
Aristotle, i. 12
Armstrong, Andrew, to be tried (24 Oct.
1563) for " violent invasion of the
Queen's Palace " of Holyroodhouse
(15 Aug.), ii. 87, 88-9, 91 ; Knox,
before the Council (Dec. 1563), refers
to him, ii. 97 ; Knox, at General
Assembly (Dec. 1563), again alludes
to him, ii. loi
Arran, James Hamilton, first Earl of,
validity of divorce from Elizabeth
INDEX 357
Home, i. 49 and note 1 ; his eldest
daughter, Helen, marries fourth Earl
of Argyll, ii. 249, note 2
Arran, James Hamilton, second Earl of, and
Duke of Chatelherault [eldest son of
James, first Earl of Arran, by his
second wife, Janet Beaton ; heir-
presumptive to the throne (assuming
the divorce of his father from his first
wife was valid), was appointed
Governor of the realm, 1543 ; for a
time was Protestant and pro-English ;
abandoned the reformed faith and the
English alliance under the influence
of his natural brother, John Hamilton
iq.v.), and David Beaton (q.v.), 1543 ;
created Duke of Chatelherault, 1549 ;
obliged to resign the regency, 1554 ;
joined the Lords of the Congregation
when assured of the safety of his son
(James, third Earl, q.v.), and became
their titular head ; attended the
' Reformation Parliament ' of 1 560 ;
after marriage of Mary and Darnley
took refuge in France ; returned to
Scotland, 1569, and opposed the
Regent Moray ; later became a leader
of the ' Queensmen,' until the Pacifica-
tion of 1573 ; died, 1575 — Scots Peer-
age, iv. 366-8], sent \vith Cardinal
Beaton to Haddington to make a show
against the English on the east Border
(1542), i. 35 ; his name is in the scroll
containing the king's enemies as
alleged by Beaton, i. 35 ; the inclusion
of his name wins him favour when he
becomes Governor after James V's
death, i. 42 ; by advice of Kirkcaldy
of Grange, he opposes appointment of
Beaton, Huntly, Argyll and Moray as
regents on death of James V, and
claims regency for himself, i. 41 ;
declared Governor, i. 41 ; causes of
his popularity, i. 42 ; but many who
now favoured him were later com-
pelled to change their opinions, i. 42 ;
provokes the enmity of the Papists for
allowing Reformers to preach, i. 42-3 ;
the fame of the Governor spreads in
divers countries, i. 45 ; contract of
marriage between Mary Queen of
Scots and Prince Edward solemnised
by Sadler and, i. 46 ; French faction
are enraged against him for making
marriage contract and vow to depose
him, i. 47 ; French party succeed in
getting his followers to desert him, i.
48 ; his half-brother, John Hamilton,
Abbot of Paisley, by various argu-
ments wins him over to French faction,
i. 49 ; Beaton and his faction threaten
to depose him as disobedient to the
Roman Catholic Church, i. 49 ;
destitute of good counsel, he steals
358
INDEX
away from Holyroodhouse, and at
Stirling subjects himself to Beaton,
renounces Christ's Evangel and takes
absolution of the Devil (Sept. 1543),
i. 50 ; Sadler's efforts to keep him
true to English alliance are unavailing,
i. 50 ; his son kept by Beaton at St.
Andrews as pledge for his father's
adherence to Beaton, i. 50 and note 7 ;
Beaton and Francis I of France plan
to declare him bastard and make
Lennox Governor, i. 51 ; Beaton's and
his forces hold Edinburgh against
Lennox, i. 5 1 ; commands Lord Gray,
Earl of Rothes and Henry Balnaves to
come from Huntly Castle to Dundee
(Nov. 1543), i. 53 ; persuaded by
Beaton to leave Dundee and go
straight to Perth, i. 53 ; comes to
Perth with Beaton (25 Jan. 1544), i.
55 ; at Edinburgh when English land
at Leith (May 1544), i. 56 ; flees from
Edinburgh when English land at Leith
(4 May 1544), i. 57 ; English invasion
(1544) part of God's punishment for
his infidelity and violation of marriage
contract with Henry VHI, i. 58 ;
" the inconstant Governor," men-
tioned, i. 59 ; coming to Edinburgh,
i. 66 ; at Edinburgh, i. 66 ; coming
to Ormiston, i. 69 ; persuaded by
Beaton to surrender Wishart into his
power, i. 71-2 ; George Wishart, at his
trial, appeals to, ii. 235 ; Wishart
accused of contemning his authority,
ii. 236 ; guilty of an error of judgment
in surrendering Wishart to Beaton, i.
72 ; Beaton boasts that he is his
master, i. 75 ; Beaton's death " dolo-
rous " to, i. 79 ; he and his Council
determine to get St. Andrews Castle
betrayed or some of the principal
" Castilians " taken unawares, and so
make an Appointment (17 Dec. 1546),
i. 80-1, 241 ; complaints to him
about success of the Reformers, i. 94 ;
breaks terms of the Appointment
(17 Dec. 1546) with " Castihans "
and brings in French, i. 94 ; at siege
of Langholm, i. 95 ; comes to St.
Andrews, i. 95 ; " Castilians " refuse
to treat with, because he had traitor-
ously betrayed them, i. 96 ; Pope
thanks him for avenging death of
Beaton, i. 97 ; collects forces at Edin-
burgh to oppose English army (Sept.
1547)> i- 98 ; at Battle of Pinkie (Sept.
1547), i. 99, 100 ; Batde of Pinkie is
God's revenge on the " perjured
Governor," i. loi ; he besieges un-
successfully Broughty Craig, which
had been captured by the English,
i. 1 01 ; bribed with Duchy of Chatel-
herault, Dumbarton Castle, etc., he
sells the Queen to France, i. 102-3 '■>
demands justice on French who slew
Scots in fracas in Edinburgh (1548),
i. 105 ; an attack by French on
Haddington is offered as compensa-
tion, i. 105-6 ; " Castilians " re-
leased from prison in France " in
hatterent " of the Duke, the French
wan ting whole government of Scotland
in their hands, i. 1 1 1 ; with others, tries
Adam Wallace for heresy (1550), i.
114, 115; deposed from Governor-
ship " justly by God, but most unjustly
by men " (1554), i. xxviii, 116 ; Mary
of Lorraine tells Protestants that she
is prevented from helping them by the
power of " the Duke," i. 141 ; pro-
tests for his right of succession to the
crown when Parliament grants crown-
matrimonial to Francis (Nov. 1558),
i. 141 and note 4 ; no-one at the time
more hostile to the Protestants than he,
i. 164 ; learns of succour coining to
Perth from the West, i. 175 ; meeting
between Protestants on one side and
Chatelherault and d'Oysel on the
other, at Auchterarder (May 1559),
i. 175 ; enters Perth (?30 May 1559),
i. 179 ; confident of victory over forces
of Reformers at Cupar (June 1559),
i. 183 ; receives intelligence of number
and order of Protestant forces there,
i. 184 ; sends mediators, i. 184-5 >
eight days' truce concluded, i. 185 ;
text of the Assurance signed at Cupar
by him and d'Oysel (13 June 1559) on
behalf of Queen Regent, i. 185-6 ; his
meeting at Cupar (13 June 1559) with
Argyll and Moray referred to, by them
in their letter to the Queen Regent
(?I5 June 1559), i. 187; she and
her " crafty Council " had persuaded
him that Argyll and Moray planned
to deprive him of right of succession to
the crown, i. 196, 234 ; one of the
delegates for the Queen Regent at
conference- with the Congregation at
Preston (July 1559), i. 197 ; requests
meeting with Argyll, Glencairn,
Moray and others, and promises to
go over to their side if Queen Regent
breaks terms of the Appointment of
Leith Links (24 July 1559), i. 204-5 ;
signs (25 July 1559) the Appointment
of the Links of Leith, i. 205 ; receives
letter from his son (afterwards third
Earl) that he has escaped from perse-
cution of French king, i. 207 and
note 3 ; in consequence, desires meet-
ing with Argyll, which takes place at
Hamilton, i. 208 ; present at sermon
of Willock in St. Giles', Edinburgh,
i. 21 1 ; Papists remonstrate with him,
affirming he would be reputed one of
INDEX
the Congregation, i. 212 ; Queen
Regent, wishing to set up Mass again
in St. Giles', sends him with others to
negotiate with the Congregation, who
are encouraged by his neutrahty, i.
212 ; his part in the Appointment of
Leith mentioned, i. 215 ; receives
" flattering letter " from Queen
Regent warning him of intended con-
vention at Govan Muir on 21 Aug.
1559 of the Lords of the Westland
Congregation, i. 215 ; his son, Argyll,
and other Lords go to Hamilton from
Stirling to consult with (Sept. 1559),
i. 229 ; signs letter (19 Sept. 1559) to
Queen Regent protesting against the
fortifying of Leith by the French, that
is, he joins the Congregation, i. xlv,
230 and note 2 ; Queen Regent refers
to this letter, i. 236-7 ; Queen Regent
attempts to win him back to her side,
i. 230 ; his reply, i. 230, 241 ;
Lords and he write to Earl of Mar
urging him to guard the castles of
Edinburgh and Stirling and remain
true to the Congregation (19 Sept.
1559), i. 231-2 ; learning that French
fortification of Leith proceeds, he and
the Lords muster their forces at
Stirling (15 Oct. i559),.i- 232 ; Arch-
bishop Hamilton tries in vain to win
him back to Queen Regent's side, i.
233, note I ; Queen Regent in her
Proclamation (2 Oct. 1559) holds him
responsible for directing " missives in
all parts of this realm " [? cf. i. 232-3,
where he is not mentioned by name]
on the danger to commonwealth from
fortification of Leith by French, i. 235 ;
owing to continued rumour that he
and his son design to usurp the Crown
and Authority, he makes his " Purga-
tion " at the Cross of Edinburgh
(19 Oct. 1559), i. 248 ; accused by
Queen Regent (21 Oct. 1559) of
*' violating his promise," i. 249 ; at
" the preaching " in Edinburgh when
French in Leith surprise and defeat a
contingent of Congregation (31 Oct.
'559)> i- 260 ; pursues French re-
tiring from the Canongate, Edinburgh
(31 Oct. 1559), i. 261 ; withdraws his
ordnance when Congregation retreat
from Edinburgh (Nov. 1559), i. 264 ;
present at Stirling when Knox
preaches (8 Nov. 1559), i. 266 ; cen-
sured by Knox, i. 269-70 ; his house
at Kinneil despoiled by French
(c. Jan. 1560), i. 276 ; takes up his
headquarters at Glasgow when Lords
of the Congregation divide their forces
between Glasgow and St. Andrews,
i. 276, 298 ; censured by Knox (6 Feb.
1560), i. 299, 300-1 ; to be com-
359
mander of Scots army when English
send aid (Instructions to Commis-
sioners at Berwick, 10 Feb. 1560), i.
309 ; contract between him and Nor-
folk signed at Berwick (27 Feb. 1560),
whereby English undertake to assist
the Congregation, i. 302-8 ; signs
ratification of Contract of Berwick
(27 Feb. 1560) at Leith (10 May
1560), i. 307 ; meets English army at
Preston (4 Apr. 1560), i. 311 ; signs
" Last Band at Leith " at Edinburgh
(27 Apr. 1560), i. 315 ; to hold and
enjoy possessions in France as he did
" before those differences," agreed to
in the " Concessions " [" annex " to
Treaty of Edinburgh, 1560], i. 329 ;
in conference with Moray and Knox in
Edinburgh (Dec. 1560), i. 351 ; signs
the Book of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561),
i. 345, ii. 324 ; some say he and
Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews,
are " too familiar," a sign of coming
trouble, i. 356 ; that he would usurp
the Queen's authority, i. 356 ; chosen
a Privy Councillor (6 Sept. 1561), ii.
20 ; Maitland doubts if he will be
subject to Book of Discipline, ii. 27 ;
Ochiltree's retort, ii. 27 ; present at
Privy Council, which passes acts
for the " thirds of the benefices "
(22 Dec. 1561), ii. 28, 326 ; his
friends involved in an " incident " in
Edinburgh against Bothwell's friends
(19 Dec. 1561), ii. 36-7 ; alleged that
he seeks death of Moray and that his
own servants reveal to Moray that
danger, ii. 37 ; convenes at Glasgow
with some of the Lords, but " their
conclusion was not known," ii. 37 ;
Bothwell and Gavin Hamilton go to,
at Kinneil, and there, it is alleged,
hatch a plot against Arran (26 Mar.
1562), ii. 40 ; Arran, his son, visits
him, ii. 41 ; his son, Arran, with-
draws charges against him, ii. 42 ;
required by Council to surrender
Dumbarton Castle, ii. 42 ; Lord
Gordon comes from his father, Huntly,
requiring him " to put to his hands in
the South, as he [Huntly] should do
in the North," ii. 54 ; Knox writes
to him warning him against Hamilton,
Archbishop of St. Andrews, and the
Earl of Huntly, ii. 57 ; arrests his
son-in-law. Lord Gordon (afterwards
fifth Earl of Huntly), ii. 63 ; present at
Council before which Knox is sum-
moned (Dec. 1563), ii. 93 ; the Queen
secures his presence at her banquets
(1564), ii. 103 ; attends General
Assembly (June 1564), but joins
group of Courtiers who sit apart, ii.
107 ; agrees to Mary's proposals for
360
INDEX
her marriage to Darnley provided the
' religion ' is established by Parliament
and Mass abolished, ii. 146 ; attends
meeting of Lords at Stirling (15 July
1565) to discuss matters before meet-
ing of Parliament, ii. 155 ; joins Pro-
testant Lords at Ayr (Aug. 1565), ii.
158 ; one of the Protestant Lords
who march on Edinburgh (31 Aug.
1565), ii. 161 ; denounced rebel and
put to the horn (Sept. 1565), ii. 165 ;
his being put to the horn in 1565,
referred to, ii. 59, marginal note ; keeps
Hamilton and Draffan Castles fortified
and victualled, ii. 168 ; pardoned by
Queen on condition that he goes to
France, ii. 174 ; to be joint regent if
Mary's illness at Jedburgh should
prove fatal (Oct. 1566), ii. 191 ;
Queen signs writ (24 July 1567),
appointing him joint regent till
Moray's return, or on his death, or
with Moray if latter refuses to be sole
regent, ii. 215 and note 2
On question of his legitimacy and
succession to the throne, see Hamilton,
House of
Arran, James Hamilton, third Earl of
[eldest son of James, second Earl of
Arran and Duke of Chatelherault ;
born 1537/38 ; held as pledge by
Beaton in St. Andrews ; held as
hostage in castle of St. Andrews by the
' Castilians ' ; held as pledge by
Henry H of France, 1548 ; estab-
lished a Protestant congregation at
Chatelherault ; escaped from at-
tempted seizure by French court,
reached England via Germany and
Low Countries, and was sent north
to Scotland by Cecil ; his safe arrival
in Scotland influenced his father's
decision to join the Reformers ; him-
self a Reformer, fought with the army
of the Congregation in Fife, and at
siege of Leith ; was proposed as a
husband for Queen Elizabeth, 1560 ;
rejected ; sued for hand of Queen
Mary ; rejected ; became insane,
1562 ; died, i6o^^Scot. Hist. Rev.,
xviii. 258-76], kept at St. Andrews
Castle by Beaton as a pledge for his
father, i. 50, 75 ; Henry VIH's help
to besieged in St. Andrews Castle con-
ditional on their retaining him as
hostage, i. 80 ; writes to his father of
his escape from French king's hands,
i. xlv, 207 and note 3 ; his escape to
Scotland facilitated by Elizabeth, i.
xlv, 207, note 3 ; his journey to Scot-
land, i. 229, note I ; his arrival
(10 Sept. 1559), i. 207, note 3, 229,
note I, 234 ; attends Convention at
Stirling (10 Sept. 1559), i. 229 ; goes
to Hamilton, with others, to consult
with his father, i. 229 ; signs letter
of protest to Queen Regent (19 Sept.
1559), i. 230 ; Queen Regent in her
Proclamation (2 Oct. 1559), accuses
him of joining the Congregation for
reasons other than religion, to wit, the
subversion of her authority, i. 236 and
note 5 ; the Lords deny the charge as
a " malicious " lie (3 Oct.), i. 240 ;
sets off to apprehend Bothwell at
Crichton after he had despoiled Cock-
burn of Ormiston of money obtained
from English, but fails (31 Oct. 1559),
i. 259 ; his share in skirmishes with
the French between Edinburgh and
Leith (6 Nov. 1559), i. 262-3 ; 't? and
Moray ofter to remain in Edinburgh
" if any reasonable company would
abide with them," i. 264 ; proclaimed
traitor by Earl of Bothwell, i. 275 ;
makes St. Andrews his headquarters
when Lords of the Congregation divide
their forces between Glasgow and St.
Andrews, i. 276, 298 ; learning that
French had left Stirling, he leaves
St. Andrews with Moray and they
assemble their forces at Cupar, i. 276 ;
takes offence at supposed allusion to
him in Knox's sermon at Cupar (Jan.
1560), i. Ixxvii, 278 ; goes to Dysart
with Moray to prevent French from
destroying the sea coast (Jan. 1560),
i. 278 ; arrests Wemyss, Seafield,
Balgony and Durie, and releases them
on conditions " they minded never to
keep," i. 301 ; Huntly, one of the
" bye-lyers " [sitters on the fence],
assures him of assistance (Instructions
to Commissioners at Berwick, 10 Feb.
1560), i. 309 ; signs instructions
(10 Feb. 1560) to Commissioners sent
to Berwick to treat with Duke ol
Norfolk, i. 310 ; signs ratification of
Contract of Berwick (27 Feb. 1560)
at Leith (10 May 1560), i. 307 ; signs
" Last Band at Leith " at Edinburgh
(27 Apr. 1560), i. 315 ; ambassadors
from Scotland propose marriage be-
tween Elizabeth and, i. 345-6 ; hei
answer (Dec. 1560), i. 350 ; after
failure of marriage plan to marry
Elizabeth he turns to Mary Queen ol
Scots, but his suit does not prosper,
i. 351 ; at Jedburgh (Dec. 1560),
i. 351 ; signs the Book of Discipline
(27 Jan. 1561), i. 345, ii. 324; re-
mains faithful to the Brethren (1561),
i. 356 ; sent with Argyll and Glen-
cairn to the west to destroy all places
and monuments of idolatry, they
destroy Paisley, St. Mary's of Fail,
Kilwinning and part of Crossraguel
(1561), i. 364; pubhc protest by,
INDEX
361
against Act of Privy Council (oi
25 Aug. 1561), ii. 10- 1 1 ; alleged plot
at Holyroodhouse to make Queen put
him in disgrace (Nov. 1561), ii. 24-5,
25, note I ; loses his part of the
revenues of St. Andrews and Dun-
fermline, ii. 28 ; and Alison Craik,
" whose whore the said Alison was
suspected to have been," ii. 33 ;
comes to Edinburgh, " where the Earl
Bothwell lay," ii. 37 ; Bothwell ex-
presses to Knox his desire for friend-
ship with, ii. 38, 39 ; Knox accom-
plishes this for a time, ii. 39 ; accepted
by Cockburn of Ormiston as mediator
in his quarrel with Bothwell, ii. 39 ;
reconciliation with Bothwell at Kirk-
of-Field, ii. 39-40 ; comes (27 Mar.
1562) to Knox with tale that Both-
well is plotting to involve him in a
treasonable act, and then betray him
to the Queen, ii. 40 ; Knox tries to
assure him that his fears are ground-
less, ii. 40-1 ; he leaves Knox and
writes to the Queen at Falkland, ii.
41 ; goes to his father at Kinneil,
whence he writes to Moray complain-
ing of his father's treatment and that
he fears for his life, ii. 41 ; escapes to
Stirling, is then convoyed to Hall-
yards, and then to the Queen, ii. 41 ;
Knox's explanation is that Arran is
stricken with a frenzy, ii. 41-2 ; main-
tains, before the Council, his accusa-
tions against Bothwell but retracts
those against his father and Gavin
Hamilton, ii. 42 ; the Queen, " highly
offended," commits him to prison in St.
Andrews Castle and afterwards (20
Apr. 1562) in Edinburgh Castle, ii. 42
On question of his succession to the
throne, see Hamilton, House of
^rth, William [a Friar], preaches at
Dundee " against the pride and idle
life of Bishops," i. 15 ; called a heretic
by the Bishop of Brechin, i. 15 ;
preaches same sermon at St. Andrews,
i. 15-17 ; preaches also on Abbot of
Unreason, i. 17 ; driven into exile by
other friars, and is imprisoned in
England as a Papist by King Henry,
i. 17-18
Aske, Elizabeth, Mrs. Bowes. See Bowes,
Mrs. Elizabeth
."^tholl. Queen goes hunting in (July 1564),
ii. 137 ; inhabitants afraid of Earl of
.'\rgyll (1565), ii. 168
Atholl, John Stewart, fourth Earl of [eldest
son of John, third Earl ; a zealous
Catholic ; supporter of the Queen
Regent ; supporter of Mary ; in oppo-
sition at ' Reformation Parliament '
of 1 560 ; member of Mary's first Privy
Council, 1 56 1 ; fought against Huntly
iq.v.) at Corrichie, 1562 ; leader of
Catholic nobility after death of Huntly;
opposed Mary at Carberry ; became
a ' Queensman ' ; Chancellor, 1578 ;
died, 1579 — Scots Peerage, i. 444-45],
votes against Confession of Faith in
Parliament (1560), i. 338 ; plots with
the Papists to take Edinburgh before
meeting of Parliament in May 1561,
i. 356 ; forestalled by Protestants, i.
356 ; chosen Privy Councillor (6 Sept.
1561), ii. 20 ; present at Privy Council
which passes Acts for the " thirds of
the benefices " (22 Dec. 1561), ii. 28,
326; (12 Feb. 1562), ii. 329; (15 Feb.
1562), ii. 331 ; Lethington promotes
his interest at Court, ii. 85 ; chief
Councillor with Lennox at Court, ii.
144 ; Mary's Council consists of
Lennox, Ruthven and (May 1565), ii.
148 ; rumoured that Argyll is leading
a great army against (July 1565), ii.
154 ; rivalry between him and Argyll
exploited by Papists, ii. 157 ; present
at Council before which Knox is
summoned (Aug. 1565), ii. 159 ; his
counsel alone, apart from that of her
favourites, sought by the Queen, ii.
167 ; demands ;,(^200 from Edinburgh
for Queen's army, ii. 169 ; puts
pressure on citizens of Edinburgh to
lend Queen money, ii. 170 ; stands
surety for Herries when he deserts
Protestant Lords and joins Queen, ii.
172 ; allowed by Queen openly to
attend Mass in her chapel {c. Nov.-
Dec. 1565), ii. 174 ; Queen governed
by, ii. 175 ; reconciles opposing
factions at Court — Morton, Mar and
Lethington on one side and Huntly
and Bothwell on the other, ii. 175 ;
present when Darnley receives the
Order of the Cockle, at Holyrood-
house (10 Feb. 1566), ii. 178 ; leaves
Edinburgh (11 Mar. 1566), ii. 181 ;
present at baptism of the Prince
[James VI] at Stirling (17 Dec. 1566),
ii. 192 ; after marriage of Mary and
Bothwell he makes a bond with other
Lords at Stirling to defend the young
Prince (i May 1567), ii. 207 ; his late
arrival upsets plan to besiege Mary
and Bothwell in Borthwick Castle, ii.
208 ; shares command of second army
of Confederate Lords at Carberry Hill
(15 June 1567), ii. 210; Queen
abdicates by his advice, ii. 215
Auchenharvie, Laird of. See Cunningham,
Robert
.A.uchindoune, refuses to surrender to the
Queen (Sept. 1562), ii. 58
For Laird of, see Gordon, Adam
Auchinleck, John, released from French
galleys, i. 11 1
362 INDEX
Auchnoull [Aiichinoul], Lairds of. See
Bellenden, Sir John ; Rellenden,
Thomas
Auchterarder, Chatelherault and d'Oysel
with their forces at (May 1559), i.
175 ; terms for surrender of Perth by
Lords of the Congregation discussed
at, i. 176
Auchtermuchty, Barony of, this and others
given by the Queen " to scoupars,
dancers, and daUiers with dames," ii.
102 ; refused by Sir James Melville,
ii. 102, note 8
Aumale, Claude [de Lorraine], due d'
[1526-73; son of Claude de Lorraine,
first Duke of Guise ; Marquis de
Mayenne ; Due d'Aumale], comes to
Scotland with Mary from France
(1561), ii. 7 ; returns to France
(i Sept. 1561), ii. 20
Aylmer, John [Archdeacon of Stow, 1553 ;
fled to Continent during reign of Mary
Tudor ; returned to England, 1558 ;
Archdeacon of Lincoln, 1 562 ; Bishop
of London, 1577 ; died, 1594;—
Dictionary of National Biography], replies
to Knox's First Blast oj the Trumpet, etc.,
i. 290 and note 3, ii. 14 ; Knox has
not read this reply, ii. 14
Ayr, Lennox's faction gather at (Yule,
1543), i. 51 ; Bishop of Glasgow
occupies pulpit at, to exclude George
Wishart, i. 61 ; Wishart rejects advice
of his friends to resist and, instead,
preaches at the Market Cross, i. 61 ;
Knox preaches at (1556), i. 121 ;
Christopher Goodman minister at,
during " most part of the troubles,"
i. 334 ; great part of the barons and
gentlemen of Kyle, Cunningham and
Carrick " professing the true doctrine
of the Evangel," sign a band at
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 55-6 ; Knox's letter
to the Brethren (8 Oct. 1563) read at,
and is transmitted by "false brethren"
to the Queen, ii. 90 ; Protestant Lords
meet at (Aug. 1565), ii. 158
For Provost of, see Wallace, Michael
Balbirnie, Laird of See Clark, Alexander
Balcomie, Lairds of. See Learmonth,
George ; Learmonth, Sir James ;
Learmonth, Sir Patrick
Balfour, Andrew, married to a daughter of
Gavin Dunbar, Bishop of Aberdeen,
i. 19
Balfour, David [son of Sir Michael Balfour
of Montquhanie], one of the " Castil-
ians " taken to France (1547), i. 97 ;
released, i. 1 1 1
For his brothers, see Balfour, Gilbert ;
Balfour, Sir James, of Pittendreich
Balfour, Gilbert [son of Sir Michael Balfour
of Montquahanie], one of the " Castil-
ians " taken to France (1547), i. 97 ;
released, i. 1 1 1 ; one of the murderers
of Darnley, ii. 203
For his brothers, see Balfour, David ;
Balfour, Sir James, of Pittendreich
Balfour, Sir James, of Pittendreich [son of
Sir Michael Balfour of Montquhanie ;
a ' Castilian ' ; in the galleys with
Knox ; after release became Official
of Lothian ; later Parson of Flisk
(?i56o) ; became a Lord of Session
shortly after return of Mary (1561) ;
a member of the Commissary Court,
1564; Privy Councillor, 1 565 ; Clerk
Register, 1 566 ; a prime mover in the
murder of Darnley ; Governor of
Edinburgh Castle, 1567 ; of ill-fame
in regard to ' discovery ' of the
' Casket Letters ' ; Lord President,
1567 ; became a ' Queensman,' but
deserted ; betrayed Morton ; died in
obscurity (?i583) ; " the most corrupt
man of his age " ; " served, deserted,
and profited by all parties " — Brunton
and Haig, Senators of the College of
Justice, 1 10-14], is converted by Knox,
but he later denies it, and his " con-
science, and two hundred witnesses
besides, know that he lies," i. 93 ;
imprisoned in French galleys (1547),
though this " principal misguider now
of Scotland " denies that he was ever
in St. Andrews Castle or the galleys,
i. 97 ; if he had kept the faith he had
when in the French galleys he had not
been " Official, neither yet borne a
cope for pleasure of the Bishop," i.
108 ; asks Knox, while in the French
galleys, if they will ever be delivered,
i. 1 08-9 ; released from French galleys,
i. 1 1 1 ; " blasphemous Balfour," i.
112 ; " not idle in the meantime," i.
1 94 ; one of Queen Regent's " solisters "
— " a new denier of Christ Jesus, and
manifest blasphemer " (1559"), i. 219 ;
chief of the " pestilents . . . whose veri-
omous tongues against God " bring divi-
sion among the Congregation, i. 247 ;
suspected betrayer of the deliberations
of the Council of the Congregation, i.
257 ; escapes when Arran and Moray
arrest other lairds who had helped the
French, i. 301-2 ; his " doctrine," ii.
21, marginal note; predominant in
Court (1565), ii. 164 and note 4 ; with
other favourites, his counsel preferred
by Queen rather than that of her
Council, ii. 167 ; his hectoring speech
to citizens of Edinburgh for showing
reluctance to pay £ i ,000 demanded of
them by Queen for military expendi-
ture (Sept. 1565), ii. 169-70 ; advises
Queen on manner of avenging Riccio's
murder, ii. 182 and note 4 ; buys
INDEX
363
Kirk-of-Field, Edinburgh, ii. 201 ; one
of the murderers of Darnley, ii. 203 ;
made Keeper of Edinburgh Castle
(8 May 1567), ii. 209, note i ; receives
into Edinburgh Castle Huntly and
Archbishop Hamilton after Confeder-
ate Lords take the town (June 1567),
ii. 208-9 ; surrenders Edinburgh
Castle to Confederate Lords, ii. 212 ;
delivers a casket of letters [the " Casket
Letters "] to Bothvvell's messenger and
informs the Lords, ii. 212
For his brothers, see Balfour, David ;
Balfour, Gilbert
Balfour, John, Holyroodhouse to be sur-
rendered by the Congregation to,
under terms of Appointment of Leith
(24 July 1559), i. 203
Balfour, Michael, Bothwell's agent sent to
the Congregation (1559), i. 259
Balfour, Sir Michael, of Montquhanie,
negotiator for Chatelherault with
the " Castihans," i. 80 ; mentioned,
i- 93
Balgay, Earl of Rothes, Lord Gray and
Henry Balnaves assemble their men
at, on being commanded by Chatel-
herault to come to Dundee (Nov.
1543). i- 53
Balgony, Laird of. See Lundie, Andrew
Ballantyne, Sir John, of AuchnouU. See
Bellenden
Ballantyne, Thomas, after return of Abbot
of Paisley [John Hamilton] to Scotland
(Apr. 1543), Ballantyne is led by
crafty means to desert Chatelherault,
i. 48
Balmedie, Laird of. See Carmichael, Peter
Balmerino Abbey, Commendator of. See
Hay, John, Prior of Monymusk
Balmuto, Laird of. See Boswell, David
Balnaves, Henry, of Halhill [? 1502-70 ;
student of St. Andrews ; studied in
Germany and there embraced re-
formed faith ; Lord of Session, 1538 ;
probably influenced Chatelherault in
his Protestant policy, 1543 ; on
embassy to England to negotiate
marriage of Mary and Edward [VI] ;
upon Chatelherault's volte face was
dismissed office and imprisoned in
Blackness, but soon released ; a
' Castilian,' acted as negotiator with
England ; a prisoner in French galleys
and at Rouen ; there wrote his treatise
on Justification by Faith ; took a leading
part in Reformation struggle and acted
as a negotiator between Lords of Con-
gregation and English ; attended the
Scottish Commissioners at York, 1568 ;
died, 1570 — Laing's A'/iOA', iii. 405-17],
Thomas Scott, Justice-Clerk, before
his death, asks his forgiveness for
falsely accusing professors of Christ's
(653)
Evangel, i. 29 ; supports reading
Bible in vernacular, i. 44 and note 4 ;
sent as commissioner to treat of
marriage between Mary Queen of
Scots and Edward, afterwards
Edward VI, i. 46 ; after return of
Abbot of Paisley [John Hamilton] to
Scotland (Apr. 1543), Balnaves is led
by crafty means to desert Chatel-
herault, i. 48 ; at Huntly Castle, i. 53 ;
commanded by Chatelherault to come
with Earl of Rothes and Lord Gray to
Dundee (Nov. 1453), i. 53 ; they are
met by Chatelherault and Beaton out-
side Dundee on their way to Perth,
*• 53~4 ; after parleys they are
cajoled into going to Perth with
Chatelherault, i. 54-5 ; on reaching
Perth they are arrested and sent to
Blackness Castle (Nov. 1543), i. 55 ;
taken to English Court from St.
Andrews Castle by English ships, to
treat with Henry VIII (20 Nov. 1546),
i. 80 and note 4 ; in England again
(Apr. 1547), i. 80, note 4, 82, note 6;
urges Knox to preach at St. Andrews
(1547), i. 82 ; imprisoned in Castle of
Rouen, attempts to make him change
his faith fail, i. 107 ; writes there his
Treatise on Justification, i. 107-8, 108,
note 2 ; the Treatise is revised by Knox,
i. xxxiv, 92, note 2 ; the Treatise cited,
i. 44, note 4 ; letter (19 July 1559) to
Cecil from, mentioned, i. 294, note 2 ;
goes to Berwick to receive money from
England for the Congregation {c. Aug.-
Sept. 1559), i. 298 ; his report on
Arran's movements, quoted, i. 229,
note I ; interview with Sadler and
Croft (Sept. 1559), mentioned, i.
236, note 5 ; letter to Sadler and Croft
(23 Sept. 1559) from, cited, i. 232,
note 6 ; to answer {i.e. act as secretary]
for Lords of the Congregation at
Glasgow, i. 299 ; Knox refers to his
letters to [as Secretary of Lords at
Glasgow], i. 299 ; sent as one of the
commissioners by the Congregation to
Norfolk at Berwick (Feb. 1560), i. 302 ;
his instructions (10 Feb. 1560), i.
308-10 ; one of the commissioners
who negotiated and signed the Con-
tract of Berwick (27 Feb. 1560), i. 303,
307 ; his forfeiture reduced by Parlia-
ment (May-June 1563), ii. 77 and
note 8
Balquhain, Laird of. See Leslie, William,
of Balquhain
Balvaird, Laird of. See Murray, Sir
Andrew
Balwearie, Laird of. See Scott, Sir William,
of Balwearie
Bands, or Covenants, "Common Band"
signed at Edinburgh (3 Dec. 1557), i.
VOL II 24
3^4
INDEX
xxix, xxxviii, 136-7 ; a band sub-
scribed by the Congregation at Perth
(31 May 1559), i. 178-9 ; " Band of
defence and maintenance of religion "
signed by the Congregation at Stirling
(i Aug. 1559), i. 206-7 ; " Last Band
at Leith " signed by the Congrega-
tion (27 Apr. 1560), i. 314-16 ; a
great part of the barons and gentle-
men of Kyle, Cunningham and Car-
rick "professing the true doctrine of the
Evangel " sign a band at Ayr (4 Sept.
1562), ii. 55-6 ; barons and lairds of
Fife commanded by Queen to sign a
band at St Andrews (12 Sept. 1565)
to protect her and Darnley against
Englishmen and rebels, ii. 164 ; band
made by Lords to stand to the religion
and liberties of the country and to free
themselves from slavery of Riccio
(i Mar. 1566), ii. 179 ; subscribed
by Darnley and Lennox, ii. 179-80 ;
band signed at Stirling by Lords to
protect the young Prince (1567), ii.
207 ; other Lords sign one to defend
the Queen and Bothwell, ii. 207-8
Bannatyne, Sir John, of Auchnoull. See
Bellenden
Bannatyne, Richard, Knox's servant and
secretary, i. Ixvi, xcii, notes 2, 7,
cvi, note 6 ; presents supplication to
General Assembly (Mar. 1573) for
financial and other help to put Knox's
papers in order, i. xciv-xcv ; probable
scribe of part of the Laing MS. of the
History, i. xcix, cvi, note 6
Baptism, George Wishart questions infant,
ii. 237-8 ; Romish ceremonies used in,
discussed in debate between Knox and
Winram and Arbuckle (1547), i. 88,
90 ; Adam Wallace accused of bap-
tising his own child (1550), i. 115; men
begin to doubt if they can oflTer their
children to papistical baptism, i. 147 ;
that it may be administered in the
vulgar tongue, the third Article in
Petition of Protestants to Queen Regent
(20 Nov. 1559), i. 151 ; the Papists'
oflFer to grant this, if it were done
secretly, rejected by Protestants, i.
152 ; administered according to Re-
formed faith in St Giles', Edinburgh
(i559)> i- 213 ; that Papists still use
their rites in, stated in preamble to Act
against the Mass (24 Aug. 1560), i.
340 ; the Confession of Faith condemns
Roman ceremonies in, and defines
true meaning and correct administra-
tion of, ii. 268-70 ; right administra-
tion of, laid down in the Book of Dis-
cipline, ii. 282 ; children, born after
father is excommunicated, may not
be baptised, laid down in the Book
of Discipline, ii. 308 ; on proper time
for administering, regulated by the
Book of Discipline, ii. 313
Barbour, David, slain in fracas with the
French in Edinburgh (Oct. 1548), i.
105
Barclay, — , of Gartly, identified with
" Graytly," who signs " Last Band at
Leith " (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316 and
note 7
Bardarroch, Laird of. See Cathcart, Adam
Bargany, Laird of. See Kennedy, Thomas
Barnbougle, Laird of. See Mowbray, Sir
John
Barr [seat of Lockharts of Barr, Ayrshire],
frequented by George Wishart, i. 61 ;
Knox preaches in (1556), i. 121
For Laird of, see Lockhart, John
Barron, Alexander, Bailie of Edinburgh,
ordered to enter himself in ward by
Lord Seaton, Provost (Apr. 1559), i.
242, note 3
Barron, James [was Dean of Guild of the
burgh of Edinburgh, 1555-56, 1559-
1560, and on Town Council, 1557 ; was
returned as one of the Commissioners
of Edinburgh to the General Assembly
from 1560 until the year of his death,
1569 ; his first wife was Elizabeth
Adamson {q.v.) ; married, secondly,
Helen Leslie, " good -wife of Kinnaird "
— Laing's Knox, ii. 322], mentioned as
husband of Elizabeth Adamson, i. 1 19 ;
delivers letter of invitation (10 Mar.
1557) to Knox at Geneva to come to
Scotland, i. 132 ; effects secret meet-
ing between Bothwell and Knox
(1562), ii. 37 ; one of five appointed
to carry Articles from General
Assembly to Queen at Perth (June
1565), ii. 150 ; they follow Queen to
Dunkeld, ii. 150 ; and then to Edin-
burgh, ii. 151
For his wife, see Adamson, Elizabeth
Barskeoch, Laird of. See Gordon, John,
of Barskeoch
Barskimming, Lairds of. See Reid, Adam,
of Barskimming (i) ; Reid, Adam, of
Barskimming (2)
Basle, Reformed Church of, in communica-
tion with Reformed Church in Scot-
land (1566), ii. 190 and note 3
Battu, Captain. See La Battu
Beaton, David, Cardinal, Archbishop of St.
Andrews [? 1494- 1546 ; younger son
of John Beaton of Balfour and Isobel
Monypenny of Pitmilly ; educated at
St. Andrews and Glasgow ; studied in
France ; Chancellor of Glasgow and
Rector of Campsie, 1519 ; Commen-
dator of Arbroath, 1524 ; Bishop of
Mirepoix {in commendam), 1537 ; Car-
dinal under the title of Sancti Stephani
in Monte Coelio, 1538 ; coadjutor of
St. Andrews, 1537 ; succeeded his
INDEX
365
uncle, James Beaton (q.v.) as Arch-
bishop of St. Andrews, 1539 ; Chan-
cellor, 1543 ; staunch upholder of
Mary of Lorraine and of ' auld
alliance ' with France ; Legate a
latere, 1545 ; assassinated, 1546 — Herk-
Jess and Hannay, Archbishops of
St. Andrews, iv], Henry Forrest's
confession betrayed by Friar William
Laing to (?I533). "• 334> "<"« " ;
" Cruel Cardinal " persecutes men
of Dundee and Leith, i. 25 ; sends to
the stake four heretics (28 Feb. 1539),
i. 26 ; persuades James V not to meet
Henry VHI at York (1541), i. 31 ;
he and his faction promise funds for
the war with England to keep their
credit with France, i. 31 ; he and
his faction deliver to the king a scroll
containing names of heretics, i. 33-35;
he had already (1540) presented this
scroll but the king had rejected it,
i. 34 ; sent with Chatelherault to
Haddington to make a show against
the English on the east Border (1542),
i. 35 ; returns from Haddington to
Edinburgh (25 Nov. 1542), i. 38 ;
" an apt comforter for a desperate
man," visits James V on his death-
bed and secures a document which
he alleges to be the king's will, i. 39 ;
then visits Mary of Lorraine, i. 39 ;
he always gets his " secret business
sped by that gracious Lady [Mary of
Lorraine], either by day or by night,"
i. 40 ; produces " will " of late king
in which he along with Huntly,
Argyll and Moray are named
Regents, Beaton being principal, i. 41;
but they are rejected by the nobility,
i. 41 ; opposes claims of Chatelherault
to regency, i. 41 ; his strenuous
efforts to thwart the Governor
[Chatelherault] and stop the preach-
ing of the Reformers (1543), i. 43 ;
but he is imprisoned in Dalkeith and
Seton, i. 43 ; and in Blackness, i. 43,
note 2 ; by bribing Lord Seton and
Lethington he is released and returns
to St. Andrews, i. 43 ; opposed to
marriage of Mary to Edward VI,
i. 46 ; raises a party against Chatel-
herault, i. 49 ; meets at Linlithgow
his faction who take Mary and her
mother to Stirling and threaten to
depose Chatelherault as a heretic
(July 1543), i. 49 ; strengthens hold
over Chatelherault whose son he
keeps at St. Andrews as a pledge,
i . 50 and notej; sh ares government with
Abbot of Paisley [John Hamilton],
Chatelherault having only the title,
i. 51 ; plans with Francis I of France
to declare Chatelherault bastard and
make Lennox Governor, i. 51 ; holds
out vain hope to Lennox that Mary
of Lorraine will marry him, i. 51 ;
Lennox, frustrated, raises faction
against Chatelherault, but forces of
Beaton and Chatelherault hold Edin-
burgh against him (Jan. 1544), i. 51 ;
plans to divide his enemies by
setting them against each other, i. 52 ;
begins with Lords Ruthven and Gray,
i. 52 ; stirs up trouble by making
John Charteris Provost of Perth
(July 1544), i. 52 ; it becoming known
that he had engineered the dispute
for his own advantage, he loses sup-
port of Lord Gray, i. 53 ; draws
Chatelherault to Dundee (Nov. 1543),
i. 53 ; persuades Chatelherault to
leave Dundee and go straight to
Perth, i. 53 ; they meet Rothes,
Gray and Balnaves who, fearing
attack, stand to defend themselves,
'• 53~54 ; Beaton, the " crafty fox,"
accuses them of molesting the Gover-
nor on the road, i, 54 ; imprisons in
Blackness Castle Lord Gray, Earl of
Rothes and Henry Balnaves at the
pleasure of the " Gardinal's graceless
Grace " (Nov. 1543), i. 55 ; " that
bloody butcher " condemns to death
for heresy four men and a woman at
Perth and banishes others (Jan. 1544),
i. 55 ; " that sworn enemy to Christ
Jesus " instigates the murder at St.
Andrews of John Roger, a Black
Friar, i. 55-6 ; at Edinburgh when
English land at Leith (May 1544),
i. 56 ; flees from Edinburgh when
English land at Leith (4 May 1544),
i. 57 ; his followers fail to rally to
his standard at VVark Castle (1545),
i. 58 ; fortifies St. Andrews Castle,
i. 59 ; instigates Robert Myll to
drive George Wishart from Dundee
(1544), i. 60 ; instigates Archbishop
Dunbar of Glasgow to molest Wishart
at Ayr, i. 6i ; " the Devil's son," the
Cardinal, corrupts " a desperate
priest," John Wigton, to murder
George Wishart at Dundee, i. 63 ;
makes another attempt on Wishart's
life by causing a letter to be written
to him, purporting to come from
the Laird of Kinnear, in order to
lure Wishart into an ambush, i. 64 ;
Wishart leaves Leith for safety when
Beaton comes to Edinburgh, i. 66 ;
instigates Earl of Bothwell to prevent
people of Haddington hearing George
Wishart, i. 67 ; Bothwell, " made for
money butcher to the Cardinal,"
captures Wishart at Ormiston, i. 68 ;
at Elphinston Tower, i. 69, 70 ;
Bothwell brings Wishart prisoner to
366
INDEX
him, i. 70 ; orders capture of Sandi-
lands, Crichton and Cockburn at
Ormiston, i. 70 ; bribes Botliwell to
have Wishart imprisoned in Edin-
burgh Castle, i. 71 (but cf. i. 71,
note 6) ; " that bloody wolf the
Cardinal," thirsting for Wishart's
blood, persuades Chatelherault to
surrender Wishart into his power,
i. 71-2 ; Wishart delivered into the
hands of " that proud and merciless
tyrant" (Jan. 1546), i. xxxiii, 72;
his ludicrous dispute with Dunbar,
Archbishop of Glasgow, over pre-
cedence (June 1545); i. Ixxv, 72-4 ;
in spite of enmity between them, as a
result, Dunbar joins with Beaton in
condemning Wishart, i. 74 ; brings
George Wishart to trial, ii. 233 ;
Wishart at his trial appeals from Beaton
to Chatelherault, ii. 235 and note 3 ;
Beaton thinks he is safe in his
" Babylon " [i.e. St. Andrews Castle]
which he has strengthened, i. 75
and note i ; his powerful position in
Scotland admitted, i. 75 ; attends a
Synod [Privy Council meeting ?] at
Edinburgh (Easter 1546), i. 75 and
note 3 ; mortal hatred for Angus,
i. 75 ; boasts of his power shortly
before his death, i. 75 ; plots to slay
or overthrow his opponents in Fife
at Falkland whither they are sum-
moned to meet (31 May 1546) but
they are saved by Beaton's death, i.
75-6 ; plots made against his life, i.
76 ; assassination of (29 May 1546),
i. xxxiii, Ixxii, 76-8 ; " busy at his
accounts " with Marion Ogilvy the
night before, i. xviii, 76 ; fatal blow
struck by James Melville, i. 78 ; his
body put in Sea-Tower to await
burial, i. 78 ; Knox moralises on his
death, i. 79 ; in him perished " the
comfort to all gentlewomen, and
especially to wanton widows," i. 79 ;
after surrender of St. Andrews Castle
and imprisonment in France of the
" Castilians," the Pope thanks Chatel-
herault and King of France for aveng-
ing his death, i. 97 ; assassination of,
referred to, i. xxiv, 241-2
Beaton, James, Archbishop of Glasgow
[? 1 523-1 603 ; son of John Beaton
(an elder brother of Cardinal David
Beaton) and Helen Melville ; educated,
Paris ; Abbot of Arbroath, 1543 ;
provided to Glasgow, 1 55 1 ; supporter
of Queen Regent against the Lords of
the Congregation ; on death of Queen
Regent fled to Paris, taking with him
the archives of his See ; remained in
Paris until his death ; was ambassador
in France for Mary (whose cause he
served with constancy) and for James
VI ; died, 1603 — Dowden, Bishops oj
Scotland, 349-52], Queen Regent gives,
mockingly, Knox's Letter to the Queen
Dowager to, i. xxxvi, 123 ; in France
at Mary's marriage, i. 129, note 8 ;
helps Queen Regent to prepare expedi-
tion from Dunbar against Edinburgh
(July 1559U i. 199 ; " proud Beaton,
falsely called Bishop of Glasgow," one
of the French faction who instigates
France to take revenge on Scotland,
i. 346 ; flees to France and becomes
Mary's ambassador there, i. 373, note 4
Beaton, James, Archbishop of St. Andrews
f?i476-i539 ; sixth son of John
Beaton of Balfour and Marjory
Boswell of Balmuto ; educated at
St. Andrews ; Abbot of Dunfermline
(in commendam), 1504 ; Lord High
Treasurer, 1505 ; provided to See of
Galloway, 1508; translated to Glas-
gow, 1509 ; Chancellor, 1513 ; trans-
lated to St. Andrews, 1522 ; is the
Archbishop of the ' clattering con-
science ' in ' Cleanse the Causeway,'
1520 ; founded the College of St.
Mary at St. Andrews ; a sound, if
unimaginative statesman, of upright
principles ; died, 1539; was succeeded
in St. Andrews by his nephew, David
Beaton {q.v.) — Herkless and Hannay,
Archbishops of St. Andrews, iii], ap-
pointed Archbishop of Glasgow(i509),
i. 1 1 ; "as he sought the world, it
fled him not," for he was Archbishop
of St. Andrews, Abbot of Dunfermline,
Arbroath and Kilwmning as well as
Chancellor, i. Ixxiv, 1 1 ; summons
Hamilton, ii. 219 ; "a conjured enemy
to Christ Jesus," he and " his bloody
butchers, called doctors," examine
Patrick Hamilton at St. Andrews and,
pretending to approve his doctrine,
dismiss him (1528), i. 12 ; they then
get King out of the way so that there
would be DO intercession for the life
of Hamilton, i. 12-13 ; John Lind-
say's warning to, on danger to the
bishops of burning heretics, i. 18 ;
sentences Henry Forrest of Linlithgow
to be burned at St. Andrews for
possessing a New Testament in Eng-
lish (?i533), i. 22 and note 2 ; " lep-
rous Bishop," summons a number of
men in Edinburgh and Leith for
heresy (1534), i. 24
Beaton, Janet, second wife of first Earl of
Arran, i. 49, note i
Beaton, Mary, arrives in Scotland with
Queen Mary from France (1561), ii.
7 and note i
Beauly, Abbot of. See Reid, Robert, Bishop
of Orkney
■5"
V-'
Ik
INDEX
367
Bedford, Francis Russell, second Earl of
[Warden of East Marches and Gover-
nor of Berwick, 1564 ; Lord President
of Wales, 1576 ; Chief-Justice, 1584 ;
died, 1585 — Dictionary of National
Biography^, asks Mary to ratify Treaty
of Edinburgh, i. 365 and note 4 ; letter
to Cecil (ig Sept. 1565) from, cited,
ii. 164, note 4, 165, note 3 ; welcomes
Protestant Lords who have been
banished (1565), ii. 172 ; comes as
ambassador, with a gift, from Eliza-
beth to baptism of the Prince
[James VI] (17 Dec. 1566), ii. 192 ;
jests to Mary about so many noble-
men refusing to assist at baptism
because of the Roman Catholic rites,
ii. 192-3 ; he himself remains outside
the chapel for same reason, ii. 193,
note I ; banqueted by Lords in
Stirling, ii. 193
Beggars' Summonds (i Jan. 1559), i. xxvi,
160, note I ; text of, ii. 255-6
Bell, Steven, one of the " Castilians,"
released from French galleys, i. iii
Bellenden [Ballantyne, BannatyneJ, Sir
John, of AuchnouU [1520-76; eldest
son of Thomas Bellenden of AuchnouU,
Justice-Clerk {q.v.) ; succeeded his
father as Justice-Clerk, 1547 ; was
employed by Queen Regent to negoti-
ate with the Lords of the Congrega-
tion ; Privy Councillor, 1561 ; impli-
cated in murder of Riccio ; joined the
Confederate Lords in opposition to
Mary and Bothwell ; was employed
in framing the Pacification of 1573 ;
died, 1 576 — Brunton and Haig, Senators
of the College of Justice, 91-2], orders
Reformers to desist from besieging
Perth (1559), i. 188-9 ! one of the
delegates of the Queen Regent at the
Conference with the Congregation at
Preston (July 1559), i. 197; chief of
Queen Regent's " solisters " to be
numbered among the " enemies of God,
and traitors to their commonwealth,"
i. 219 ; sent by Queen Regent to try
to win Lord Ruthven over to her side,
i. 233 and note 3 ; " fled without
mercy " when French enter Edin-
burgh from Leith (31 Oct. 1559), i.
260 ; on question " whether that sub-
jects might put to their hand to sup-
press the idolatry of their Prince ? "
votes in the negative (Nov. 1561), ii.
23 ; present at Privy Council which
passes Acts for the " thirds of the
benefices " (22 Dec. 1561), ii. 28, 326 ;
(12 Feb. 1562), ii. 329 ; appointed
by Privy Council (24 Jan. 1562) a
commissioner to deal with Thirds, ii.
329 ; appointed to assess ministers'
stipends, ii. 30 ; his comment in
debate in General Assembly (4 July
1562), ii. 52 ; present at Council
before which Knox is summoned
(Dec. 1563), ii. 93 ; attacks Knox in
General Assembly (Dec. 1563), ii.
101 ; attends General Assembly (June
1564), but joins group of Courtiers
who sit apart, ii. 107 ; mentioned,
ii. 130 ; sent to Argyll to inquire into
rumour that he is leading a great
army against Atholl (July 1565), ii.
154 ; present at Council before which
Knox is summoned (Aug. 1565), ii.
160 ; knowing the Queen's hatred for
him, flees from Edinburgh before her
arrival (18 Mar. 1566), ii. 183
Bellenden, Thomas, of AuchnouU [eldest
son of Patrick Bellenden, parish clerk
of Holyrood and steward of Queen
Margaret, wife of James IV ; Lord of
Session, 1535 ; Justice-Clerk, 1539 ;
died, 1547 ; " a man of good experi-
ence and eminent abilities " ; father
of Sir John Bellenden of AuchnouU
{q.v.) — Scots Peerage, ii. 63], mentioned,
i. 29
Beltries, Laird of. See Sempill, John
Berne, Reformed Church of, in communica-
tion with Reformed Church in Scot-
land (1566), ii. 190 and note 3
Berwick, Alexander Set on flees to (?I536)
and writes to James V from there,
i. 21 ; text of his letter, ii. 230-2 ;
English invaders enter Scotland from
(1542), i. 32 ; English troops from,
join English in Leith (5 May 1544),
i. 57 ; English fleet return from
Leith to (1544), i. 58 ; Knox ap-
pointed preacher to (1549), i. xxxiv,
no; English, holding Haddington,
victual the town, with difficulty, from,
i. 113 ; Knox and Robert Hamilton
confer with Croft at (Aug. 1559),
i. xlv, 207, note 2, 295 and note i ;
Knox receives letter from Cecil at,
i. 296 ; Balnaves goes to, to receive
money from English for the Con-
gregation (c. Aug.-Sept. 1559).
i. 297, 298 ; John Cockburn of
Ormiston goes to, for money from
England for the Congregation but is
despoiled by Bothwell (31 Oct. 1559),
i. xlvii, 258-9, 298 ; Duke of Norfolk
at, i. 320 ; Moray accompanies
English forces to, when they leave
Scotland (16 July 1560), i. 332 ;
messenger from Lord Grey at, comes
to Edinburgh to announce death of
Francis II, i. 351 ; Knox recalls to
Queen Mary his ministry at, ii. 15-16;
Glencairn comes from, to Scotland,
ii. 178 ; Mary is courteously saluted
at bounds of (Nov. 1566), ii. 191 -2
Berwick, Treaty of. See Treaty of Berwick
368
INDEX
B^thencourt, Jean de, sieur de Boscasselin.
See Boscasselin
Beveridge, John [Black Friar], burned for
heresy at Edinburgh (28 Feb. 1539),
i. 26
Bible, evidence that Tyndale's New Testa-
ment is reaching Scotland (1527), i.
xxiii ; controversy over reading it in
the vernacular, i. 43-4 ; Parliament
passes Act allowing it to be read in
the vernacular (15 Mar. 1543), i- 45
and note i ; this privilege abused by
some, i. 45 ; at trial of Adam Wallace
for heresy it is asked what shall the
Bishops and Kirkmen do " if every
man shall be a babbler upon the
Bible," i. 114; Paniter warns Roman
clergy against disputing, for they will
be called to their account book, that
is, the Bible, i. 131 ; Lords of the
Congregation provide for interpreta-
tion of, by qualified persons (1558),
i. 138 ; Protestants petition Queen
Regent (20 Nov. 1558) to allow quali-
fied persons to interpret, i. 150 ; every
Church to have one in English, laid
down in the Book of Discipline, ii.
313—14; Queen reluctantly accepts a
copy when she enters Edinburgh
(2 Sept. 1561), ii. 21 ; Protestants'
insistence that all religious contro-
versies should be settled by appeal to,
i. 83, 147, 151, 152, 174, 352, 354,
368, ii. 18-19. 49. I74> 177
Biron, Jacques de la Carbonieres de la
Chapelle-. See La Carbonieres de la
Chapelle-Biron, Jacques de
. Bisso, Sir Francis. See Busso
Blacader, Robert, Archbishop of Glasgow
[brother of Sir Patrick Blacader of
Tulliallan ; educated, Paris ; pro-
vided to Melrose, 1471 ; Bishop-
elect of Aberdeen, 1480 ; was trans-
lated to Glasgow, 1483 ; during his
episcopate Glasgow was erected into
an archiepiscopal and metropolitan
church by Bull of Innocent VIII
(1492), and Blacader became the
first archbishop ; was much em-
ployed on embassies to England and
other countries ; died, when on pil-
grimage to Jerusalem, 1508 ; was
succeeded by James Beaton, later
Archbishop of St. Andrews [q.v.) —
Dowden, Bishops of Scotland, 127-8,
331-7], Lollards of Kyle sum-
moned by (1494), i. 8 ; cross-
examines Adam Reid of Barskimming,
i. lo-ii ; death of, i. 11 and note 4
Black, John [a learned and zealous
Dominican ; taught in St. Mary's
College, St. Andrews ; disputed
publicly with John Willock in Edin-
burgh for two days, 1561 ; killed at
Holyrood on the night of the murder
of Riccio — Laing's Knox, ii. 592-5],
ready to celebrate Mass for Queen
Regent after victory of French de-
fenders of Leith (7 May 1560), i. 319
Black Friars. See Friars, Black
Blackgrange, Laird of See Erskine, Arthur
Blackness Castle, Beaton imprisoned in
(1543), i. 43, note 2 ; Earl of Rothes,
Lord Gray and Henry Balnaves
imprisoned by Beaton in (Nov. 1543),
i. 55 ; Angus and Sir George Douglas
freed from (4 May 1544), i. 57 ;
Congregation sarcastically suggest it
as a better place of refuge for the
Queen Regent than Leith (3 Oct.
1559), i- 238
Blantyre, Laird of. See Dunbar, John
Blasphemy, Protestants assert that God's
punishment for, is death, ii. 49
Bologna University, John Craig cites
resolution at (1554), that princes may
be deposed for breaking oath made to
their subjects, ii. 131-3
Book of Common Order, ii. 282, note 2, 296,
313
Book of Common Prayer [of Edward VI],
i. 137 and not£ 7
Book of Discipline, i. l-lv ; drafting of,
before the victory had been won, an
example of Knox's " forward minded-
ness," i. Ixviii, note 7 ; commissioners
appointed to draw up, i. 343 ;
opposed by the carnal and worldly,
i. lii, 343-4 ; perused at Convention
of Nobility at Edinburgh (15 Jan.
1561), i. 351-2 ; signatories of (27 Jan.
1 561), i. 344-5, ii. 324 ; some Lords
refuse to sign, i. 344, note 5 ; quoted,
i. 360 ; its promulgation as a public
law vehemently urged by the
preachers, i. 373-4 ; out of favour
with some of the Protestants, ii. 26-7;
rejected by the ' Lords ' (Dec. 1561),
ii. 27 ; text of, ii. 280-325
Book of Discipline (Second), i. liv
Bordeaux, Johij de, one of the murderers
of Darnley, ii. 203
Borders, Moray's punitive expeditions to
suppress lawlessness in (1561), ii. 24 ;
(2 July 1562), ii. 47
Borthwick, David, of Lochill [educated,
St, Andrews ; Captain of Tantallon,
1538 ; appointed Lord Advocate,
1573 ; died, 1581— Brunton and Haig,
Senators of the College of Justice, 154-5],
after return to Scotland (Apr. 1543)
of Abbot of Paisley [John Hamilton],
Borthwick is compelled by threats to
desert Chatelherault, i. 48 ; sent by
Queen Regent to Hamilton to win
back Chatelherault to her faction
(Sept. 1559), i. 230 ; she refers
to this, i. 237 ; suffers at hands
INDEX
369
of Queen Regent and the French,
i. 302
Borthwick, Sir John [a son of William,
fourth Lord Borthwick ; educated,
St. Andrews ; Captain Borthwick and
Lieutenant of the French King's guard,
1540 ; cited to appear at St. Andrews
for heresy, escaped to England, 1540 ;
after the Reformation the articles and
sentence against him were reversed,
1561 ; died, before 1570 — St. Andrews
Kirk Session Register, i. 89-104], burned
in efFigy (28 May 1540), i. 26 and
note I
Borthwick, John Borthwick, sixth Lord,
signs ratification of Contract of
Berwick (27 Feb. 1560) at Leith
(10 May 1560), i. 308 ; votes against
Confession of Faith in Parliament (1560),
i- 339
Borthwick Castle, Bothwell kidnaps
Alexander Cockburn, son of the
Laird of Ormiston, and takes him
to (Mar. 1562), ii. 39 ; Cockburn is
sent back. ii. 39 ; or, as Randolph
reported, is rescued by neighbours, ii.
39, note 5 ; Confederate Lords appoint
Home to besiege Mary and Bothwell
in, ii. 208 ; Bothwell and Mary escape
from (lo-ii June 1567), ii. 208
Boscasselin, Jean de Bethencourt, sieur de,
comes from Qiieen Regent to Moray
with letters from Francis II and
Queen Mary, i. 208 ; Knox has heard
him brag that France will conquer
Scotland, i. 297
Boswell, David, of Balmuto, French, after
capture of Kinghorn (7 Jan. 1560),
lay waste his property, i. 277
Bothwell, Adam, Bishop of Orkney [born
about 1527 ; son of Francis Bothwell,
burgess of Edinburgh ; educated, St.
Andrews ; canon of Glasgow, suc-
ceeded Robert Reid as Bishop of
Orkney, 1559 ; joined the Reformers ;
Lord of Session, 1564 ; pursued the
fleeing Bothwell after Carberry ;
anointed James VI at his coronation,
1567 ; Commendator of Holyrood,
1569 ; died, 1593 — Spottiswoode's
History, ii. 71 -80], officiates at marriage
of Mary and Bothwell, ii. 207
Bothwell, David, after return to Scotland
(Apr. 1543) of Abbot of Paisley [John
Hamilton], Bothwell is compelled
by threats to desert Chatelherault,
i. 48
Bothwell, James Hepburn, fourth Earl of,
and Duke of Orkney [? 1 535-78 ; son of
Patrick Hepburn, third Earl of Both-
well ; hereditary Sheriff of Edinburgh
and Haddington ; hereditary Great
Admiral of Scotland ; sent on a
commission to France, travelled via
Denmark, and at Copenhagen is said
to have plighted his troth to Anna
Throndsson, 1559; accused of treason,
escaped, 1562 ; returned, 1564, and
again fled ; returned, 1565, and came
into increasing favour with Mary ;
married Lady Jane Gordon, 1566 ; a
prime mover in murder of Darnley,
Feb. 1567 ; divorced from his wife.
May 1567 ; created Duke of Orkney,
May 1567 ; married Mary, May 1567 ;
fled from field of Carberry, June 1567 ;
forfeited, Dec. 1567 ; died in exile and
confinement, 1578 — Scots Peerage, ii.
161-7], on Queen Regent's instruc-
tions, waylays Cockburn of Ormiston
and despoils him of money obtained
for the Congregation from Sadler and
Croft at Berwick (31 Oct. 1559), i.
258, 298 (cf ii. 38) ; he acts treason-
ably in this matter, for he had pro-
mised to leave the Queen Regent's
faction and assist the Congregation,
i. 259 ; avoids capture, by Arran and
others, by leaving Crichton Castle, i.
259 ; the castle is captured (3 Nov.
1559); i- 259 ; elated by defeat of the
Congregation in Edinburgh (31 Oct.
i559)> refuses restitution and, there-
fore, his house is despoiled, i. 261 ;
proclaims Earl of Arran traitor, i. 275 ;
plots with the Papists to take Edin-
burgh before meeting of Parliament in
May 1 56 1, i. 356 ; forestalled by
Protestants, i. 356 ; chosen Privy
Councillor (6 Sept. 1561), ii. 20 ;
assists Moray in suppressing lawless-
ness on the Borders, ii. 24 ; attacks
Cuthbert Ramsay's house in Edin-
burgh, home of Alison Craik, his step-
daughter, said to be Arran's mistress
(Dec. 1 561), ii. 33 ; ministers petition
Queen and Privy Council to have the
perpetrators of this crime punished,
"• 33-5 ; " incident " in Edinburgh
between the Hamiltons and his friends
(19 Dec. 1561), ii. 36-7 ; after the
" incident " he is commanded, under
pain of treason, to keep his lodgings,
ii. 37 ; also said that he was com-
manded to leave Edinburgh, ii. 37,
note 5 ; desires to speak with Knox
and asks his counsel, ii. 37-8 ; ex-
presses regret for attack on Cockburn
of Ormiston, ii. 38 and note 1 {cf. i.
258, 298) ; desires friendship with
Arran, ii. 38, 39 ; Knox effects recon-
ciliation between him and Arran, ii.
39 ; while professing regret for former
attack on Cockburn, is, at that very
time (Mar. 1562), making another
attack on him and his son, Alexander
Cockburn, ii. 39 and note 5 ; re-
conciliation between Arran and, at
370
INDEX
Kirk-of-Field, ii. 39-40 ; dines with
Axran (26 Mar. 1562), ii. 40 ; then,
with Gavin Hamihon, goes to Chatei-
herault at Kinneil, ii. 40 ; Arran
alleges that Bothwell plots to imprison
Queen in Dumbarton Castle, slay
Moray, Lethington and others, and
then inform the Queen that Arran is
responsible, ii. 40 ; arrested by Queen
at Falkland on Arran's charges, ii. 4 1 ;
Arran, before the Council, maintains
his accusations against, ii. 42 ; he is
imprisoned by the Queen in St.
Andrews Castle and then in Edin-
burgh Castle (20 Apr. 1562), ii. 42 ;
escapes from Edinburgh Castle
(28 Aug. 1562). ii. 54 ; confers with
Lord Gordon (afterwards fifth Earl
of Huntly), ii. 54 and note 8 ; the
Master of Maxwell (later fourth Lord
Herries) writes to, on Knox's advice,
" to behave himself as it became a
faithful subject," ii. 57 ; after his
escape, is captured in England on way
to France, but is released on request
of Mary and Lethington, and allowed
to continue journey to France, ii. 64,
85 ; returns from France (Mar.
1565), ii. 139 ; Moray protests, and
Queen summons Bothwell to answer
(2 May 1565) for alleged conspiracy
against Arran {cf. ii. 41), and breaking
his ward in Edinburgh Castle, ii. 139 ;
fails to appear for his trial at Edin-
burgh (2 May 1565), ii. 144 ; he is
not put to the horn for the Queen
" continually bore a great favour
towards him," ii. 144 ; passes to
France, ii. 144 ; arrives in Scotland
from France (17 Sept. 1565), ii. 169
and note 5 ; made Privy Councillor
and Lieutenant of the West and
Middle Marches, ii. 169 ; brings
Herries to Queen at Dumfries (Oct.
1565), ii. 172 ; though in great favour
with the Queen, does not attend Mass
in her chapel, ii. 174 ; " certain dry-
ness " between Morton, Mar and
Lethington on one side, and Huntly
and Bothwell on the other, ii. 175 ;
but reconciled by Atholl's mediation,
ii. 175 ; marries Lady Jane Gordon
(24 Feb. 1566), ii. 178 and note 3 ;
opposes Mary's wish that he should
be married in the Chapel Royal,
Holyroodhouse, at Mass, ii. 178 and
note 4 ; driven from Holyrood by
Morton on night of Riccio's murder,
he flees to Edmonstone and Crichton
(9 Mar. 1566), ii. 179 ; joins Queen
at Dunbar and advises her on manner
of avenging Riccio's murder, ii. 182 ;
conveys Queen's pardon for Mowbray
and Harlaw, condemned to death, ii.
184 ; of all men, he has now " greatest
access and familiarity with the Queen,"
ii. 184 ; shows favour to Lairds of
Ormiston, Halton and Calder, ii.
184-5 ; present when Queen receives
Argyll and Moray in Edinburgh
Castle, ii. 185 ; benefices given to, by
Queen, ii. 185; is "most in the
Queen's favour," and, through him,
most of the murderers of Riccio get
remission and relief, ii. 189, 191 ;
though he had professed the Evangel,
" yet he never joined to the Con-
gregation," ii. 189 ; wounded in
Liddesdale while pursuing thieves
(Oct. 1566), ii. 190 ; Mary visits him
at Hermitage, ii. 190 ; brought from
Hermitage Castle to Jedburgh where
he is cured of his wounds, ii. 191 ;
Mary takes more pleasure in his pres-
ence " than in all the rest of the
world," ii. 191 ; remains outside the
chapel at baptism of the Prince
[James VI] because it was according
to the rites of the Roman Church,
ii. 193, note 1 ; aids Archbishop
Hamilton to obtain restoration of his
consistorial jurisdiction, ii. 201 ; causes
Darnley's body to be conveyed into the
next house, ii. 202 ; accompanies
Queen to Seton, after murder of
Darnley, ii. 203 ; Darnley's personal
possessions bestowed on, ii. 203 ;
hastens Darnley's death because his
passion for Mary could not bear to
wait for a bill of divorce, ii. 203 ;
Lennox writes to Queen (17 Mar.
1567), to cause punish Bothwell and
his accomplices for murder of Dai nley,
ii. 204 ; day appointed for his trial
for murder of Darnley, ii. 204 ; is
acquitted (12 Apr. 1567), ii. 204 ;
given keepership of Edinburgh Castle
(Feb. rectius Mar. 1567), ii. 204 ; his
possession of the Castle intimidates
his accusers, ii. 204 ; secures support
from certain Lords for his marriage
with Mary (" Ainslie's Supper,"
19 Apr. 1567), ii. 205 ; kidnaps Mary
at Stirling and carries her to Dunbar,
ii. 205 ; is pardoned by her for " lay-
ing violently hands upon her Majesty,"
ii. 205 ; obtains divorce from his wife,
ii. 205 and note 4 ; summons Craig
before the Council for protesting
publicly against the marriage of Mary
and himself, ii. 206 ; created Duke of
Orkney (12 May 1567), ii. 209 and
note 4 ; married to Mary ( 1 5 May
1567), i. Ixii, ii. 206-7 ; learning of
the Bond signed at Stirling (to protect
Prince from murderers of his father),
he requires the nobles to sign a bond
to defend the Queen and himself, ii.
I
I
207-8 ; the Queen and he raise men
under pretext to suppress robbers on
the Borders, but actually to go to
Stirling to get custody of the young
Prince, ii. 208 ; the Lords at Stirling
determine to prevent this and plan to
besiege Queen and Bothwell in Borth-
wick Castle, but the plan fails and they
escape to Dunbar (lo-ii June 1567),
ii. 208 ; Confederate Lords at Edin-
burgh (12 June 1567) accuse him of
murdering Darnley, imprisoning the
Queen and plotting to murder the
young Prince, ii. 209 ; with Mary,
marches from Dunbar with four or
five thousand men towards Leith, ii.
209 ; at Carberry Hill (15 June 1567)
challenges to single combat, but de-
clines to fight with either James Murray
or his brother William, Laird of
Tulliebardine, ii. 2 1 1 ; to avoid im-
plementing his challenge to fight, gets
Queen to forbid him, ii. 211 ; Mary
orders him to flee, ii. 212 ; sends
messenger to Balfour, Keeper of Edin-
burgh Castle, for a silver casket (the
" Casket Letters "), ii. 212 ; by open
proclamation, declared murderer of
Darnley by his own hand, and reward
offered for his capture, ii. 213 ; Knox's
" good mind " to the House of Hep-
burn, i. 71, note 8, i. 259, note 6,
ii. 37-8
Bothwell, Patrick Hepburn, third Earl of
[? 1 51 2-56 ; son of Adam, second Earl
of Bothwell ; hereditary Sheriff of
Edinburgh and Haddington ; heredi-
tary Great Admiral of Scotland ; Lord
of Liddesdale and Keeper of Hermi-
tage ; his correspondence with Henry
Vni being discovered, was imprisoned,
1532-33; banished, 1540; returned
to Scotland, 1542/3 ; sued unsuccess-
fully for hand of Mary of Lorraine ;
again intrigued with England, and
again imprisoned ; underwent various
imprisonments and rehabilitations ;
died, 1556 ; " a man full of pride and
folly " — Scots Peerage, ii. 157-61],
joins Beaton's party in opposition to
Chatelherault (1543), i. 49 ; from
Linlithgow they take Mary and her
mother to Stirling, i. 49 ; warns
people of Haddington not to hear
George Wishart, i. 67 ; " made for
money butcher to the Cardinal," takes
George Wishart prisoner at Ormiston,
i. 68-70 ; comes to Ormiston and
Wishart, being guaranteed life and
liberty and protection against Chatel-
herault and Beaton, surrenders himself
to him, i. 69-70 ; brings Wishart to
Elphinston, where Beaton is, i. 70 ;
bribed by Beaton and Mary of
INDEX 371
Lorraine, he breaks his promise and
agrees to remove Wishart from Hailes
Castle to Edinburgh Castle, for " an
effeminate man can not long withstand
the assaults of a gracious Queen," i.
71 ; Knox's " good mind " to the
House of Hepburn, i. 71, note 8
Boulogne, Treaty of. See Treaty of
Boulogne
Bourbon, Antoine, due de. See Anthony
[of Bourbon], King of Navarre
Bourbon, Louis de. Prince of Condd. See
Conde
Bourdeille, Pierre de, sieur de Brantome.
See Brantome
Bowes, Mrs. Elizabeth [daughter and co-
heiress of Sir Roger Aske of Aske,
Yorkshire ; wife of Richard Bowes,
Captain of Norham Castle, a younger
son of Sir Ralph Bowes of Streatlam
Castle, Durham ; mother of Marjory
Bowes, first wife of John Knox —
Laing's Knox, vi. xxxiii], mother of
Knox's first wife, i. xxxiv, xxxvi, note i,
xxxvii and note i ; sent to Dieppe
by Knox before he goes to Geneva,
i. xxxvii, 123 ; Knox's letters to,
mentioned, i. Ixxxiii, 79, note i
Bowes, Marjory [fifth daughter of Richard
Bowes and Mrs. Elizabeth Bowes
(q.v.), first wife of John Knox], Knox
first meets her, i. xxxiv ; parted from
her, i. xxxv ; his references to her,
i. Ixxxiii, note 4 ; sent by Kno.x to
Dieppe, before he goes to Geneva,
i. xxxvii, 123 ; her betrothal and
marriage to Knox, i. xxxvii, note i,
123, note 3 ; Knox's reference to her
death (? Dec. 1560), i. Ixiii, note 5,
Lxxxiii, note 4, 351
Bowes, Richard (i). Captain of Norham
Castle [a younger son of Sir Ralph
Bowes, of Streatlam Castle, Durham ;
married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir
Roger Aske of Aske, Yorkshire ;
his fifth daughter was Marjory, first
wife of John Knox], Knox's father-
in-law, i. xxxvii, note 1
Bowes, Richard (2), Captain of Norham
Castle [brother of Sir Robert Bowes],
captured at Raid of Hadden Rig
(24 Aug. 1542), i. 31
Bowes, Sir Robert [Warden of East and
Middle Marches of England ; Privy
Councillor, 1551 ; Master of Rolls,
1552 ; brother of Richard Bowes
(q.v.) ; died, 1554], sent by Henry
Vni to Scottish frontier, i. 31 ;
captured at Raid of Hadden Rig
(24 Aug. 1542), i. 31 ; captured in
trying to raise siege of Haddington
(1548), i. 103
Bowtencourt. See Boscasselin, Jean de
B^thencourt, sieur de
372
INDEX
Boyd, John, of Naristoun, signs Band at
Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Boyd, Robert, of Piedmont, signs Band at
Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Boyd, Robert Boyd, fifth (fourth) Lord
[? 1 5 1 7-90 ; only son of Robert, fourth
(third) Lord Boyd ; was with Lords of
the Congregation at Perth, May 1559,
and was a staunch supporter of the re-
formed faith and the EngHsh alliance ;
fled to England after Chase-about-
Raid, 1565 ; later became a sup-
porter of Mary and, after her abdica-
tion, intrigued on her behalf; but
was much of a ' trimmer ' ; subscribed
the Pacification of 1573 ; retired to
France after Raid of Ruthven, 1 582 ;
recalled, 1586 ; died, 1590 — Scots
Peerage, v. 155-61], coming to aid
Perth (May 1559), i. 175 ; subscribes
Band drawn up by Congregation at
Perth (31 May 1559), i. 179; one
of the delegates of the Congregation
at the conference with the Queen
Regent's delegates at Preston (July
^559)j i- 197 ; signs letter from Lords
of the Congregation to Cecil (19 July
'559); i- 290, note I ; Argyll requires
him, with other Lords, to meet in
Kyle to protect the Brethren (Aug.
'559)> i- 207 ; signs letter to Queen
Regent protesting against the forti-
fying of Leith by the French ( 1 9 Sept.
J 559)) i- 230 ; approached by Robert
Lockhart, who had offered his services
as mediator to Queen Regent, he
declines to treat with him, i. 244-5 ;
decided that he should make Glasgow
his headquarters when Lords of the
Congregation divide their forces be-
tween Glasgow and St. Andrews,
i. 298 (and cf. i. 276) ; signs instruc-
tions (10 Feb. 1560) to commissioners
sent by Lords of the Congregation to
treat with Norfolk, i. 310 ; signs
ratification of Contract of Berwick
(27 Feb. 1560) at Leith (10 May
1560), i. 308 ; meets English army at
Preston (4 Apr. 1560), i. 312 ; signs
" Last Band at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560),
i. 315 ; signs the Book of Discipline
(27 Jan. 1561), i. 345, ii. 324 ; present
at Privy Council which passes Act
relating to Thirds (22 Dec. 1561), ii.
326 ; signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562),
"■ 55 ; joins Protestant Lords at
Ayr (Aug. 1565), ii. 159 ; one of the
Protestant Lords who march on
Edinburgh (31 Aug. 1565), ii. 161 ;
denounced rebel and put to the horn
(Sept. 1565), ii. 165 ; in Council,
advises the Queen to reconcile herself
to the death of Riccio, ii. 181 ; one
of the assize appointed to try Bothwell
for murder of Darnley (12 Apr. 1567),
ii. 204 ; makes a bond with other
Lords at Stirling to defend the young
Prince (i May 1567), ii. 207; but
becomes a great factionary for Both-
well, ii. 207 ; summoned to Edin-
burgh by Genera] Assembly (June
1567) to settle true worship of the
Kirk, ii. 213 ; but excuses himself on
grounds that he could not come with
safety to Edinburgh, ii. 214 and
note 2
Boyd, Thomas Boyd, sixth (fifth) Lord
[eldest son of Robert, fifth (fourth)
Lord Boyd ; with his father, first
supported the Reformers, and with his
father later supported Mary ; Lord
Boyd of Kilmarnock, 1592; died, 161 1
— Scots Peerage, v. 163-8], signs Band
at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Boyle, Archibald, signs Band at Ayr
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Boyne, Laird of. See Ogilvy, Alexander
Brantome, Pierre de Bourdeille, sieur de,
cited, i. 279, note 2 ; comes to Scotland
with Queen Mary, ii. 7, note 6
Brechin, Superintendent of Brechin to
reside in, laid down in the Book of
Discipline, ii. 292
— Diocese. For Bishops of, see Hepburn,
John ; Sinclair, John
Brest, James Melville, one of the
" Castilians," dies at, i. 1 1 1
Brienne, Jean de Luxembourg, comte de,
French ambassador, comes for bap-
tism of Prince [James VI], ii. 192 ;
and assists at baptism, ii. 192
Brosse, Jacques de la. See La Brosse
Broughty Castle, capture of, by English,
referred to, i. 98 ; unsuccessfully
besieged by Chatelherault, i. loi ;
French army visit (1548), i. 102 ;
captured by Army of the Congrega-
tion, i. 236 and note 6 ; Congregation
argue (3 Oct. 1559) that they captured
it to forestall the French and thus
safeguard Dundee and Perth, i. 240-1
Broun, George, of Colstoun, comes to aid
of Protestants at Cupar (June 1559),
i. 183
Brown, Adam, Bishop of Moray's mes-
senger, mentioned, i. 190
Brown, Ringan, one of the few in the
Canongate who had the " bruit ol
knowledge" when Edinburgh was
drowned in superstition, i. 43
Bruce, Sir William, of Earlshall. his
Chronicles, i. 153 and note i
Brunstane, George Wishart stays at, 1. 66
For the Laird of Brunstane, see
Crichton, Alexander
Buccleuch, Laird of. See Scott, Sir Walter
Bucer, Martin [1491-1551 ; Lutheran
reformer ; at Strassburg, 1523-49 ;
became Zwinglian ; endeavoured to
unite Lutherans and Zwinglians ;
approved of Calvin's views on church
discipline ; withdrew to England,
1549 ; died, 1551 — Dictionary of
National Biography], befriended by
Edward VI, i. 117; quoted by
Lethington in his debate with Knox
at the General Assernbly (June 1564),
ii. 121
Buchan, Mary and Huntly go to (1562),
ii. 58
Buchan, James Stewart, Master of See
Stewart, James, Master of Buchan
Buchanan, David, publishes Book V of the
History, though not written by Knox,
i. xciii-xciv, xcv
Buchanan, George [1506-82 ; historian
and scholar ; satirised the morals of
the Franciscans, seized, escaped and
fled from Scotland, 1539 ; returned
to Scotland as a Protestant, 1561/62 ;
Principal of St. Leonard's College,
St. Andrews, 1566-70 ; a Lennox
man, hater of Mary after murder of
Darnley, and a hater of the Hamiltons ;
a great Latinist ; author of the
venomous ' Detectio,' the ' De Jure
Regni apud Scotos ' and the ' Rerum
Scoticarum Historia ' ; died, 1582 — ■
Hume Brown, George Buchanan], his
" singular erudition and honest be-
haviour" praised, i. 29-30, 30, 7!o/M 1,3;
his providential escape from clutches
of James V, i. 30 and ?iote 4 ; kind in
his references to Darnley and House
of Lennox, i. 71, note 8 ; probably
Knox's informant on death of
Francis H, i. 348, marginal note and
note 7 ; on Darnley's burial, ii. 202
and note 4 ; one of the " rogues " who
made scorn of Friar Laing's " ghaist,"
ii. 334, note 13 ; on Knox's History,
i. Ixxviii ; cited, i. Ixxviii, note 2, ii.
137, marginal note
Bullinger, Henry, Knox's queries to, touch-
ing right of rebellion, i. xl
Burghley, William Cecil, Baron [Secretary
of State to Edward VI, 1550-53 ;
envoy to Scotland, 1560 ; Secretary
of State, Lord High Treasurer, 1572,
and principal adviser to Elizabeth,
1558-98 ; died, 1598], Knox's letter
from Dieppe to, in which, firstly, he
severely censures him for being a
traitor to God, and in which, secondly,
he asks permission to travel through
England to Scotland (10 Apr. 1559),
i. xlv, 282-87 ; letter from Knox to
(28 June 1559), referred to, i. 194,
note 2 ; approached by Sir Harry
Percy, who seeks English help for the
Congregation at instigation of Kirk-
caldy of Grange, he returns favourable
INDEX 373
answer (4 July 1559), i. 287 ; letter
from Balnavcs (17 July 1559) to,
mentioned, i. 294, note 2 ; letter from
Lords of the Congregation to, stating
their aims (19 July 1559), i. 288-90 ;
Knox's second letter to (20 July 1559),
i. xlv, 290-1, 291, note 3 ; invites
Knox to confer with him at Stamford,
i. 294 ; meeting does not take place,
i. 295 ; recommends Danish Ordinatio
Ecclesiastica to Scottish Reformers as a
model (28 July 1559), i. 1, note 6 ;
letter to Knox (28 July 1559), i. 295-6 ;
this answer is " so general that many
amongst us despaired of any comfort to
come from that country' " [England], i.
296 ; letter from Knox to, dated from
Perth (6 Aug. 1559), i. 296-7 ; letter
dated from St. Andrews ( 1 5 Aug. 1 559)
to, mentioned, 296, note 2 ; replies to
Knox's letter, and asks commissioners
to be sent to Berwick to receive money,
and promises further help, i. 297-8 ;
his memorandum on Scotland (Aug.
1559)) i- xlvi ; suggests that Scots
should be assisted without involving
England in war with France (24 Aug.
i559)» i- xlv, note 5; comes to Scot-
land to treat for peace (16 June 1560),
i. 322 ; letter (15 July 1560) from,
on departure of French from Scotland,
quoted, i. 331, note 2 ; letter from
Randolph to (7 Sept. 1561), cited,
i. xlvii, note 4 ; letter from Maitland
of Lethington (25 Oct. 1561) to,
quoted, i. lix ; that he is taking part
in negotiations between Mary and
Elizabeth referred to (1562), ii. 33
Burial, regulations for, laid down in the
Book of Discipline, ii. 319-20
Burnside, Laird of See Campbell, Mungo
Burntisland, French begin to fortify, but
desist, i. 276 ; French from, take
forces of the Congregation in the rear
at Pettycur, Kinghorn (7 Jan. 1560),
i. 276-7
Busso [Bisso], Sir Francis [Italian ; Mary's
Master of Household, and, from 1563,
Master of Works ; accused of partici-
pation in murder of Darnley ; died,
1576— MS. Reg. Sec. Sig., xxxi.
f. 103 ; xxxii. f 133 ; Laing's Knox,
"• 507], with other favourites, his
counsel preferred by Queen rather
than that of her Council, ii. 167 ;
one of the murderers of Darnley
[name appears only as " Francis "],
ii. 203
Buttencourt. See Boscasselin, Jean de
Bethencourt, sieur de
Byres, John Lindsay, fifth Lord Lindsay
of the. See Lindsay
Byres, Patrick Lindsay, sixth Lord Lindsay
of the. See Lindsay
374
INDEX
Cadder Water, Queen's forces muster at
the bridge of (1565), ii. 162
Caerlaverock Castle, delivered to the Eng-
lish (1544), i. 58
Caetani, Niccolo, Cardinal of Sermoneta,
quoted, i. xvii, note i
Cairnes, Henry, indweller in Leith,
summoned by Beaton to burn his bill
{1534), i. 24
Cairnhill. See Carnell
Cairnie [Lordscairnie] Castle [seat of the
Earl of Crawford, Fife], James V goes
to (1542), i. 39 and note 3
Caithness, George Sinclair, fourth Earl of
[second son of John, third Earl of
Caithness ; Privy Councillor, 1561 ;
foreman of the jury at the trial of Both-
well for the murder of Darnley, and,
when a verdict of acquittal was re-
turned, protested that no crime should
be imputed to the jury on that account ;
died, 1582], present at Privy Council
which passes Act relating to Thirds
(22 Dec. 1561), ii. 326 ; imprisoned
by Queen in Edinburgh Castle for
a murder committed by his servants,
and suddenly released " for such
bloodthirsty men and Papists . . .
are best subjects to the Queen " ( 1 564) ,
ii. 105;] leaves Edinburgh (11 Mar.
1566), ii. 181 ; member of assize
appointed to try Bothweil (12 Apr.
1567), ii. 204 ; summoned to Edin-
burgh by General Assembly (June
1567) to settle true worship of the
Kirk, ii. 213 ; but excuses himself on
grounds that he could not come with
safety to Edinburgh, ii. 214
Calais, Mary Queen of Scots proposes to
embark for Scotland at, i. 366
Calder, Lairds of See Sandilands, Sir
James ; Sandilands, John
Calder House [Midlothian], Knox preaches
privately at (1555), i. 121 ; Knox
returns to (1556), where he preaches
and dispenses Lord's Supper, i. 121
Callendar House, Queen at, and attends
Protestant sermon at christening of
child of Lord Livingstone (July 1565),
ii. 153 ; Mary and Darnley at, ii. 163
Calvin, John [1509-64 ; reformer ; went
to Geneva, 1536, and there modelled
that city on theocratic principles],
Knox's queries to, touching right of
rebellion, i. xl ; " commands " Knox
to accept call to be preacher to Eng-
lish congregation at Frankfurt-am-
Main (1554), i. no ; Knox asks his
advice anent his invitation to return
to Scotland (1557), i. xxxvii, 133 ;
asked to persuade Knox to come to
Scotland from Geneva (Nov. 1558),
i. 137 ; Protestants commend Mary
of Lorraine to (1559), i. 158 ; Knox's
letter to (24 Oct. 1561), ii. 23, note 6 ;
quoted by Lethington in his debate
with Knox at the General Assembly
(June 1564), ii. 121 ; Knox com-
manded to write to, on question of
obedience to Princes, but he refuses
(June 1564), ii. 133-4
Cambuskeith, Tutor of See Hamilton,
William
Cambuskenneth, Queen Regent persecutes
Canons of, i. 213
For Abbot of, see Myln, Alexander
Cambusmichael, Laird of. See Scott,
Thomas, of Cambusmichael
Cambusnethan, Laird of See Somerville,
James
Campbell, Agnes [daughter of Colin,
third Earl of Argyll and wife of Sir
James Macdonnel of Antrim], i. 306,
note I
Campbell, Alexander [Dean of Moray ;
third son of Cohn, third Earl of Argyll],
subscribes Book of Discipline (27 Jan.
1 561), i. 345. ii- 324
Campbell, Alexander [Black Friar ; trans-
ferred from Cupar to St. Andrews ;
Prior of the Dominicans at St.
Andrews, 1 526 — Lorimer, Patrick
Hamilton, 179-81], pretends to agree
with Patrick Hamilton, i. 12 ; mocks
Hamilton at the stake, i. 1 4 ; his own
death, i. 14
Campbell, Archibald, fourth Earl of Argyll.
See Argyll
Campbell, Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll.
See Argyll
Campbell, Charles, Burgess of Ayr, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Campbell, Colin, third Earl of Argyll.
See Argyll
Campbell, Sir Colin, of Glenorchy, wishes
Knox to remain in Scotland (1556),
i. 123 ; joins Reformers before Perth
(June 1559), i. 188
Campbell, George, of Cessnock, one of the
Lollards of Kyle accused of heresy
before Robert Blacader, Archbishop
of Glasgow (1494), i. 8
Campbell, George, of Mountgarswood,
mans kirk of Mauchline to the
exclusion of George Wishart, i. 61
Campbell, Hew, of Kinzeancleuch, wants
to use force when Wishart is excluded
from kirk of Mauchline but is restrained
by Wishart, i. 62
Campbell, Sir Hugh, of Loudoun [heritable
SherifT of Ayr ; married, as his first
wife, Elizabeth Stewart, second
daughter of Matthew, second Earl of
Lennox ; died, 1561], joins Lennox's
faction at Ayr (Yule, 1543), i. 51 ;
mans kirk of Mauchline and excludes
George Wishart, i. 61 ; deputed to
secure from Queen Regent fulfilment
INDEX
375
of her promises, i. 159 ; his comment
on success of the Protestants, i. 351 ;
death of (Feb. 1561), ii. 56, note 4
Campbell, James, of Lochlee, signs Band
at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Campbell, John, of Lawers, one of the
Protestant Lords who march to
Edinburgh (31 Aug. 1565), ii. 161
Campbell, John, of New Mylns, one of the
Lollards of Kyle accused of heresy
before Robert Blacader, Archbishop
of Glasgow (1494), i. 8
Campbell, Sir Matthew, of Loudoun [son
of Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudoun
{q.v.) ; heritable Sheriff" of Ayr ;
although a Reformer, he supported
Mary at Langside, where he was taken
prisoner ; died sometime after 1593],
coming to aid Perth (1559), i. 175 !
subscribes Band drawn up by Con-
gregation at Perth (31 May 1559),
i. 179 ; signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept.
1562), ii. 56
Campbell, Mungo, of Burnside, mans
Mauchline kirk to the exclusion of
George Wishart, i. 61
Campbell, Robert, of Craigdow, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Campbell, Robert, of Kinzeancleuch,
invites Knox to Kyle (1556), i. 121 ;
delays Knox's departure for Geneva
(1556), i. 123 ; signs "Last Band at
Leith " (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316 ; his
prophecy to Lord Ochiltree that his
anger against the celebration of Mass
will vanish when " the holy water of
the Court " is sprinkled upon him
(1561), ii. 12 ; signs Band at Ayr
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Campbell, William, of Cessnock, coming
to aid Perth (1559), i. 175
Campbell, William, of Horsecleuch, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Campbell, William, of Skeldon, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Canongate [Edinburgh], garrisoned by
French (1559), i. 211 ; the Con-
gregation complain that the town is
oppressed by the French (1559), i. 222;
the French enter, from Leith (31 Oct.
I559)> i- 260 ; Darnley commands
town to be ready to assist him with
arms (10 Mar. 1566), ii. 180
Caprington, Laird of. See Cunningham,
John
Capua, Prior of. See Strozzi, Leon
Car. See Ker
Carberry, Laird of. See Rigg, Hugh
Carberry Hill (15 June 1567), i. Ixiii,
ii. 210-12
Carberry Tower, i. 99
Carbonieres de la Chapelle-Biron, Jacques
de la. See La Carboniei'es de la
Chapelle-Biron, Jacques de
Cardinal, French ship, stranded near
Cramond and burned by English
(Sept. 1548), i. 104 and note 3
Cardonald, Laird of. See Stewart, James,
of Cardonald
Carington, Laird of See Cunningham,
William
Carlaverock Castle. See Caerlaverock
Castle
Carleton, Laird of. See Cathcart, Alan
Carlisle, fearing assault, does not con-
tribute men to English forces against
Scots at Solway Moss (1542), i. 36 ;
Lords in Glasgow propose to meet
Norfolk at, i. 298 ; Knox, in name of
Lords in Fife, censures them for pro-
posing Carlisle rather than Berwick
(6 Feb. 1560), i. 299, 300 ; Protestant
Lords at (Oct. 1565), ii. 172
Carlos, Don. See Charles, Infante of Spain
Carmichael, James, gives silver piece in
pledge for idol borrowed from Grey
Friars of Edinburgh for St. Giles's
E)ay (i Sept. 1558), i. 127
Carmichael, Peter, of Balmedie [son of
James Carmichael of Balmedie and
Margaret, daughter of David Kin-
craigie of that ilk ; died, without
issue, before 1556 — Scots Peerage, iv.
565], takes part in the assassination
of Beaton, i. 77 ; imprisoned at
Mont St. Michel, resists attempts to
make him attend Mass, i. 107 ;
while prisoner at Mont St. Michel
writes to Knox asking " if they might
with safe conscience break their
prison ? " i. 109 ; Knox's reply,
i. 109-10 ; his escape via Le Conquet
to England, i. 1 10
Carmichael, Richard, compelled to burn
his bill for slandering priests in his
sleep, i. 19
Carnbee, Laird of. See Melville, James,
of Carnbee
Carnegie, Sir Robert, of Kinnaird [son of
John Carnegie ; Lord of Session,
1547 ; clerk of" our Sovereign Lady's
Treasury," 1549-50 ; died, 1566 —
Brunton and Haig, Senators of the
College of Justice, 90], one of Queen
Regent's " solisters," to be numbered
among the " enemies to God, and
traitors to their commonwealth," i.
219 ; sent by Queen Regent to
Hamilton to win back Chatelherault
to her faction, i. 230 ; she refers to
this, i. 237
Carnell [Cairnhill], Knox preaches at
(1556), i. 121
For the Laird of, see Wallace, Hugh
Carpentyne [Carpenter], Alexander, Queen
Regent dines with (i Sept. 1558), i.
128 and note i
Carrick, George Hay appointed commis-
376
INDEX
sioner to, by General Assembly (1562),
ii. 55 ; reference to George Hay and
Queen Mary in, ii. ii6 ; Earl of
Cassillis, becoming a Protestant, re-
forms the churches in (Aug. 1566),
ii. 189
Carron Water, ii. 162
Carswell,John [born about 1520 ; educated,
St. Andrews ; rector of Kilmartin ;
Prebendary and Chancellor of the
Chapel Royal of Stirling ; embraced
the reformed faith ; translated Knox's
Liturgy into Gaelic ; later a supporter
of Mary ; died, 1572 — Fasti Ecclesiie
Scoticante, vii. 348], nominated Super-
intendent for Argyll and the Isles
(1560), i. 334
Carvet, James. See Tarbot
Casket Letters, ii. 212 and note 2
Cassillis, Gilbert Kennedy, third Earl of
[1515-58 ; eldest son of Gilbert,
second Earl of Cassillis ; brother of
QjLiintin Kennedy, Abbot of Cross-
raguel {q.v.) ; educated, St. Andrews ;
a pupil of George Buchanan [q.v.) ;
taken prisoner at Solway Moss, 1542 ;
released by Henry VIII as an ' Assured
Lord ' ; intrigued with Henry VIII
for assassination of Beaton, but resisted
English aggression after Pinkie, 1547 ;
Lieutenant of the South parts, 1 548 ;
visited France with the Queen Regent,
1550 ; Lord High Treasurer, 1554 ;
one of the commissioners sent to France
to negotiate the marriage of Mary and
Francis ; died at Dieppe, 1558 ; " a
very wise man " — Scots Peerage, ii.
468-71 ; Tytler, History of Scotland,
V. 376-91], "compelled to subscribe"
Patrick Hamilton's death (1528), i. 13 ;
present at Battle of Solway Moss
(1542), i. 36 ; captured by English,
^- 37 > joins Lennox's faction at Ayr
(Yule, 1543), i. 51 ; not at Edinburgh
when Wishart arrives there, as he had
expected, i. 65 ; goes to France with
Mary of Lorraine (9 Sept. 1550), i.
116 ; in France at Mary's marriage,
i. 129, note 8 ; his death, i. 13, note 4,
130
Cassillis, Gilbert Kennedy, fourth Earl of
[eldest son of Gilbert Kennedy, third
Earl of Cassillis ; adhered to the
Church of Rome ; fought for Mary at
Langside ; later became a ' Kings-
man ' ; died, 1576 ; " a very greedy
man " — Scots Peerage, ii. 471-3], dis-
sents on question of regulation of
glebes as laid down by the Book of
Discipline, ii. 305 ; refuses to subscribe
the Book of Discipline, i. 344, note 5 ;
Queen threatens those of his servants
and his house who were constant to the
reformed faith (1565), ii. 143 ; allowed
by Queen openly to attend Mass in
her chapel (Nov.-Dec. 1565), ii. 174;
marries Margaret Lyon, daughter of
seventh Lord Glamis, and becomes a
Protestant (1566), ii. 189 ; member
of assize appointed to try Bothwell for
murder of Darnley (12 Apr. 1567), ii.
204
" Castilians," taken to France in galleys
(1547), i. 96-7 ; arrive at Fecamp,
i. 97 ; then taken to Rouen, where the
principal gentlemen are dispersed in
sundry prisons, and the rest kept in
the galleys, i. 97 ; Pope thanks
Chatelherault and King of France for
avenging Beaton's death, i. 97 ; John
Hamilton of Milburn sent to France
to see that chey are " sharply handled "
(Nov. 1547), i. 97 ; French galleys
with their prisoners lie at Nantes all
winter (1547-48), i. 97 ; banished and
forfeited (1548), i. loi ; account of
their bondage in France, i. 107-11 ;
Knox's moralising on lessons to be
learnt from their bondage and release,
i. 1 12
For their history before final sur-
render of St. Andrews Castle, see
St. Andrews Castle
Castle Campbell [seat of Earl of Argyll],
Knox at (1556), i. 123 ; captured at
Queen's command by Lord Crichton
of Sanquhar (Sept. 1565), ii. 164
Castle Sempill, besieged and taken because
Lord Sempill disobeyed the Council,
maintained Mass and molested the
Earl of Arran (19 Oct. 1560), i. 346
Cateau-Cambresis, Treaty of. See Treaty
of Cateau-Cambr^sis
Catechism, Archbishop Hamilton's Cate-
chism (1552), i. XV, xviii, xix ; young
children to be publicly examined in
[the Geneva], laid down in the Book
of Discipline, ii. 312-13
Cathcart, Adam, of Bardarroch, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Cathcart, Alan, of Carleton, signs Band
at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Cathcart, Alan, of Clavannis, signs Band
at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Cathcart, Alan Cathcart, fourth Lord
[i 537-1 61 8 ; joined the Reformers ;
fought on side of Mary in the Chase-
about-Raid, 1565, but after the death
of Darnley was in firm opposition to
the Queen ; member of Moray's
Privy Council ; Master of the King's
Household, 1579 ; married Margaret,
daughter of John Wallace of Craigie
[q.v.) ; died, 1618 — Scots Peerage, ii.
514-16], signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept.
1562), ii. 56 ; summoned to Edinburgh
by General Assembly (June 1567) to
settle true worship of the Kirk, ii. 213 ;
INDEX
377
but excuses himself on grounds that
he could not come with safety to
Edinburgh, ii. 214
Cathcart, John, of Gibsyard, signs Band
at Ayr {4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Cathcart, Thomas, signs Band at Ayr
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Cathcart, William, signs Band at Ayr
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Cathcart, William [brother of Lord Cath-
cart], signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept.
1562), ii. 56
Catherine [de' Medici], Queen Consort of
Henry II, King of France, convenes
at Orleans (Nov. 1560), i. 348 ;
becomes Regent and power of the
Guises increases, i. 350
Cecil, Sir William, Baron Burghley. See
Burghley
Cessford, Laird of. See Ker, Sir Walter
Cessnock, Lairds of. See Campbell,
George ; Campbell, William
Chalmers, David, of Ormond [lawyer and
historian ; Lord of Session, 1565 ;
Privy Councillor ; supporter of Mary ;
accused of participation in murder of
Darnley, 1567 ; forfeited, 1568 ; fled
to Conanent ; rehabilitated and
returned to Scotland ; restored to
Bench, 1586 ; died, 1592 — Brunton
and Haig, Senators of the College of
Justice, 123-5], made Town Clerk of
Edinburgh by Mary (5 Apr. 1566),
ii. 183, note 2 ; one of the murderers
of Darnley, ii. 203
Chalmers, Helen [daughter of John
Chalmers of Gadgirth ; married to
Robert Mure of Polkellie], one of the
Lollards of Kyle, accused of heresy
before Rober' Blacader, Archbishop
of Glasgow (1494), i. 8
Chalmers, James, of Gadgirth [a son of
John Chalmers of Gadgirth (son of
Sir John Chalmers of Gadgirth) by
his marriage with Mariota, daughter
of William Hay of Menzain — Reg.
Mag. Sig., ii. No. 2054], Knox stays
with, at Gadgirth (1556), i. 121 and
note 9 ; his defiance to Queen Regent
(July 1558), i. xxix-xxx, 126 ; coming
to aid Perth (1559), i. 175; signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Chalmers, Marion [daughter of John
Chalmers of Gadgirth, married to
William Dalrymple of Stair], one of
the Lollards of Kyle, accused of heresy
before Robert Blacader, Archbishop
of Glasgow (1494), i. 8
Chalmers, Robert, of Martnaham, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Chancellor, Lords, agreed in " Concessions "
(" Annex " to Treaty of Edinburgh,
1560) that a foreigner should not hold
this office, i. 327 ; alleged that Mary
gave the Great Seal to Riccio, i. 253,
marginal note, and note 2. See also
Beaton, James, Archbishop of St.
Andrews ; Dunbar, Gavin, Arch-
bishop of Glasgow ; Huntly, George
Gordon, fourth Earl of ; Huntly,
GeorgeGordon, fifth Earl of ; Morton,
James Douglas, fourth Earl of ; Rubay,
Ives de
Chapelhouse, Laird of. See Reid, George
Chapelle-Biron, Jacques de la Carbonieres
de la. See La Carbonieres de la
Chapelle-Biron, Jacques de
Chapman, William, slain in fracas with
the French in Edinburgh ( i Oct. 1 548),
i. 105
Charles, Archduke of Austria, suggested
as husband for Mary, ii. 63
Charles V, Emperor of Germany [Emperor,
1519 ; abdicated, 1556 ; died, 1558],
Knox accused at Frankfurt of treason
against, i. 1 1 1 ; Latin poem on
death of, i. 349-50, 351, note i
Charles, Infante of Spain, son of Philip II,
suggested as husband for Mary,
ii- 63
Charles IX, King of France, gives Darnley
the Order of St. Michael (1566),
ii. 177-8, 177, note 2 ; advises Mary
against her marriage to Bothwell,
ii. 203 ; Mary sends an ambassador
to, to announce her marriage to
Bothwell, ii. 207, note 1 1
Charteris, John, of Cuthilgurdy [son of
John Charteris of Cuthilgurdy and
Janet, daughter of Andrew, second
Lord Gray — Scots Peerage, iv. 278],
Beaton plans to make him Provost of
Perth, i. 52 ; Charteris tries to assert
his claim by force but is defeated
(22 July 1544), i. 52-3
Charteris, John, of Kinfauns [married
Euphemia Lindsay, daughter of
David, eighth Earl of Crawford],
made Provost of Perth by Queen
Regent (1559), i. 179 and note 9 ;
" inset Provost by the Queen,"
ordered by Reformers to open gates
of Perth to them, i. 188
Chase-about-Raid (Oct. 1565), i. bdi,
Ixiv, ii. 13, note 2, 171— 2
Chastelard [Chatelard, Chattelett] [came
to Scotland with Mary, 1561, as one
of the suite of Damville ; returned to
Scotland, 1562 ; Mar^' said to have
been over-famiUar with him ; was
found in Mary's chamber, Feb. 1563 ;
two days later entered her chamber,
at Burntisland ; seized ; executed —
Hay Fleming, Mary Qiieen of Scots,
312], caught under the Queen's bed,
tried and executed (22 Feb. 1563),
ii. 68-9
Chatelherault, James Hamilton, Duke of.
A'/
378
INDEX
See Arran, James Hamilton, second
Earl of
Chattelett, — . See Chastelard
Chepman, Walter, i. xxi
Cherbourg, " Castilians " imprisoned at,
i. 107
Chisholm, William (i), Bishop of Dunblane
[succeeded his brother-german, James,
in See of Dunblane, 1526 ; conse-
crated, 1527 ; died, 1564 ; was suc-
ceeded in Dunblane by his nephew,
WiUiam Chisholm (2) {q.v.)], that
" incestuous Bishop," sends to the
stake four heretics (28 Feb. 1539), i.
27 ; one of " the chief pillars of the
Papistical Kirk," attends Parliament
(Aug. 1560), i. 335
Chisholm, William (2), Bishop of Dunblane
[coadjutor to his uncle, William
Chisholm (i), 1561 ; forfeited ; pro-
vided to See of Vaison, 1570 ; resigned
Vaison in favour of his nephew,
William Chisholm (3), 1585 ; re-
habilitated, 1587 ; died abroad, 1593
— Dowden, Bishops of Scotland, 207-8],
sent by Queen as Ambassador to
France to announce her marriage with
Bothwell, ii. 207
Christian II, King of Denmark [1513-23],
death of, referred to, i. 124 and note 3
Christian III, King of Denmark [1533-59],
holds Machabeus [Macalpine] in
" honour, credit and estimation,"
i. 23 ; death of, referred to, i. 124
and note 3
Christison, John, denounced rebel and
put to the horn (10 May 1559), i. 161,
note 3
Christison, William, minister of Dundee
[a member of the first General
Assembly ; Moderator of the Assembly
of July 1569 ; died, 1603 — Fasti
Ecclesia Scoticana, v. 315], appointed
minister at Dundee (July 1560),
i. 334 ; appointed to confer with
Lords at General Assembly (June
1564), ii. 108 ; put on trial for
assisting Protestant Lords (Sept. 1565),
ii. 165
Chrysostom, John, i. 44
Clapperton, George [called by Knox Dean
of the Chapel Royal of Stirling but was
only sub-Dean (Henry Wemyss, Bishop
of Galloway, to which See the Deanery
was annexed, being at this time Dean) ;
' Maister Elimosinar to the King's
Grace,' 1538-42 ; Provost of Trinity
College, Edinburgh, 1540 ; resigned,
1566 ; died, 1574 — Collegiate Churches
of Midlothian, xxvii], compels Richard
Garmichael, a singer in the Chapel,
to " burn his bill " for calling priests
" a greedy pack " in his sleep, i. 19
Clark, Alexander [possibly Alexander
Clark, later of Balbirnie, Provost of
Edinburgh, 1579/80 to 1583/84],
delivered along with Knox from his
imprisonment in French galleys, i. 1 10
See also next entry
Clark, Alexander, of Balbirnie, Queen
orders him to be imprisoned in
Edinburgh Castle, ii. 153 ; magis-
trates disobey order, ii. 153-4 > ^^ i^
summoned for trial (26 July 1565),
ii. 154
See also preceding entry
Clavannis, Laird of. See Cathcart, Alan
Cleish, Laird of. See Colville, Robert
Clemanges, Nicolas de, cited, i. xviii,
note 4
Clerk Registers. See Balfour, Sir James, ol
Pittendreich ; Dunbar, Gavin, Bishop
of Aberdeen ; Foulis, Sir James ;
McGill, Sir James ; Marjoribanks,
Thomas, of Ratho
Cleutin, Henri, sieur d'Oysel, etc. See
Oysel
Clugstone, Laird of. See Dunbar, Hector
Clydesdale, Queen summons military aid
from (17 July 1565), ii. 155-6 ; Mary
and Darnley summon forces from, to
meet at Linlithgow (24 Aug. 1565),
ii- 159
Cochrane, Thomas, his death by hanging
over Lauder Bridge (1482), cited,
i. 221
Cockburn, Alexander [eldest son of John
Cockburn of Ormiston ; born, 1536 ;
died, 1564 — Laing's Knox, i. 185],
tutored by Knox at St. Andrews (1547),
i. 82 {cf. Knox's " bairns," i. 69) ;
kidnapped by Bothwell and taken to
Borthwick (Mar. 1562) but released,
ii. 39 ; or, as Randolph reported,
rescued by neighbours near Crichton,
ii. 39, note 5 ; sent by Queen to
summon Knox to her presence
(15 Dec. 1562), ii. 43
Cockburn, James, of Langton, one of the
assize appointed to try Bothwell for
murder ofJ3arnley (12 Apr. 1567), ii.
204
Cockburn, John, of Ormiston [a zealous
reformer ; intrigued with England ;
played a leading part in the Reforma-
tion struggle ; " a very honourable
and religious gentleman, very diligent
and zealous in the work of Reforma-
tion " ; married Alison Sandilands,
daughter of Sir James Sandilands of
Calder], harbours George Wishart, i.
66 ; his son tutored by Knox, i. 82
{cf Knox's " bairns," i. 69) ; accom-
panies Wishart from Haddington to
Ormiston, i. 69 ; makes pact with
Bothwell for life and liberty of Wishart,
who is then surrendered to Bothwell,
i. 70 ; Beaton orders his arrest, i. 70 ;
INDEX
379
imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle
(i6 Jan. 1546), but escapes, i. 71 ;
banished and forfeited (1548), i. loi ;
his banishment referred to, i. 114;
comes to aid of Protestants at Cupar
(June 1559), i. 183 ; assists Protestants
in Edinburgh (July 1559), i. 201 ; sent
as agent of the Congregation to Ber-
wick and obtains money from Sadler
and Croft, but is waylaid on his
return by Bothwell, is wounded, and
despoiled of the money (31 Oct. 1559),
i. 258-9, 298 ; Bothwell later ex-
presses to Knox regret for this attack,
ii. 38 ; but, at this very time (Mar.
1562), he is again attacked by Both-
well, ii. 39 ; through services of Knox,
accepts Arran and Moray as arbitors
in his dispute with Bothwell, ii. 39 ;
Bothwell shows him favour (1566),
ii. 184-5
For his wife, see Sandilands, Alison
Cockburn, Ninian, " Captain Ringzen,"
suspected of betraying letter (held to
be treasonable) from Sir John Melville
of Raith to his son in England, i. 106
Cockle, Order of the. See St. Michael,
Order of
Coinage, minting-irons taken by the Con-
gregation, i. 193 and note 5, 194, 198 ;
Queen Regent rages, alleging it meant
usurpation of the Crown, i. 199 ;
Congregation reply and justify their
action, i. 199 ; Congregation agree
to return minting-irons to Robert
Richardson, by terms of the Appoint-
ment of Leith (24 July 1559), i. 203 ;
Congregation accuse the Queen Regent
of coining base money, i. 194, 198,
199, 221-2, 224, 252 ; regulations for,
laid down in instrument deposing her
(21 Oct. 1559), i. 254 ; destitute of
money wherewith to pay their
mutinous " ungodly soldiers," the
Congregation propose to coin their
own, but the scheme fails, i. 258
Coldingham, Prior of. See Stewart, Lord
John, Prior of Coldingham
Coligny, Frangois de, seigneur d'Andelot.
See Andelot
College of Justice, Presidents of. See
Dunbar, Gavin, Archbishop of Glas-
gow ; Myln, Alexander, Abbot of
Cambuskenneth ; Reid, Robert, Bis-
hop of Orkney ; Sinclair, Henry,
Bishop of Ross ; Sinclair, John,
Bishop of Brechin
Colleges, provision made for, in the Book
of Discipline (1560), ii. 296; request
from General Assembly (24 June
1565) to Queen that she should ratify
and approve in Parliament that none
should be admitted teachers in, but
such as shall be tried by the Super-
(653)
intendents, ii. 149 ; same conditions
laid down in Articles resolved by
General Assembly (1567), ii. 214
See also Education ; Schools ; Uni-
versities
Colstoun, Laird of. See Broun, George
C'olville, Robert, of Cleish [natural son of
Sir James Colville of Easter Wemyss ;
forfeited, 1540 ; restored, 1543 ;
Master of Household to the Lord
James Stewart (later Earl of Moray) ;
an active promoter of the Reforma-
tion— Scots Peerage, ii. 569-70], sent by
Archbishop of St. Andrews to Knox
to warn him not to preach in St.
Andrews (June 1559), i. 181 ; "a
man stout, modest, and wise," killed
at siege of Leith (7 May 1560), i. 320
Colville, William, Abbot of Culross
[Commendator of Culross ; provided
to Culross, 1531 ; Lord of Session,
1544 ; Comptroller, 1546-50 ; joined
the Reformers ; died, 1567 ; was uncle
to Robert Colville of Cleish {q.v.) —
Scots Peerage, ii. 545-6], signs ratifica-
tion of Contract of Berwick (27 Feb.
1560) at Leith (10 May 1560), i. 308 ;
attends Parliament (1560), i. 335 ;
subscribes Book of Discipline (27 Jan.
1561), ii. 324
Comet, " the fiery besom " (1558), i. 124
and note 3
Commendators, term explained, i. xxv and
note 2
Communion. See Lord's Supper
Complaynt of Scotlande, cited, i. xxvi
Comptroller, regulations for, agreed to in
the Concessions [" annex " to the
Treaty of Edinburgh, 1560], i. 327
See also Colville, William, Abbot of
Culross ; Murray, Sir William, of
Tullibardine (2) ; Wishart, Sir John,
of Pittarrow
Cond6, Louis [of Bourbon], Prince of
[younger brother of Antoine de Bour-
bon, King of Navarre], convenes at
Orleans (Nov. 1560), i. 348 ; is
arrested, i. 348
Condie, Laird of. See Spens, John, of
Condie
Confederate Lords, make bond at Stirling
to defend young Prince (i May 1567),
ii. 207 ; Bothwell's counter-action, ii.
207-8 ; they decide to besiege Mary
and Bothwell in Borihwick Castle, but
plan fails, ii. 208 ; take possession of
Edinburgh " easily, having the affec-
tions of the people" (11 June 1567),
ii. 208 ; issue proclamation at Edin-
burgh (12 June 1567), calling for
assistance to free Queen from cap-
tivity at Dunbar, and bring Bothwell
to a legal trial, ii. 209 ; poor response
to their proclamation, and had Queen
VOL n 2.5
38o
INDEX
and Bothwell not made false move of
marching with an army from Dunbar,
the Lords would have abandoned their
enterprise, ii. 209 ; hearing of Queen's
approach, take arms and march to
Musselburgh, ii. 210 ; their forces
meet those of the Queen at Carberry
Hill (15 June 1567), ii. 210-12 ; reply
(through Morton) to mediation oners
of French ambassador, Du Croc, that
Queen must abandon Bothwell, ii. 2 1 1 ;
Mary surrenders (after Bothwell flees),
is taken to Edinburgh and then
(17 June) to Lochleven Castle, ii. 212 ;
Edinburgh Castle surrenders to, ii.
212 ; lose support of Argyll and
Huntly, who join Hamilton faction
(June 1567), ii. 213 ; instigate General
Assembly (June 1567) to summon
Lords who belong to Hamilton faction
or who are neutral to come to Edin-
burgh to settle religion, ii. 213 ; these
Lords refuse to come, ii. 213-14
Confession of Faith, presented to Parliament
and ratified (1560), i. 1, 338-9 ;
ratified and approved by Parliament
(Dec. 1567), i. Ixiii, ii. 216, note 2 ;
text of, ii. 257-72
Congregation [The Congregation, Lords
of the Congregation, Army of the
Congregation]
For the previous history of the
Reformation movement, see Reformers;
for the subsequent history, see General
Assembly ; Protestant Lords ; and
for the combined Protestant and
Catholic opposition to Mary, see
Confederate Lords
(a) Struggle with the Queen Regent,
J 557-60 :
" Common Band " signed at Edin-
burgh (3 Dec. 1557), i. xxix, xxxviii,
136-7 ; invite Knox to Scotland, i. 137 ;
meet in Council and draw up resolu-
tions, viz., that [Edward VI's] Book of
Common Prayer should be read weekly
in every parish church and preaching
of Scriptures should be held privately
till public preachings were allowed,
i. 137-8, 148 ; their doubts on Mass,
papistical baptism, and defending
brethren against cruel persecution,
resolved by the Scriptures, i. 147 ;
Queen Regent summons the preachers
(July 1558), i. xxix-xxx, 126; their
defiance expressed by Chalmers of
Gadgirth, i. 126 ; the summons dis-
charged, i. XXX, 126-7 ; they destroy
idol of St Giles in Edinburgh, i. 125 ;
break up processsion of Friars on
St. Giles's Day (i Sept. 1558), in
Edinburgh, i. 127-9 > " First oration,
and Petition, of the Protestants of
Scotland to the Queen Regent "
(20 Nov. 1558) in which they crave
(i) that Common Prayers may be
read in the vulgar tongue, (2) that
qualified persons may interpret the
Scriptures, (3) that baptism may be in
vulgar tongue, (4) that Lord's Supper
may be in vulgar tongue and in both
kinds, and (5) that the " detestable life "
of the clergy be reformed, i. xxix,
149-52 ; Queen Regent and Prelates
decree persecution of, i. 1^0 ; Papists
offer " certain Articles of reconcilia-
tion " but offer is refused, i. 152 ;
the Congregation draw up a " Letter "
to Parliament, i. 154-6 ; the Queen
Regent suppresses it, i. 156 ; they
present to Parliament a " Protesta-
tion " (5 Dec. 1558), i. 156-8 ; Queen
Regent promises satisfaction, i. 158 ;
but after the Treaty of Gateau Cam-
brdsis she begins " to spew forth and
disclose the latent venom of her double
heart," i. xxxi, 158 ; the preachers
are again summoned (after Easter
I559)> i- 159 ; vvhen intercession is
made for them, the Queen Regent
vows that the Protestants " shall be
banished out of Scodand, albeit they
preached as truly as ever did Saint
Paul," i. xxxi, 159 ; but the summons
is delayed, i. 159 ; Perth embraces
new Faith and thus provokes Queen
Regent's fury, i. 159 ; she fails to
make Montrose, Dundee, Perth and
other places " communicate with the
idol of the Mass," i. 159-60 ; she
summons the preachers to Stirling
(10 May 1559), i. xxxi, 160 ; men
from Dundee, Angus and Mcarns
assemble at Perth to give them
support, i. 160 ; the preachers are
persuaded not to go to Stirling,
where the Queen Regent is, and
remain at Perth, i. 160-1 ; Knox
joins the preachers at Perth and
preaches there (May 1559), i. xliii,
161 ; the preachers, not compearing
at Stirling, are put to the horn
(10 May 1559), i. 161 ; Erskine of
Dun, coming to Perth, exposes the
Queen Regent's duplicity and the
multitude, inflamed, destroy the
" places of idolatry," i. xliii, 161 ;
friaries at Perth destroyed by the
" rascal multitude " (11 May 1559),
i, 16 1-3 ; Queen Regent, hearing of
this destruction, vows to destroy
Perth, i. 163 ; the preachers, not
suspecting " such beastly cruelty,"
return to their own homes, leaving
Knox to instruct the people, i. 163 ;
Queen Regent sends for French
troops and makes other preparations
against Perth, i. 164 ; realising their
INDEX
error, some of the preachers return
and put the town in a state of defence
(22 May 1559), i. 164 ; letter (22 May
1559) from, to Queen Regent, in
which they threaten " to take the
sword of just defence against all that
shall pursue us for the matter of
religion," i. 164-5 ; in spite of appeals,
the Queen Regent proceeds against
the town, i. 166 ; the Congregation
write to the Nobility from Perth
(22 May 1559), i. 167-71 ; and to
the " Pestilent Prelates and their
Shavelings " (22 May 1559), threat-
ening open war if persecution does not
cease, i. 171-2 ; brethren of Cunning-
ham and Kyle march to Perth in
support of their brethren there, i. 171 ;
d'Oysel, the French and supporters of
the priests march against Perth, i. 1 72 ;
men from Fife, Angus, Mearns and
Dundee come to relief of the Congre-
gation at Perth, i. 172 ; Ruthven,
Provost of Perth, deserts to the Queen
Regent (23 May 1559), i. 172 ;
envoys sent by Queen Regent to
inquire cause of " that convocation
of lieges" at Perth, i. 173; the
Congregation, in their reply, deny
any rebellious intention, i. 173 ;
Queen Regent issues Proclamation
charging all men to avoid the town
under pain of treason (28 May 1559),
i. 175 ; Glencaim and other Lords
from the west come to their aid, i.
175 ; terms discussed with the Con-
gregation at Auchterarder for sur-
render of Perth, i. 175-6 ; further
parleyings, i. 176-7 ; Appointment
for surrender of Perth (29 May 1559),
i. 177 and note 2 ; and Congregation
depart from the town, i. 177-8 ;
successful stand made by them against
the Queen Regent and the French,
recalled by them, i. 223 ; Band drawn
up by them at Perth (31 May 1559),
i. 178-9 ; Queen Regent and her
followers enter Perth (? 30 May 1559),
i. 179 ; and bring in Frenchmen, i.
179 ; which was contrary to terms of
the Appointment, i. 179 and ?iote 4 ;
meeting of Protestants of Angus con-
vened at St. Andrews for ' reforma-
tion ' there (4 June), i. 181 ; Queen
Regent decides to invade St. Andrews,
i. 183 ; meeting of army of the Con-
gregation and her forces at Cupar
Muir (June 1559), i. 183-5; truce
signed at Cupar (13 June 1559), i.
185-15 ; perceiving the " craft and
deceit " of the Queen Regent and that
her object was merely to convoy herself
and ordnance and Frenchmen over
the Forth, concert measures for deliver-
381
ing Perth from " these ungodly
soldiers," i. 186-7 ; but they possibly
broke the truce themselves, i. 186,
note 4 ; to secure the town, brethren
of Fife, Angus, Mearns and Strath-
earn are to convene at Perth (24 June
1559), i. 187 ; Argyll and Moray
write (? 15 June 1559) to Queen
Regent complaining of breach of
treaty and asking soldiers to be with-
drawn from Perth and free election
of magistrates there to be restored,
i. 187-S ; the army of the Congre-
gation convenes before Perth and
summons the town to surrender, i.
188 ; the summons defied, they pre-
pare to besiege the town, i. 188 ;
negotiations between Huntly, Mar and
Bellenden on one side and Argyll,
Moray and Ruthven on the other
break down, i. i88-g ; the assault on
Perth begins (24 June i559)> .i- 189;
town surrenders (25 June), i. 189 ;
the " rascal multitude " get out of
hand and sack Scone Palace and
Abbey, i. 189-91 ; Argyll and Moray
capture Stirling, i. 191 ; the army
marches forward to Edinburgh which
they reach (29 June 1559), i. xliv,
192 ; they find that the " rascal
multitude " have already destroyed
the friaries there, i. 191-2 ; Queen
Regent spreads report that they seek
nothing but her life and rebellion
against the Queen's authority, i.
192-3 ; Proclamation by Queen
Regent accusing them of rebellion
under cloak of religion, of " daily "
communication with England, of
seizing coining-irons of the Mint and
Holyroodhouse, and ordering them to
leave Edinburgh unless they are
inhabitants thereof (i July 1559), i.
193-4 ' " there is never a sentence
of the narrative true, except that we
stayed the irons," i. 194 (but cf. i.
194, note 2) ; Lords write letter to
Queen Regent denying accusation of
rebellion (2 July 1559), i- 194-5 ;
they send Wishart of Pittarrow and
Cunningham of Cunninghamhead as
delegates to Queen Regent to explain
their aspirations and demands, i. 195 ;
she receives them pleasantly and
desires to speak with some of greater
authority, i. 195 ; they therefore send
Glencairn, Ruthven, Ochiltree and
Wishart of Pittarrow with same com-
mission, i. 195-6 ; they decline to
accede to her request (12 July 1559)
to speak privately with Argyll and
Moray unless the meeting involves no
risk of treachery, i. 196 ; meeting
arranged at Preston, i. 197 ; nothing
382
INDEX
concluded, for it was Queen Regent's
practice to gain time and in this
she was not aUogether deceived, for
their army disperses through lack of
funds and provisions, i. 197 ; Queen
Regent's offer always was that she
would give liberty of religion if
Protestant preachers would cease and
Mass be maintained wherever she
was, i. 197 ; through Ruthven and
Pittarrow, they refuse these conditions
and make their last offers to her, i.
197-8 ; Queen Regent takes advan-
tage of dispersal of the army of the
Congregation, i. 198 ; the Lords,
Barons and gentlemen decide to re-
main for the winter in Edinburgh for
establishing the Church there, i. 198 ;
Queen Regent marches from Dunbar
against them at Edinburgh (23-24July
1559), i. 200 ; Leith surrenders to
French, and after this defection Edin-
burgh forces retire to Calton Hill, i.
200 ; the Governor of Edinburgh
Castle is unfriendly, i. 201 ; realising
they cannot hold Edinburgh without
his friendship or neutrality, they
decide to make an Appointment, i.
202 ; terms drawn up by them under
five heads, i. 202 ; altered terms
drawn up at Links of Leith (24 July
1559), i. 202-4 ; said that alteration
was made without their consent, i.
204 and note 4 ; Chatelherault and
Huntly promise to join them if Queen
Regent breaks " one jot " of the
Appointment, i. 204-5 ; the Con-
gregation proclaim at the Market
Cross terms of the Appointment (four
of the five original heads ; not the
altered ones), i. 205 and note 2 ;
accused by the Papists of altering
terms, they try to justify their pro-
clamation, i. 206 and note 2 ; leave
Edinburgh (26 July 1559), i. 205,
206 ; go to Stirling, i. 206 ; at
Stirling they sign a " Band of defence
and maintenance of religion " (i Aug.
1559) that, inter alia, none shall
communicate with Queen Regent
without consent of the rest, i. 206-7
{cf. i. 234-5, 244-5, 245) ; similar
undertaking made in Band of Leith
(27 Apr. 1560), i. 314-5 ; appoint
next convention to be held at Stirling
(on ID Sept. 1559), i. 207 ; leave
Willock in Edinburgh, it being un-
safe for Knox to remain, i. 211 ;
Queen Regent, wishing to set up Mass
again in St. Giles', sends Chatel-
herault, Huntly and Seton to nego-
tiate with them, i. 212 ; they reply
through Adam Fullarton (29 July
1559), i. 212 and note 5 ; no agree-
ment is reached, both sides appealing
equally to terms of the Appointment
of 24 July, i. 212-13 ; they reject
suggestion that they should choose
another church and abandon St. Giles'
or allow Mass before or after their
sermons, i. 213 ; they gain their point
and are left in possession of St. Giles',
where they worship till November,
i. 213 ; Queen Regent commands
Chatelherault to be ready to take
measures against them if their con-
vention at Govan Muir (21 Aug.
1559) is for a hostile intent against
her, i. 215 ; accused by Queen
Regent of breaking the Appointment
of Leith, i. 216 ; Queen Regent openly
complains that they intend " to invade
her person," and that she is therefore
compelled to seek help of Frenchmen,
i. 216 ; she issues Proclamation
(28 Aug. 1559) warning the people
that seditious persons are stirring up
strife between her and the Congre-
gation by accusing her of breaking
the Appointment and bringing in
Frenchmen to oppress the people ;
assuring the people that " ye shall
ever find with us truth in promises,
and a motherly love towards all " ;
and warning the Congregation not to
speak " irreverently and slanderously "
of princes and especially of herself,
and not to meddle with politics, i.
217-19 ; they reply to her, complain-
ing of oppression by the French,
exorbitant taxation, debasement of
coinage, use of Frenchmen against
them at Perth, and French attempted
conquest of the realm (as Leith bears
witness), and finally, calling on the
people to unite in defence of their
country, i. 219-26 ; additional
answers, i. 226-8 ; to the Queen
Regent's charge that the preachers
speak " irreverently and slanderously "
of princes ,and especially of herself,
they reply, stating the doctrine taught
by preachers concerning obedience to
be given to magistrates, i. 227-8 ;
attend convention at Stirling (lo Sept.
i559)> i- 228-9 ; Lords write to
Queen Regent from Hamilton pro-
testing against fortification of Leith
by the French (19 Sept. 1559), i.
229-30 ; this letter referred to, i. 247 ;
La Brosse and Bishop de Pellevd ot
Amiens try to bribe men to leave,
i. 230 ; Queen Regent accuses the
Congregation of being in league with
England, i. 230 ; as indeed they were,
i. 230, note 6 ; assert that they will
be loyal to Queen Regent if she will
have a Council of natural Scotsmen
4
INDEX
383
and not " throat-cutters " [French],
and grant freedom of religion to them,
i. 230 ; they write to Mar, urging him
to guard the castles of Edinburgh and
Stirling and remain true to them
(19 Sept. 1559), i. 231-2, 231, note 5 ;
learning that fortifying of Leith con-
tinues, they decide to convene at
Stirling (on 15 Oct. 1559) to march
to Edinburgh, i. 232, 244 ; they
direct letters to divers parts calling
attention to danger to country from
the French, and that the Queen
Regent would not send them away,
i. 232-3 {cf. i. 235) ; the Queen
Regent spreads false reports that they
" refusing all reason, pretended no
religion, but a plain revolt from the
Authority," i. 233 ; she issues Pro-
clamation (2 Oct. 1559) explaining
why she has fortified Leith, and
accusing the Congregation of treason-
able activities, i. 235-7 '■> *^hey reply
(3 Oct.), i. 237-44 ; Robert Lockhart
tries to mediate between Queen
Regent and the Congregation, i.
244-7 '■> her propaganda has some
success and causes division, i. 246 ;
the Congregation come to Edinburgh
(16 Oct. 1559), i. 246 ; they write
to Queen Regent from Edinburgh
demanding the withdrawal of French
from Leith and the fortifying of the
town stopped (19 Oct. 1559), i. 247 ;
their messenger dismissed without
reply, i. 247-8 ; she replies (21 Oct.)
to their letter, asserting that French
are not strangers, that she will not
withdraw them from Leith, and
ordering the Congregation to depart
from Edinburgh, i. 249 ; the
" Council " convened at Edinburgh
charge Queen Regent with crimes
against the state, and pass an Act of
Suspension (21 Oct. 1559), i. xlvi,
249-55 ; the Congregation summon
Leith to surrender (24 Oct. 1559),
i. 256 ; troubled by Queen Regent's
spies, who obtain news of their most
secret counsels ; by some of their
own company, who are " vehemently
suspected to be the very betrayers of
all our secrets " ; and by discontent
of the " ungodly soldiers " who
mutiny because their wages are not
paid, i. xlvii, 257 ; they make a
collection to pay the mutinous soldiers
but " no sufficient sum " is obtained,
i. xlvii, 257-8 ; attempt unsuccess-
fully to coin their own money, i. 258 ;
money obtained from Sadler and
Croft intercepted by Bothwell on
orders of Queen Regent (31 Oct.
I559)> i- xlvii, 258-9, 298 ; Provost
and men of Dundee pass from Edin-
burgh with ordnance towards Leith
(31 Oct. 1559), i. 259-60 ; they are
surprised by the French, lose their
ordnance, and are pursued into Edin-
burgh, i. 260 ; there is treason in
their midst, and they suffer their
" first defeat," i. 260-1 ; disheartened,
many leave Edinburgh, and most of
those who remain seem " destitute
of counsel and manhood," i. 261 ;
Ker of Ferniehurst, Ker of Cessford
and Earl of Morton desert them, i.
261-2 ; they suffer a second defeat at
hands of French between Edinburgh
and Leith (6 Nov. 1559), i. 262-3 !
" lamentable and sore " complaints
of the low-spirited Brethren in Edin-
burgh after their defeats by the
French of Leith, and decision to leave
Edinburgh, i. 264-5 ; Knox later
(c. June 1563) recalls " that dark and
dolorous night wherein all ye, my
Lords, with shame and fear left this
town," ii. 80 ; they leave Edinburgh
(6 Nov. 1559) for Stirling, i. xlvii,
265 ; Knox's sermon to (8 Nov.
1559), in which he analyses the cause
of the disasters which have befallen
them, i. xlvii-xlviii, 265-71 ; convene
at Stirling, i. 276 ; French march on
the town and the Lords disperse, i.
276 ; the Lords split into two groups,
one with headquarters at Glasgow,
the other in Fife, i. 276, 298 ; struggle
with French in Fife (Jan. 1560), i.
276-82 ; English ships arrive in the
Forth to assist them, i. 281 ; English
army arrives in Scotland (2 Apr.
1560), i. 311 ; and assists them in
the siege of Leith (Apr.-July), i.
312-13, 317-21, 323; "Last Band
at Leith " signed by, in which they
pledge themselves to further the
reformation of religion, to expel the
French, and to act only by advice of
the " Council " (27 Apr. 1560), i.
314-16 ; envoys come from France
and England to conclude peace
(16 June 1560), i. 322 ; " Conces-
sions " (6 July 1560) granted by
Francis and Mary to nobility and
people of Scotland (" Annex " to
Treaty of Edinburgh), i. 323-31, 323,
note 2 ; peace proclaimed (8 July
1560), i. 331 ; public thanksgiving in
St. Giles', Edinburgh, i. 332-4
(b) JVegotiations with England :
appeal to England for help, i. xJiv,
282-301 ; Knox and Moray decide
(June 1559) " that support should be
craved of England," i. 287 ; fore-
seeing (Aug. 1559) that the Queen
Regent and Bishops mean " nothing
384
INDEX
but deceit," they deem it expedient
to seek English help, i. 207 and
note 2 ; but they had already been
in communication with England (as
early as 23 June 1559), i. 207, note 2 ;
letter from Knox to Cecil (28 June
1559) referred to, i. 194, note 2, 287,
note 4 ; letters from Knox and Kirk-
caldy to Percy (i July 1559) referred
to, i. 194, note 2 ; Cecil gives favour-
able answer, i. 287 ; letter from, to
Cecil, stating their aims (19 July
1559), i. 288-90 ; dissatisfied with
Cecil's reply to their request for help,
they decide to make no further
request but allow Knox to write " as
he thought best," i. 296 ; Knox
replies (6 or 15 Aug. 1559) to Cecil,
urgently appealing for money to pay
their soldiers, i. 296-7 ; Cecil replies
asking Lords to send Commissioners
to Berwick to receive money and
promising further help, i. 297-8 ;
Queen Regent accuses them of seek-
ing English aid (Sept. 1559), i. 230 ;
and again (2 Oct.), i. 236 ; they
admit it (3 Oct.), i. 239-40 ; Council
at Stirhng decide (8 Nov. 1559) to
send Lethington to England to explain
their position to Elizabeth, i. 271 ;
asked by Norfolk at Berwick to send
Commissioners, i. 298 ; Herries con-
veys message to Lords at Glasgow,
who decide to meet Norfolk at Carlisle,
i. 298 ; Lords at Glasgow summon
Moray, i. 299 ; Knox, replying for
the Lords in Fife, writes to those in
Glasgow, censuring them for their
dilatoriness, for summoning Moray
from Fife, for neglecting the English
fleet in the Forth and proposing to
meet Norfolk at Carlisle rather than
at Berwick (6 Feb. 1560), i. 299-301 ;
the Lords at Glasgow, therefore,
decide to meet Norfolk at Berwick, i.
301 ; their Instructions (lo Feb.
1560) to Commissioners, i. 308-10;
the Contract at Berwick (27 Feb.
1560), i. 302-7 ; subscribed (10 May
1560), i. 307-8
(c) Temporarily in power, 1560—61 :
nominate ministers to various charges
(July 1560), i. 334 ; present Supplica-
tion to Parliament, i. 335-8 ; the
Corifession of Faith drawn up by, and
ratified by Parliament (17 Aug.
1560), i. 338-9 ; the Book of Discipline
drawn up by (20 May 1560), and
subscribed (27 Jan. 1561), i. 343-5;
the Book again perused (15 Jan. 1561),
i. 351-4 ; send Moray to Mary in
France, i. 354-5 ; present Supplica-
tion to Lords of Secret Council
(27 May 1 561), i. Ivi, 360-2
Copenhagen, Machabeus [Macalpine] at,
i. 23
Coronation oath, that kings hereafter
should take oath to maintain true
religion resolved by General Assembly
(20 July 1567), ii. 215
Corrichie, Battle of (28 Oct. 1562), ante-
cedents of, ii. 53, note 2 ; account of, ii.
59-61 ; Mary scarcely disguises her
displeasure at victory of, ii. 62 ;
mentioned, ii. 184
Corrie, George, of Kelwood, subscribes
Book of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), ii.
324 ; signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept.
1562), ii. 56
Covenants. See Bands
Cowdenknowes, Laird of. See Home,
Sir John
Craig, John [?i5i2-i6oo; educated at
S t . Andrews ; entered the Dominican
Order ; imprisoned for heresy , re-
leased, 1536, and went to England
and thence to Rome ; Rector of the
Dominican Convent of Bologna ;
again inclined to the reformed faith,
and again imprisoned ; condemned
to be burned ; escaped ; proceeded
to Vienna, where he preached as a
Dominican, 1559 ; returned to Scot-
land, 1560 ; reformer ; minister of
the Canongate (Holyrood), 1561 ;
transferred to St. Giles' as colleague
to John Knox, 1562 ; Moderator of
the General Assembly, March 1569,
October 1576, October 1581 ; trans-
ferred to Montrose, 1571 ; transferred
to Aberdeen 1573 ; returned to
Edinburgh, 1579, as a chaplain to
James VI ; took part in preparation
of ' Second Book of Discipline ' and
' Negative Confession of Faith ' ;
denounced the ' Black Acts,' 1584 ;
interdicted from preaching and
threatened with banishment ; later
acted as mediator between the extreme
Presbyterians, led by Andrew Melville,
and James ^ VI ; died, 1600— Fajri
Ecclesi<e Scoticance, vi. 35-6], speaks
openly against hypocrites, and brings
down the wrath of Lethington upon
the ministers (1564), ii. 104 ; ap-
pointed to confer with Lords at
General Assembly (June 1564), ii. 108;
cites resolution of University of
Bologna (1554) that Princes may be
deposed for breaking oath made to
their subjects, ii. 131-3 ; desired by
Council to preach instead of Knox
during latter's suspension (Aug. 1565),
ii. 160 ; commanded by General
Assembly (25 Dec. 1565) to devise a
Fast (28 Dec), ii. 176, note 2 ; presents
supplication to Queen for payment of
ministers' stipends (1566), ii. 186-7 5
I
I
INDEX
385
ordered by Queen to publish banns of
marriage between her and Bothwell,
ii. 206 ; he states his objections to
the marriage both from the pulpit
and before the Council, ii. 206 ;
contrasted with Bishop of Orkney,
ii. 207 ; sent by General Assembly
(June 1567) to certain Lords requiring
them to come to Edinburgh to settle
true worship of the Kirk, ii. 213
Craig, Robin, ii 36
Craigdow, Laird of. See Campbell, Robert
Craigie [Ayrshire], brethren in Cunning-
ham and Kyle assemble at, in support
of brethren at Perth, i. 171
For Laird of, see Wallace, John
Craigie [Perthshire], Laird of. See Ross,
Craigmillar, Laird of. See Preston, Sir
Simon
Craigmillar Castle, surrendered to English
by its laird. Sir Simon Preston
(1544), i- 57 ; Mary at (Nov. 1566),
ii. 192
Craik, Alison [daughter of William Craik
and Janet Fleming], attack on house
in Edinburgh of her step-father,
Cuthbert Ramsay (q.v.), by Bothwell,
d'Elboeuf and Lord John Stewart of
Coldingham in order to molest her
because she is (as it is said) Arran's
mistress (Dec. 1561), ii. 33 ; ministers
petition Queen and Privy Council to
have the perpetrators of the crime
punished, ii. 33-5
Crail, Knox preaches at (?9 June 1559),
i. i8i and note 3
Cramond, the French ship Cardinal is
stranded near (Sept. 1548), i. 104
Cranstoun, Sir John, of Cranstoun, signs
" Last Band at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560),
i. 316
Cranstoun, Patrick, to be tried (24 Oct.
1563) for "violent invasion of the
Queen's Palace " of Holyroodhouse
(15 Aug.), ii. 87, 88-9, 91 ; Knox
before the Council (Dec. 1563), refers
to him, ii. 97 ; Knox at General
Assembly (Dec. 1563) again alludes
to him, ii. 10 1
Craw [Crawar, Kravar], Paul [educated,
Paris, Montpellier (medicine), and
Prague ; had been in service of
Ladislaus Jagellon, King of Poland,
for ten years, before 1432 — Baxter,
Copiale Prior atus Sanctiandree, 460],
burned for heresy at St. Andrews
(?I433), i. 7 and note 3
Crawford, Mary and Darnley at (Oct.
1565), ii- 172
Crawford, Family of, Archbishop Hamilton
tries to stir up trouble in the South by
setting them against the Reids (1562),
ii-57
Crawford, David, signs Band at Ayr
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Crawford, David, of Kerse, signs Band at
Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Crawford, David Lindsay, eighth Earl of
[succeeded his father, Alexander,
seventh Earl, 1517 ; died, 27/28 Nov.
1542 ; married (1) Elizabeth Hay,
daughter of William, third Earl of
Erroll, (2) Katherine Stirling, (3)
Isobel Lundy — Scots Peerage, iii. 25-7],
his daughter one of James V's mis-
tresses, i. 39 ; his death, i. 39, note 3
Crawford, David Lindsay, tenth Earl of
[succeeded, 1558 ; Privy Councillor,
1565 ; supporter of Mary, both
before and after her abdication ;
died, 1573 ; was married to Margaret
Beaton, daughter of Cardinal Beaton
(q.v.) — Scots Peerage, iii. 29-30], re-
fuses to subscribe the Book of Discipline
(Jan. 1 561), i. 344, note 5; accom-
panies Moray who has convened at
Edinburgh for trial of Bothwell for
his alleged conspiracy against Arran
(2 May 1565), ii. 144 ; summoned to
Edinburgh by General Assembly
(June 1567) to settle true worship of
the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but excuses himself
on grounds that he could not come
with safety to Edinburgh, ii. 214
Crawford, George, of Leiffnoris, supports
Wishart at Ayr (1544), i. 61
Crawford, Sir George, of Leiffnoris, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Crawford, John, of Walston, signs Band
at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Crawford, Matthew, probably editor of
1732 edition of the History, i. xciv,
note 2
Crawdbrd, Robert, signs Band at Ayr
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Crichton, Abraham [wrongly described by
Knox as President of the College of
Justice ; Provost of Dunglass and
Official of Lothian, was appointed a
Lord of Session, 1548 ; died, before
15 Nov. 1565 — Brunton and Haig,
Senators of the College of Justice, 92-3],
death of, ii. 185
Crichton, Alexander, of Brunstane [re-
former ; intrigued with England for
assassination of Beaton ; forfeited,
but escaped from Scotland, 1548 ;
died before 5 December 1558 when
the process of forfeiture against him
was reduced at the instance of John
Crichton, eldest son and heir of
umquhile Alexander Crichton of Brun-
stane— Laing's Knox, i. 215 ; Tytler,
History of Scotland, v. 376-91], har-
bours George Wishart, i. 66 ; accom-
panies Wishart from Haddington to
Ormiston, i. 69 ; makes pact with
386
INDEX
Bothwell for life and liberty of Wishart
who is then surrendered to Bothwell,
i. 70 ; Beaton orders his arrest, i. 70 ;
but he eludes Beaton's men and
escapes to Tantallon Castle, i. 71 ;
banished and forfeited (1548), i.
lOI
Crichton, Edward Crichton, seventh Lord,
of Sanquhar [succeeded his brother,
Robert, sixth Lord Crichton of
Sanquhar, 1561 ; supported Mary
against Moray in the Chase-about-
Raid, 1565 ; but joined the Confed-
erate Lords, 1567 ; was present at
coronation of James VI, 1567, and
took the oath of allegiance to the
king, 1569 ; died, 1569 — Scots Peerage,
iii. 229], captures, for Mary, Castle
Campbell (Sept. 1565), ii. 164 ; shares
command of second army of Confeder-
ate Lords at Carberry Hill (15 June
1567), ii. 210 ; signs Articles agreed
upon by General Assembly (20 July
1567), ii. 215
Crichton, George, Bishop of Dunkeld
[brother of Sir Patrick Crichton
of Cranston-Riddell ; educated, St.
Andrews ; Abbot of Holyrood, 1 500 ;
Keeper of Privy Seal, 1515-28 ; pro-
vided to Dunkeld, 1526 ; Lord of
Session, 1533 ; died, Jan. 1544 —
Dowden, Bishops of Scotland, 87-8],
i. 27, note I ; his ignorance of the
Bible, i. 43 and note i ; said to be father
of Abbot of Paisley [John Hamilton,
afterwards Archbishop of St. Andrews] ,
i. 47 and note 9
Crichton, Robert, Bishop of Dunkeld [a
younger son of Sir Patrick Crichton of
Cranston-Riddell ; Provost of the
Collegiate Church of St. Giles, Edin-
burgh ; Bishop of Dunkeld, 1554 ;
opposed Reformation settlement ; a
supporter of Mary ; forfeited, 1571 ;
imprisoned, 1573 ; died, 1585 —
Dowden, Bishops of Scotland, 91-4],
Knox preaches for ten days in the
Bishop's " great lodging " in Edin-
burgh (May 1556), i. 122 and note 3 ;
one of " the chief pillars of the Papis-
tical Kirk," attends Parliament (Aug.
1560), i. 335 ; offers to the Queen
fourth part of his revenues out of
which to pay stipends of ministers
(22 Dec. 1561), ii. 327, 328
Crichton, Robert, of Elliock [father of
James Crichton (1560-83), better
known as ' the Admirable Crichton ' ;
appointed Lord Advocate jointly with
JohnSpensofCondie, 1560 ; supporter
of Mary ; died, 1582], examines alleged
conspirators of St. Leonard's Crags
(1565), ii. 154 ; sent to Stirling to
inquire why Lords convened there
(July 1565), ii. 155 ; sent by Queen
to Moray to persuade him to come to
her (1565), ii. 156
Crichton, Robert, Parson of Sanquhar
[educated, Glasgow ; Canon of Glas-
gow and Parson of Sanquhar, 1549 ;
adhered to the old faith ; died, 1571
— Laing's Knox, ii. 371], informed by
Brethren that they are taking punish-
ment of the Papists into their own
hands (Apr. 1563), ii. 70-1 ; put on
trial as a " Pope's knight " (19 May
1563), ii. 76
Crichton, Robert Crichton, sixth Lord, ot
Sanquhar [second son of William, fifth
Lord Crichton of Sanquhar ; stated
to be ' neuter ' in 1 560, but signed the
Act of Council approving the Book of
Discipline, Jan. 1^61 ; died, still young,
the same year], subscribes Book of
Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), ii. 324
Crichton Castle, Bothwell departs from, to
avoid capture by Arran and others,
who then besiege the castle, leaving
Forbes in command (3 Nov. 1559),
i. 259 ; Alexander Cockburn, son of
Laird of Ormiston, who was captured
by Bothwell, said to have been
rescued by neighbours near (Mar.
1562), ii. 39, note 5 ; Bothwell and
Huntly flee to, the night Riccio is
murdered (9 Mar. 1566), ii. 179
Croft, Sir James [Governor of Haddington,
1549 ; Governor of Berwick, 1559 ;
died, 1590], cited, i. 185, notes 1,2;
letter from Knox, at Edinburgh, to
(24 July 1559), cited, i. 202, note 4,
205, note 2, 206, note 2 ; Knox nego-
tiates with, at Berwick (Aug. 1559),
i. xlv, 207, note 2 ; letter to Cecil
(27 Sept. 1559), cited, i. 216, note 5 ;
meeting at Berwick with Knox (Aug.
1559), referred to, i. 229, note 2 ; Knox
and Robert Hamilton confer with, at
Berwick (Aug. 1559), i. 295 and note 1 ;
Knox refers to the negotiations with, in
letter to Cetil (6 or 15 Aug. 1559), i.
297 ; letter from Balnaves to (23 Sept.
1559), mentioned, i. 232, «ote 6 ; letter
of (8 Sept. 1559), on aims of Lords of
the Congregation, cited, i. 236, note 5 ;
letter (29 Oct. 1559) from Knox to,
mentioned, i. 264, >iote i ; mentioned,
i. 264, note 2 ; supplies money to
Congregation, but their agent, Cock-
burn of Ormiston, is waylaid by Both-
well and despoiled of it (31 Oct. 1559),
i. xlvii, 258 ; letters to (8 and 19 Jan.
1560), mentioned, i. 279, note i ; comes
with English army into Scotland
(2 Apr. 1560), >. 311 ; his interview
with Queen Regent at Edinburgh
Casde (6 Apr. 1560), i. 318 and
INDEX
387
note 5 ; blamed for negligence at siege
of Leith (7 May 1560), and held
responsible for the failure of the
assault, i. 318 and ?iole 4
Crossclays, Laird of. See MacAlexander,
Thomas
Crossraguel Abbey, partly destroyed by
Protestants under Arran, Argyll and
Glencairn (1561), i. 364
For Abbot of, see Kennedy, Quintin
Crystall, Thomas, Abbot of Kinloss,
earnest for reform, i. xix
Cullen, Queen's forces, sent against Castle
of Findlater, lodge at (1562), ii. 59
Cullen, James [an officer in the service of
the Queen Regent and later in the
service of Mary ; beheaded, 157 1],
appointed to victual French in Fife
with iwo ships between south coast of
Firth of Forth and Kinghorn, i. 280 ;
" for his wages," he spoils Kinghorn,
Kirkcaldy and Dysart, i. 280 ; seized
by English ships (23 Jan. 1560), i.
281
Culross, French at (winter 1559-60), i. 276
For Abbot of, see Colville, William
Cumin, Robert [schoolmaster at Arbroath],
sentenced by General Assembly (which
met 25 Dec. 1562), ii. 66
Cumnock, Laird of See Dunbar, Sir
Alexander
Cunningham [Ayrshire], Lollards from,
tried for heresy (1494), i. 8 ; George
Wishart's supporters from, fail to come
to Leith, i. 65 ; brethren of, convene
at Craigie and decide to support
brethren in Perth (May 1559), i. 171 ;
whole Congregation of, coming to aid
Perth (May 1559), i. 175 ; George
Hay appointed Commissioner to, by
General Assembly (1562), ii. 55
Cunningham, Alexander, fourth Earl of
Glencairn. See Glencairn
Cunningham, Hugh, of Waterstoun [a son
of William, third Earl of Glencairn],
signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562),
ii; 56
Cunningham, John, of Caprington [married
Elizabeth, daughter of William, third
Earl of Glencairn], signs Band at Ayr
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Cunningham, Robert, Minister of Failford
[a son of William, third Earl of Glen-
cairn ; Minister of the Priory of Fail
or Failford, and Provincial of the
Order of the Holy Trinity ; died,
1576], signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept.
1562), ii. 55 ; secures at Ayr Knox's
letter to the Brethren (8 Oct. 1563),
and sends it to Henry Sinclair, who
sends it to Queen at Stirling, ii. go
Cunningham, Robert, of Auchenharvie,
signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562),
ii. 56
Cunningham, William (i), signs Band at
Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Cunningham, William (2), signs Band at
Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Cunningham, William, third Earl of Glen-
cairn. See Glencairn
Cunningham, William, of Carington,
Younger, signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept.
1.562), ii. 56
Cunningham, William, of Cunningham-
head, sent by the Congregation as
delegate to the Queen Regent to
explain their aims and objects (July
I559)> . i- 195 ; identified with
" Cunninghamhead " who signs
" Last Band at Leith " at Edinburgh
(27 Apr. 1560), i. 316 and note 14 ;
subscribes Book of Discipline (27 Jan.
1 561), ii. 324 ; signs Band at Ayr
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56 ; one of five
appointed to carry Articles from
General Assembly to Queen at
Perth (June 1565), ii. 150 ; they
follow Queen to Dunkeld, ii. 150 ;
and then to Edinburgh, ii. 151 ;
one of the Protestant Lords who
march on Edinburgh (31 Aug. 1565),
ii. 161 ; denounced rebel and put to
the horn (Sept. 1565), ii. 165
Cunninghamhead, Laird of. See Cunning-
ham, William
Cupar, Queen Regent and French fol-
lowers prepare to leave Falkland for,
i. 183 ; but are forestalled by Moray
and Argyll from St. Andrews who
had received intelligence of this move,
i. 183 ; large reinforcements join the
Lords (13 June 1559), i. bcix, 183 ;
they assemble on Cupar Muir, i. 184 ;
truce between Queen Regent's party
and Reformers signed at Garlie Bank
(13 June 1559), i. 185-6 ; after truce.
Reformers return to, and disperse,
i. 186 ; Knox recalls in a sermon
(8 Nov. 1 559) " the dolour and anguish
of my own heart " when, at Cupar
Muir, " those cruel murderers . . .
threatened our present destruction,"
i. 269-70 ; Knox again recalls the
" extreme dangers " at, in a sermon
(? June 1563), ii. 80; the affair (of
13 June 1559) mentioned, i. 287 ;
Earls of Arran and Moray hearing that
French have left Stirling, assemble
their forces at (Jan. 1560), i. 276 ;
Earl of Sutherland, wounded in
skirmish at Pettycur, Kinghorn (7 Jan.
1560), is carried back to, i. 277 ;
Knox preaches to the Congregation
at, and offends Earl of Arran (Jan.
1560), i. 278
Cursing. See Excommunication (in Roman
Church)
Cuthilgurdy, Laird of. See Charteris, John
388
INDEX
Dairsie, Lairds of. See Learmonth, Sir
James ; Learmonth, Sir Patrick
Daldinning, Laird of. See Raid, George
Daljarrock, Laird of. See Kennedy,
Patrick
Dalkeith, Beaton imprisoned at (1543),
i. 43 and note 2 ; Scots pursued by
English, after Battle of Pinkie, beyond
(10 Sept. 1547), i. 100 ; Queen thinks
Confederate Lords (at Carberry Hill)
are fleeing to (15 June 1567), ii.
211
Dalrymple, James, of Stair [reformer ;
opposed marriage of Mary and
Darnley ; supported Moray and the
infant James VI ; died, 1 586 — Scots
Peerage, viii. 117], signs Band at
Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Dalrymple, William, of Stair. For his
wife, see Chalmers, Marion
Damville, Henri de Montmorency, comte
de. See Montmorency, Henri de
Montmorency, due de
Dancing, Knox on, ii. 44-5 ; immoderate,
condemned by preachers, ii. 64
Daniot, John, warns Riccio that Scots will
not suffer him long, ii. 180
Darnley, Henry Stewart, Lord [son of
Matthew Stewart, fourth Earl of
Lennox, and Margaret Douglas
(daughter of Archibald Douglas,
sixth Earl of Angus, and Margaret
Tudor, widow of James IV) ; born
in England, Feb. 1545 ; visited
France ; returned to Scotland, 1565 ;
met Mary, his cousin, at Wemyss ;
married to Mary, 29 July 1565 ;
proclaimed king ; murdered at Kirk-
of-Field, 9/10 Feb. 1567 ; father
of James VI], mentioned, i. 44;
marriage to Mary Queen of Scots,
" our Jezebel Mistress," referred to,
i. 59 and note 3 ; when a husband for
Mary is being talked about " some
unhappily guessed " at him, ii. 63, 64 ;
arrives in Edinburgh (13 Feb. 1565),
i. Ixi, ii. 138 ; goes to Fife and is
received by the Queen (17 Feb. 1565),
ii. 139 ; she " preferred him before
all others," ii. 139 ; Mary sends word
to Elizabeth that she is going to marry
(Mar. 1565), ii. 139 ; commanded by
Elizabeth to come to England, ii. 140,
146 ; Mary summons Lords, Super-
intendents and others to Stirling to
consent to crown-matrimonial being
given to (May 1565), ii. 144-5 '■> but
she refuses him the crown-matri-
monial, i. Ixii ; he is to receive it by
terms of the bond to murder Riccio,
i. Ixii ; Elizabeth sends Throckmorton
to Mary with message that she dis-
approves of her marriage with him
(May 1565), ii. 145-6 ; preparations
made for his marriage with Mary,
ii. 146 ; created Earl of Ross (15 May
1565), ii. 146, 147, note i ; plan to
make him Duke of Rothesay mis-
carries, ii. 146 ; his great influence at
Court, ii. 148 ; made Duke of
Rothesay [Albany] (23 July 1565),
ii. 156 ; banns of marriage with
Queen proclaimed (23 July 1565),
ii. 156 ; Proclamation made (28 July
1565) that it is Queen's will that he
be obeyed as King and that all
letters and proclamations are to be
made in the names of Henry and
Mary, ii. 157 ; married to Mary by
Dean of Restalrig (29 July 1565),
i. Ixi, ii. 158 ; the political conse-
quences of this marriage, i. Ixi-lxii ;
attends High Kirk of Edinburgh
(19 Aug. 1565) and is offended by
Knox's sermon, i. Ixiv, ii. 159 ;
desires Knox to abstain from preach-
ing for fifteen or twenty days, ii. i6q ;
while Lennox, Atholl, Cassillis and
others attend the Queen's Mass, he
" passed his time in hunting and hawk-
ing," ii. 174; Mary and he leave
Edinburgh (25 Aug. 1565) and go to
Linlithgow, then to Stirling and then
to Glasgow, ii. 160 ; leaves Glasgow
with Mary and, meeting their forces
at the bridge of Cadder, march to
Edinburgh, ii. 162 ; comes with
Mary to Callendar House, ii. 163 ;
Mary and he go to Stirling, then
Glasgow, return to Stirling and then
(9 Sept. 1565), go to Fife, ii. 163 ;
at Dundee with Mary (Sept. 1565),
ii. 165 ; returns with Mary from
Dundee to St. Andrews (but see ii. 165,
note 4) and then come to Edinburgh,
ii. 165 ; leaves Edinburgh with Mary
for Dumfries (8 Oct. 1565), ii. 171-2 ;
they pass to Stirling and then to
Crawford, ii. 172 ; they reach
Dumfries, ii. 172 ; from Dumfries to
Lochmaben, ^Peebles and Edinburgh,
ii. 172 ; attends Mass with Queen
(Dec. 1565), ii. 175 ; receives from
King of France the Order of the
Cockle (10 Feb. 1566), ii. 177-8,
177, note 2 ; debated in Council what
arms he should have and " the
Queen bade give him only his due ;
whereby it was perceived her love
wa.xed cold towards him " (Feb.
1566), ii. 178 ; his name is now left
out of writs, ii. 1 78 ; goes to Leith
instead of attending the Queen
(Mar. 1566), ii. 178 ; signs bond
against Riccio (Mar. 1566), i. Ixii,
ii. 179-80, 184 ; orders Provost of
Edinburgh and his men to return
home when they come to the Palace
INDEX
389
after the murder of Riccio, ii. 180 ;
issues proclamation, in his own name,
ordering Papists to leave Edinburgh
(10 Mar. 1566), ii. 180 ; commands
Edinburgh and Ganongate to be ready
to assist him with arms (10 Mar.
1566), ii. 180 ; Mary enraged at
his actions, ii. 181 ; writes, in terms
of bond for murder of Riccio, to
banished Lords to return to their
country, ii. 181 ; leaves Holyrood
with Mary for Seton and Dunbar,
ii. 181 ; they come to Edinburgh with
8000 men (18 Mar. 1566), ii. 183 ;
proclamation made at Market Cross
of Edinburgh for his purgation from
the murder of Riccio, ii. 183-4 ;
loses credit among all men for his
inconstancy, ii. 184 ; grows to be
" contemned and disesteemed," ii.
185 ; goes to Stirling " v/here he was
shriven after the Papist manner "
(Easter 1566), ii. 185 ; " contemned
of all men " and destitute, he some-
times goes to his father and sometimes
to Prince at Stirling, ii. 189 ; writes
to Pope and kings of France and
Spain, blaming Mary for not
" managing the Catholic cause aright,"
ii. 189-90 ; letters betrayed to Mary
and after that there is never " any
appearance of love betwixt them,"
ii. 1 90 ; rides post from Stirling to
Jedburgh to visit Mary during her
illness but " she would scarce speak to
him " (Oct. 1566), ii. 191 ; returns
from Jedburgh to Stirling and then
goes to Glasgow, ii. 191 ; during the
baptism of his son [James VI] (17 Dec.
1566), keeps his chamber, then joins
his father in Glasgow where he sur-
vives an attempt to poison hirii at
Stirling, ii. 193 ; Mary, hearing
(Jan. 1567) that he has recovered
from the poison, goes to him at
Glasgow and brings him to the Kirk-
of-Field, Edinburgh, ii. 201 ; mur-
dered in Kirk-of-Field (9 [10] Feb.
1567), i. Ixii, ii. 202 ; buried in
Holyrood Abbey, ii. 202 ; his be-
longings bestowed on his murderers,
ii. 203 ; character sketch of, ii. 203 ;
his death was by the Queen's " pro-
curement and consent," ii. 203 ;
list of murderers of, ii. 203 ; Lennox
writes to Queen (17 Mar. 1567), to
cause punish Bothwell and other
murderers of, ii. 204 ; a divorce
from Darnley for Mary had been
suggested but abandoned as too tedious
and murder substituted, ii. 205-6 ;
Confederate Lords issue proclamation
at Edinburgh (12 June 1567) accusing
Bothwell of being chief murderer of.
ii. 209 ; by open proclamation Both-
well is declared the murderer by his
own hand, ii. 213 ; that the murderers
should be brought to condign pun-
ishment resolved by General Assembly
(20 July 1567), ii. 214
For official acts done jointly in
name of King and Queen, see under
Mary
Dayes, Adam, indweller in Leith, sum-
moned by Beaton to burn his bill
(1534), i. 24 , . ^
Deacons, form and order oi election of,
ii. 277-9 > ^^ collect and administer
revenues of the church, laid down
in the Book of Discipline, ii. 303-6,
311 ; election and functions of, as
laid down in the Book of Discipline,
ii. 309-10, 311-12
Denmark, Kings of. See Christian II ;
Christian III ; Frederick II
Devon Water, i. 281
Dewar, Archibald [an Edinburgh crafts-
man], asks Knox to influence Provost
to delay execution of James Gillone
but Knox refuses (21 July 1561),
i. 358
Dickson, Allan, one of the Bailies of
Edinburgh discharged by order of the
Queen (8 Oct. 1561), ii. 21, note 8,
22 and note 4
Dieppe, Knox at (1554), i. xxxv ; (Aug.
1555), i. Ill ; Knox, before going to
Geneva from Scotland, sends his
mother-in-law Elizabeth Bowes and
his wife to (1556), i. 123 ; Knox on
his way from Geneva to Scotland
arrives at (24 Oct. 1557), i. xxxvii,
133 ; Knox dates letter (replying to
invitation to return to Scotland) from
(27 Oct. 1557), i. xxxvii-xxxviii, 136;
Robert Reid, Bishop of Ross, dies at
(6 Sept. 1558), i. 130 ; Knox at
(Mar. 1559), i. xxxviii ; Knox's
letter to Sir William Cecil from
(10 Apr. 1559), i. 282-7 ; sole sur-
viving ship of French fleet, which sets
off for Scotland, is driven back to,
Dingwall, John [Archdeacon of Caithness,
1516-24 ; Provost of Trinity College,
Edinburgh, 1525 ; Lord of Session,
1532 ; died, 1532 — Collegiate Churches
of Midlothian, xxiv-xxvi], " enter-
tained " Sandie Furrour's wife while
latter was imprisoned in Tower of
London, i. 18
Divorce, Lollards accused of denying
Church's right to grant, i. 9 ; Knox's
comment on this, i. 10 ; regulated in
the Book of Discipline, ii. 318-19 ;
General Assembly petitions Queen
that Judges be appointed to decide
cases of, " for the Kirk can no longer
390
INDEX
sustain that burden" (4 July 1562),
ii. 51
See also Marriage
Dollar, Vicar of. See Forret, Thomas
Douchtie, Thomas [came to Scotland, 1533
— Laing's Knox, i. 75], founder of the
Chapel of Our Lady of Loretto (1553),
ii. 333 and note 3
Douglas, Archibald, sixth Earl of Angus.
See Angus
Douglas, Archibald, of Kilspindie ( i ) [called
" Graysteel " ; fourth son of Archibald,
fifth Earl of Angus, and uncle of
Archibald, sixth Earl ; Provost of
Edinburgh, 1519, 1526; died, 1535],
forfeited by Parhament (Sept. 1528),
i. 22, note 5
Douglas, Archibald, of Kilspindie (2) [son
of Archibald Douglas of Kilspindie
{q.v.) ; Provost of Edinburgh, 1553/4
to 1556/7, and again 1559/60 to Oct.
1 56 1, when he was discharged by
order of the Queen ; again Provost,
1562 to 1565^ when he was suc-
ceeded by Sir Simon Preston of
Craigmillar], elected Provost of Edin-
burgh, i. 242, note 3 ; besieged in
Tolbooth by rioters (21 July 1561),
i- 357~8 > with other magistrates
makes proclamation against " monks,
friars, priests, nuns, adulterers, for-
nicators, and all such filthy persons "
(2 Oct. 1561), ii. 21-2 ; discharged
from office by the Queen (8 Oct.
1561), ii. 21, note 8, 22 and note 4 ;
lodges Tarbot, a priest, in the Tol-
booth (Apr. 1565), ii. 142 ; Mary and
Darnley order Town Council to de-
pose him from office of Provost,
" which was presently obeyed " (Aug.
1565), ii. 160
Douglas, Francis [son of Hugh Douglas of
Longniddry (q.v.)], tutored by Knox
at St. Andrews (1547), i. 82 {cf. his
" bairns," i. 69)
Douglas, George [son of Hugh Douglas of
Longniddry (q.v.)], tutored by Knox
at St. Andrews (1547), i. 82 {cf. his
" bairns," i. 69)
Douglas, Sir George, of Pittendriech
[second son of George, Master of
Angus ; brother of Archibald, sixth
Earl of Angus ; statesman and
politician ; right-hand of his brother,
the Earl, when the latter virtually
ruled Scotland, 1526-28 ; forfeited,
1528 ; in exile in England ; returned
to Scotland, 1543 ; supported a union
with England, matrimonial and
national ; but opposed English aggres-
sion ; even after Pinkie, 1547, still
pro-English, partly because now a
reformer ; but now took little part in
public affairs ; died, 1552 ; was the
father of James, fourth Earl of Morton,
the Regent (q.v.) — Scots Peerage, i.
187-8], forfeited by Parliament (Sept.
1528), i. 22, note 5 ; sent by Henry
VHI to Scottish frontier, i. 31 ;
narrowly escapes capture at Raid of
Hadden Rig (24 Aug. 1542), i. 31 ;
sent as additional Commissioner to
Henry VHI to treat of marriage be-
tween Mary Queen of Scots and
Edward, afterwards Edward VI, i. 46 ;
delivered to Beaton and Chatelherault
as pledge for Lennox (Jan. 1544), i.
51 ; freed from Blackness Castle
(4 May 1544), i. 57; publicly pro-
claims his support for George Wishart
at Inveresk, i. 66 ; repairs again to
the Court after death of Beaton, i. 79 ;
to win favour of Chatelherault suggests
that St. Andrews Castle should be
besieged, i. 79 ; goes to France with
Mary of Lorraine (y Sept. 1550), i.
116
Douglas, George, Postulate of Arbroath
[a natural son of Archibald, sixth Earl
of Angus ; Postulate, and for some
time Commendator, of Arbroath ; is
said to have taken a leading part in
the murder of Riccio ; Bishop of
Moray, 1573 ; died, 1589 — Dowden,
Bishops of Scotland, 413-14], origin of the
epithet the " Postulate," i. 79 ; strikes
first blow at Riccio's murder (9 Mar.
1566), ii. 180
Douglas, Hugh, of Longniddry, harbours
George Wishart, i. 66 ; VVishart bids
him farewell "as it were for ever,"
i. 69 ; his sons tutored by Knox at
St. Andrews (1547), i. 82 (cf Knox's
" bairns," i. 69)
Douglas, James, fourth Earl of Morton.
See Morton
Douglas, Sir James, of Drumlanrig [1498-
1578 ; son of Sir William Douglas of
Drumlanrig ; pro-English, and may
even have been an English ' spy ' ;
his English <ictivities abated somewhat
after 1544 ; Warden of the West
Marches from Annandale to Galloway,
1553 ; joined the Army of the Con-
gregation ; joined Moray in opposi-
tion to marriage of Mary and Darnley ;
joined the Confederate Lords after
murder of Darnley ; died, 1578 ;
married (i) Margaret, daughter of
George Douglas, Master of Angus,
(2) Christian, daughter of John Mont-
gomerie, Master of Eglinton — Seals
Peerage, vii. 119-28], joins Lennox's
faction at Ayr (Yule, 1543), i. 51 ;
signs " Last Band at Leith " at Edin-
burgh (27 Apr. 1560) on 6 May, i.
316 ; subscribes Book of Discipline
(27 Jan. 1561), i. 345, ii. 324 ; present
INDEX
391
at Privy Council which passes Act
relating to Thirds (22 Dec. 1561), ii.
326 ; in contact with Protestant Lords
at Hamilton (Sept. 1565), ii. 163 ;
joins Mary and Darnley, though he
had been familiar enough with the
Protestant Lords (Oct. 1565), ii. 172 ;
shares command of second army of
Confederate Lords at Carberry Hill
(iSJune 1567), ii. 210
Douglas, James, of Parkhead [forfeited for
conspiring against the King's life,
1540 ; rehabilitated, 1542 — Acts Pad.
Scot, ii. 355, 364, 419], captured at
Raid of Hadden Rig (24 Aug. 1542),
i- 31
Douglas (or Grant), John [a natural son
of Robert Douglas of Longnewton ;
a Carmelite Friar ; embraced the
reformed faith ; became chaplain to
Archibald, fourth Earl of Argyll, 1558 ;
assumed the name of Grant], preaches
in Edinburgh and Leith, i. 125 ;
preaches publicly in Earl of Argyll's
house, i. 138 ; Archbishop Hamilton
warns Arg^'U to withdraw his favour
from, i. 138 ; texts of Hamilton's letter
(25 Mar. 1558) and memorandum
(31 Mar.), with Argyll's reply, ii.
246-54 ; in terms of concessions to
Protestants by Queen Regent they
withhold him from preaching publicly
in Leith, i. 153
Douglas, John [Rector of University of St.
Andrews ; born, ?I494 ; educated,
St. Andrews ; Provost of St. Mary's
College, 1547 ; Rector of University,
1551-73 ^ embraced reformed faith ;
nominated (' tulchan ') archbishop
of St. Andrews by Earl of Morton,
1 57 1 ; died, 1574 ; 'a good upright-
hearted man, ambitious and simple '
— Laing's Knox, i. 286, ii. 455],
appointed, with others, to draw up
the Book of Discipline, i. 343 ; appointed
to conler with Lords at General
Assembly (June 1564), ii. 108 ; votes
that Nobility and Estates may oppose
Queen in defence of their religion, but
doubts whether Mass may be taken
from her with violence, ii. 131 ; sent
by General Assembly (June 1567) to
certain Lords requiring them to come
to Edinburgh to settle true worship of
the Kirk, ii. 213
Douglas, Lady Margaret, Countess of
Lennox [1515-78 ; only daughter
and heiress of Archibald, sixth Earl
of Angus, and of Margaret Tudor,
Queen Dowager of James IV, and
sister of Henry VHI ; married to
Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, at
London, 1544 ; being near the
succession to the English throne, was
imprisoned on several occasions by
Elizabeth ; was the mother of Henry,
Lord Darnley (q.v.)], marries fourth
Earl of Lennox at London, i. 59 and
note 3 ; marriage referred to, ii. 140 ;
imprisoned in the Tower of London
" for trafficking with Papists " (1562),
ii. 47 and note i ; alleged scheming
with Maitland while he is in England
to facilitate her husband's return to
Scotland, ii. 64
Douglas, Patrick [? natural son of Sir
James Douglas of Drumlanrig], signs
" Last Band at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560),
i. 316
Douglas, Robert, Provost of Lincluden
[natural son of Sir James Douglas of
Drumlanrig ; when still a minor,
Provost of the Collegiate Church of
Lincluden, 1547 ; died, i6og— -Scots
Peerage, vii. 127], messenger who
summons Knox to appear before the
Queen (May or June 1563), ii. 81
Douglas, William, of VVhittinghame, signs
" Last Band at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560),
i. 316 ; delivers Supplication from the
Brethren to Lords of Secret Council
(28 May 1 561), i. 362
Doundallon. See Tantallon Castle
Doune, James Stewart, first Lord [?I529-
1590; son of James Stewart of Beath,
third son of Andrew, second Lord
Avandale ; canon and abbot of Inch-
colm, 1544 : joined the Lords of the
Congregation ; implicated in the
murder of Riccio ; Privy Councillor,
1 57 1 ; Lord Doune, 1581 ; died, 1590
— Charters of Inchcolm, 242-3], signs
ratification of Contract of Berwick
(27 Feb. 1560) at Leith (10 May 1560),
i. 308 ; attends ' Reformation Parlia-
ment ' (1560), i. 335 ; sent to Argyll
to inquire into rumour that he is
leading a great army against Atholl
(July 1565), ii. 154
Draffen Castle, believed that the Queen
would besiege (1565), ii. 168
Dreghorn, Laird of. See Fullarton, John
Dron, Path of. See Path of Dron
Drumlanrig, Laird of. See Douglas,
Sir James
Drumlochy, Laird of, identified with
" Drumloyghie," who signs " Last
Band at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316
and note 18
Drumloyghie. See Drumlochy
Drummond, David Drummond, second
Lord [succeeded his great-grandfather,
John, first Lord Drummond ; Pri\'y
Councillor, 1548 ; took the side of
Queen Mary, but played no prominent
part in public affairs ; died, 1571 —
Scots Peerage, vii. 45-6], present at
Privy Council which passes Act relat-
392
INDEX
ing to Thirds (22 Dec. 1561), ii. 326 ;
summoned to Edinburgh by General
Assembly (June 1567) to settle true
worship of the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but
excuses himself on grounds that he
could not come with safety to Edin-
burgh, ii. 214
Drummond, Henry, of Riccarton, present
at Knox's preaching in Edinburgh
(May 1556), i. 122 and note 5 ; in-
forms Congregation that Captain of
Edinburgh Castle would assist French
if their entry into Edinburgh were
opposed (July 1559), i. 201
Du Croc, Philibcrt du Croc, sieur [French
ambassador in Scotland], tries to
mediate between Queen and Con-
federate Lords at Carberry Hill
(15 June 1567), and, failing, returns
to Edinburgh, ii. 211
Dudley, Edward [Captain of Hume Castle],
his negligence enables French to re-
cover the castle from English, i. 106
Dudley, John, Viscount Lisle, Earl of War-
wick and Duke of Northumberland.
See Northumberland
Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester. See
Leicester
" Duke," The. See Arran, James Hamil-
ton, second Earl of
Dumbarton, Lennox flees from Glasgow
to (1544), i. 51 ; accidental death of
John Hamilton of Milburn at, i. 97 ;
the Castle given to Chatelherault, i.
102 ; Mary sent to (Feb. 1548), i. 104,
note I ; Moray's reply to Francis H
dated from (12 Aug. 1559), i- 210 ;
Bothwell's alleged plot to imprison
Mary in the Castle, ii. 40 ; the Castle
is delivered to Captain Anstruther
following suspicions of Ch^telherault's
loyalty, ii. 42
Dumfries, Superintendent of Diocese of
Dumfries to reside in, laid down in
the Book of Discipline (1560), ii. 292 ;
appointment of a Superintendent of
Galloway at, discussed by Queen and
Knox (Apr. ? 1563), ii. 72-3 ; Knox
sets out for (1563), ii. 74 ; Protestant
Lords at (1565), ii. 163 ; Queen's
forces to march to (1565), ii. 168 ;
Edinburgh pays ;^ 1,000 for the hosting
at, ii. 170 ; Mary and Darnley leave
Edinburgh for (8 Oct. 1565), ii. 17 1-2 ;
they reach the town, ii. 172
Dun, Knox stays with John Erskine at
(1555), i. 121 ; Knox returns to,
teaches there and dispenses Lord's
Supper to most of the gentlemen of the
Mearns (1556), i. 122
For the Laird of, see Erskine, John
Dunbar, John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley
(afterwards Archbishop of St.
Andrews), takes the Castle " by
craft," i. 59 ; Queen Regent, hearing
of capture of Stirling, leaves Edin-
burgh with her faction for (June
1559)5 i- 192 ; the Congregation
seize minting-irons to prevent Queen
Regent taking them to Dunbar Castle,
i- 198 ; Queen Regent's forces leave
(23 July 1559), to march on Edin-
burgh, i. 200 (cf. i. 201, note 8) ; this
move delays Knox's journey to Aln-
wick, i. 294 {cf. i. 200) ; the Con-
gregation complain that the town is
oppressed by the French ( 1 559) , i. 222 ;
the Congregation sarcastically suggest
Dunbar Castle as a better place of
refuge for the Queen Regent than
Leith (3 Oct. 1559), i. 238 ; Kirk
of, warned by public edict to be
present at election of John Spottis-
woode as Superintendent of Lothian
(9 Mar. 1 561), ii. 273 ; garrisoning
of the Castle agreed to in " Conces-
sions " [" annex " to Treaty of Edin-
burgh, 1560], i. 324, 325 ; Lord
Gordon (afterwards fifth Earl of
Hunily) imprisoned at (1563-65), ii.
63 ; released, ii. 157 ; Mary and
Darnley at (Mar. 1566), ii. 181 ;
inhabitants throughout the country
summoned by Queen to assemble at,
ii. 181, 182-3 ; f^he Castle given to
Bothwell by Mary (1566), ii. 185 and
note 5 ; Bothwell carries the Queen
" as it had been by force," to (24 Apr.
1567), ii. 205 ; Bothwell and Queen
escape from Borthwick Castle (10- 11
June 1567) and come to, ii. 208 ;
Confederate Lords issue proclamation
at Edinburgh (12 June 1567), calling
for assistance to free Mary from
captivity at, ii. 209
Dunbar, Sir Alexander, of Cumnock
[married Joan, daughter of John
Leslie, second son of William, third
Earl of Rothes], signs " Last Band at
Leith " (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316
Dunbar, Gavin, Archbishop of Glasgow [a
younger son of Sir John Dunbar of
Mochrum ; nephew of Gavin Dunbar,
Bishop of Aberdeen {q.v.) ; tutor to
James ¥,1517; Dean of Moray, 15 18 ;
Prior of Whithorn, provided to Glas-
gow, 1524 ; Chancellor, 1528-43 ;
presided at the first meeting of the
College of Justice ; Abbot of Inchaf-
fray, in commendam, 1538 ; died, 1547 ;
praised by Buchanan, denounced and
ridiculed by Knox — Dowden, Bishops
of Scotland, 343-9 ; Easson, Gavin
Dunbar^, sends to the stake four
heretics (28 Feb. 1539), i. 26-7 ;
arrests Russell and Kennedy, i. 27 ;
he wishes to spare them, but the
Cardinal's " idiot Doctors " force him
INDEX
393
to condemn them to death, i. 28 ;
occupies pulpit at Ayr to exclude
George VVishart, i. xv, 61 ; preaches
and then hastily leaves the town, i. 61 ;
" a glorious fool " — his ludicrous
dispute with Beaton in Glasgow over
precedence (June 1545), i. Ixxv,
72-4 ; in spite of enmity between
them, as a result of this, he joins
Beaton in condemning VVishart, i. 74
Dunbar, Gavin, Bishop of Aberdeen [a son
of Sir Alexander Dunbar of Westfield ;
educated, St. Andrews ; Dean of
Moray, before 1487; Clerk of Regi-
ster, 1501 ; Archdeacon-principal of
St. Andrews, 1504 ; provided to
Aberdeen, 1518 ; died, 1532 ; was
paternal uncle of Gavin Dunbar,
Archbishop of Glasgow {q-v.) —
Dowden, Bishops of Scotland, 137-9 '■>
Register of Aberdeen, i, lii-lvi], Furrour,
at his trial for heresy at St. Andrews,
mocks the bishop for having a daughter,
i- 19
Dunbar, Hector, of Clugstone, signs Band
at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Dunbar, John [Lieutenant to Captain
Mowat {q.v.)'\, captured by French in
skirmish between Leith and Edin-
burgh (6 Nov. 1559), i. 263
Dunbar, John, of Blantyre, signs Band at
Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Dunbar, William [? 1460-?! 520 ; Scottish
poet], on corruption in the church,
i. xvii
Dunblane, Bishops of. See Chisholm,
WiUiam (i) ; Chisholm. William (2)
Dundee. Friar William Arth at, preaches
" against the pride and idle life of
Bishops " i. 15 ; Alexander Seton at,
i. 20 ; men from, compelled by
Cardinal Beaton to burn their bills,
i. 25 ; Beaton draws Chatelherault
to (Nov. 1543), i. 53 ; George Wishart
preaches at ( 1 544) , but is driven from
the town at instigation of Beaton,
i. 60-1 ; plague at, i. 62 ; Wishart,
therefore, goes from Kyle to, i. 62 ;
his sermon, i. 63 ; Wishart's hfe
attempted there by John Wigton, at
instigation of Beaton, i. 63 ; when
plague subsides Wishart leaves town,
i. 64 ; Wishart refers to his preaching
at, ii. 235 ; Wishart accused of
preaching at, against authority of
Chatelherault and Bishop of Brechin,
ii. 236 ; French galleys, engaged in
siege of St. Andrews Castle (1547),
retreat to, i. 95 ; burned and laid
waste by English, i. loi ; Knox in a
French galley ofT, i. 109 ; Paul
Methven openly preaches in, i. 125,
148 ; John Willock at, i. 148 ; James
Haliburton, Provost, ordered by
Queen Regent to arrest Paul Methven,
but he warns Methven to avoid the
town (1559), i. 159 ; Queen Regent
wants to impose Mass on (1559),
i. 160 ; when Queen Regent summons
preachers to Stirling (10 May 1559)
men from, assemble at Perth to give
them support, i. 160 ; Knox at
(May 1559), i. xliii, 161 ; he accom-
panies brethren from, to Perth, i. xliii,
161; gentlemen come to aid of Perth
from, i. 172 ; Congregation of, joins
in defensive confederacy at Perth
(31 May 1559), i. 178-9; supports
Reformers at Cupar (June 1559),
i. 183, 184 ; assists in siege of Perth
(24 June 1559), i. 189 ; enraged at
Bishop of Moray, they march to
Scone and destroy his Palace and
Abbey, i. 189-90 ; but for the action
of the Brethren, the town would have
suflPered same fate as Leith, i. 223 ;
Lords of the Congregation argue
(3 Oct. 1559) that they captured
Broughty Castle to forestall the
French and thus safeguard Dundee,
i. 240-1 ; discussion between Knox
and Robert Lockhart at, i. 245 ;
Provost and men of, march out of
Edinburgh with ordnance against
Leith but are surprised by the French
and defeated (31 Oct. 1559), i. 259-60;
ordnance of, left behind when Con-
gregation retreat from Edinburgh
(Nov. 1559), i. 264 ; French prisoners
taken at Glennis House (12 Jan. 1560),
sent to, i. 280 ; furnishes two ships
for the Congregation, i. 280 ; two
French ships, captured by Andrew
Sands, brought to (i i or 12 Jan. 1560),
i. 280 ; French vow to destroy the
town, i. 280 ; William Christison
appointed minister at (July 1560),
i- 334 j Queen visits (Sept. 1561),
which " she polluted with her
idolatry," ii. 20 ; Queen passes
through, on way from Aberdeen to
Edinburgh (1562), ii. 63 ; Paul
Methven's wife at, ii. 67 ; letters
from Brethren of Kyle to those of,
warning them of the increasing
idolatry of the Mass (1565), ii. 140-1 ;
taxed by Mary to pay her troops,
ii. 164, note 2 ; fined for assisting
Protestant Lords, ii. 165 and note 3 ;
Paul Methven to undergo penance
at (1566), ii. 188
For Provost ol, see Haliburton, James
Dunfermline, French at (Jan.? 1560),
i. 276 ; David Ferguson appointed
minister at, i. 334 ; Mar>' and
Darnley return to Edinburgh from
St. Andrews via (Sept. 1565), ii. 165,
note 4
394
INDEX
Dunfeimline Abbey, Arran loses his part of
the revenues of (i 561), ii. 28
For Abbots of, see Beaton, James,
Archbishop of St. Andrews ; Durie,
George
Dunkeld, Mary at (June 1565), ii. 150
— Diocese. For Bishops ol, see Crichton,
George ; Crichton, Robert, Bishop oif
Dunkeld ; Hamilton, John, Arch-
bishop of St. Andrews
Durham. Michael [educated, St. Andrews ;
King's physician to James V, 1542 ;
apparently later in France and in the
service of the Queen Regent — Laing's
Knox, i. 106, vi. 678], after return
(Apr. 1543) to Scotland of Abbot of
Paisley [John Hamilton, later Arch-
bishop of St. Andrews], Durham is
compelled by threats to desert
Chatelherault, i. 48
Durham, William, of Grange, one of five
appointed to carry Articles from
General Assembly to Queen at Perth
(June 1565), ii. 150 ; they follow
Queen to Dunkeld, ii. 150 ; and then
to Edinburgh, ii. 151
Durie, Andrew, Bishop of Galloway [son
of John Durie of that ilk and Janet
Beaton, sister of Archbishop James
Beaton ; brother of George Durie,
Abbot of Dunfermline {q.v.) ; edu-
cated, St. Andrews ; Abbot of Melrose,
1526 ; Lord of Session, 1541 ; pro-
vided to Galloway, 1541 ; accom-
panied Mary of Lorraine to France,
1550 ; died, 1558 — Dowden, Bishops
of Scotland, 373-4], goes to France
with Mary of Lorraine (7 Sept. 1550),
i. 116 ; his advice to Queen Regent,
i. 126 ; " called for his filthiness Abbot
Stottikin," his death, i. 129
Durie, George, Abbot of Dunfermline
[Archdeacon of St. Andrews ; Abbot
of Dunfermline, 1539 ; Lord of
Session, 1541 ; on Chatelherault's
secret council, 1543-47 ; died, 1564],
chief negotiator for Chatelherault with
the " Castilians," i. 80 ; said to have
advised that Scottish army should
abandon their position and cross the
Esk before Battle of Pinkie (Sept.
1547), i. 99 ; "a cruel beast " — com-
passes the death of Sir John Melville
of Raith, i. 106 ; one of the French
faction who instigate France to take
revenge on Scotland, i. 347
Durie, Robert, of Durie, arrested by Arran
and Moray, and released on conditions
which he " minded never to keep "
(Jan. ?i56o), i. 301
Dysart, Queen Regent's troops to be
allowed to remain in, under truce
signed at Cupar (13 June 1559), i.
185 ; the Congregation complain that
the town is oppressed by the French
('559)) i- 222 ; Arran and Moray go
to, to prevent French from destroying
the sea coast (Jan. 1560), i. 278 ;
pillaged by Captain Cullen, i. 280 ;
French march from (23 Jan. 1560),
towards St. Andrews, i. 280-1
Earlshall, Laird of. See Bruce, Sir William
Eden, River, i. 184, note 1
Edinburgh, Henry Henryson, schoolmaster
in, summoned by Beaton to burn his
bill (1534), i. 24 ; Beaton compels
divers in, to burn their bills, i. 26 ;
Beveridge, Sim.son, Forster and Forret
burned for heresy at (28 Feb. 1539),
i. 26-7 ; supposed that the English
would advance on (1542), i. 32 ;
James V returns from Fala Muir to
(Nov. 1542), i. 33 ; James V returns
to (25 Nov. 1542), from Lochmaben
after Battle of Solway Moss, i. 38 ;
Beaton returns from Haddington to,
i. 38 ; after death of James V, Regents
proclaimed at Market Cross, i. 41 ;
" dro^vned in superstition," i. 43 ; Sir
Ralph Sadler, English ambassador, at
(1543), i. 45 ; peace being restored
after ratification of marriage contract
between Mary and Prince Edward,
ships sail from, for English ports, i. 47 ;
forces of Beaton and Chatelherault
hold town against Lennox, i. 51 ;
burning of, by Hertford (May 1544),
referred to, i. 55 ; Chatelherault and
Beaton at, when English fleet anchor
off Leith (May 1544), i. 56 ; they
flee from town when English land at
Leith (4 May 1544), i. 56-7 ; the
town is spoiled and burned by English,
i. 57-8 ; Wishart invited by gentle-
men of the West to meet them at,
i. 64, 65, 68 ; Chatelherault and
Beaton at, i. 66 ; George Wishart
taken prisoner to (Jan. 1546), i. 71 ;
removed to Hailes Castle, but Mary
of Lorraine and Beaton bribe Both-
well to imprison Wishart in Edinburgh
Castle, i. 71 ; Beaton attends a Synod
[Privy Council meeting ?] at (1546),
i. 75 and note 3 ; soldiers go to siege
of St. Andrews Castle from (Aug.
1546), i. 80 ; Chatelherault and
Archbishop Hamilton collect forces
at, to oppose English army (Sept.
1547), i. 98 ; Scottish army marches
to Inveresk from (Sept. 1547), i. 98 ;
Scots pursued by English after Battle
of Pinkie nearly to, i. 100 ; Mary of
Lorraine departs to Stirling from, on
hearing of the defeat at Pinkie, i. loi ;
French fortify Inveresk to ward off
English from, i. 104 ; skirmish be-
tween French and Scots in (1548), i.
INDEX
104-5 ; Adam Wallace tried for
heresy at, i. 11 4-1 6; he is burned
on Castle Hill (1550), i. 116 ; Knox
preaches in (winter 1555-56), i. 121 ;
Knox summoned to appear at the
Kirk of the Black Friars in (15 May
1556), but the charge is abandoned,
i. 122 ; Knox preaches in the Bishop
of Dunkeld's great lodging for ten
days (from 15 May 1556), i. 122 ;
Knox burned in effigy at, i. xxxvii,
122, note 2, 124, 181 ; William Harlaw
and John Douglas publicly preach in,
i. 125 ; " that great idol called Saint
Giles " is drowned in the North Loch,
i. 125 ; preachers in, summoned by
Queen Regent (July 1558), i. 126-7 ;
when magistrates are ordered by the
Bishops to restore or get another image
of St. Giles, they refuse, i. 127 ; an
idol is therefore borrowed from the
Grey Friars and carried in procession
on St. Giles's day ( I Sept. 1558),!. 127;
the Reformers attack the procession
and destroy the image of St. Giles,
i. xxxviii, Ixxv, 128-9 ; Parliament
meets at (Nov. 1558) and grants
crown-matrimonial to Francis, i. 141 ;
John Willock exhorts the Brethren
there and they begin to deliberate
upon public reformation, i. 148 ;
Queen Regent grants concessions to
Protestants on condition that they do
not preach publicly in, i. 152 ; Knox
on his return from France (2 May
1559) stays at, i. 161 ; Queen Regent,
hearing of capture of Stirling, leaves
with her faction for Dunbar (June
1559), i. 192 ; the friaries " purged "
before the coming of the Congrega-
tion, i. 192 ; Congregation march
from Stirling to (29 June 1559), i. 192 ;
Knox preaches at (29 June 1559),
i. xliv ; asserted in a Royal Proclama-
tion (i July 1559) that the inhabitants
had been offered liberty to set up what
manner of religion they hked, i. 193 ;
by the same proclamation, the Con-
gregation, other than inhabitants of
the town, are ordered to leave, i. 194 ;
reply of the Congregation (2 July
I559)> signed at, i. 195 ; Knox
appointed minister at (7 July 1559),
i. 211 and note 2 ; his election con-
firmed (1560), i. 334 ; decided that
the Lords, Barons and gentlemen
should remain in, for the winter, " for
establishing of the Church there," i.
198 ; letter from Lords of the Con-
gregation to Cecil (19 July 1559),
signed at, i. 290 ; Knox's letter to
Queen Elizabeth (20 July 1559), dated
from, i. 294 ; Queen Regent's forces
march from Dunbar (23 July 1559)
(653)
395
against, i. 200 ; inhabitants favour the
Congregation rather than the Queen
Regent's faction, i. 200 ; after defection
of Leith, forces of the Congregation
retire to Craigingatt (Calton Hill), i.
200 ; Knox later (1563) recalls this
incident, ii. 80 ; enemy purpose to pass
to, by other side of Water of Leith, i.
201 ; Congregation unable to defend
the town as the Castle is held by Mar,
who is unfriendly, i. 201 and rwte 8 ;
Congregation agree at Links of Leith
(24 July 1559) to leave the town, i.
202 ; the townsmen to have freedom
to choose their religion till 10 Jan.
1560, i. 203 ; no French or Scots
troops to garrison the town, i. 204 ;
the Congregation leave (26 July 1559),
i. 205, 206 ; dangerous for Knox to
remain in, and John Willock, there-
fore, is left as minister, i. 21 1 ; Queen
Regent unsuccessfully tries to set up
Mass again in St. Giles', i. 212-13 ;
Queen Regent instigates French to
disturb services in St. Giles', hoping
to involve Protestants in a conflict,
but is unsuccessful, i. 213-14 ; Queen
Regent's letter to Chatelherault (10
Aug. 1559), dated from, i. 215 ;
Queen Regent's Proclamation (28
Aug. 1559), dated from, i. 219;
oppressed by French, i. 223 ; whole
forces of Congregation to convene at
Stirling (15 Oct. 1559) to march to
Edinburgh to redress " the great
enormities which the French did,"
i. 232 ; Lords of the Congregation
accuse Queen Regent of compelling
the town to retain Lord Seton as
Provost, i. 242 ; Seton loses office,
i. 242, note 3 ; Congregation come to
(16 Oct. 1559), i. 246 ; " Purgation "
of Chatelherault made " with the sound
of trumpet " at Market Cross (19 Oct.
1559)' i- 248 ; Nobility, Barons and
Burghs convened at (21 Oct. 1559),
depose Queen Regent, i. 249-55 ; that
Queen Regent forced Provost and
Bailies on the town (Sept. 1559) given
as one reason for deposing her, i. 252 ;
the Congregation, unable to hold the
town, decide to depart, i. 264 ; after
the discomfiture of the Congregation
the Papists show their spite (Nov.
1559), i. 264 ; Congregation leave
(6 Nov. 1559) for Stirling, i. xlvii, 265 ;
Knox later {c. June 1563) recalls
" that dark and dolorous night where-
in all ye, my Lords, with shame and
fear left this town," ii. 80 ; first part
of Knox's sermon on 8oth Psalm
preached at, i. 265-6 ; state of the
town after the Congregation leave, i.
275 ; spared by French when they
VOL n 26
39^
INDEX
burn and plunder countryside around,
i. 311 ; Kirk of, warned by public
edict, to be present at election of John
Spottiswoode as Superintendent of
Lothian (9 Mar. 1561), ii. 273 ; Con-
gregation sign " Last Band at Leith "
at (27 Apr. 1560), i. 314-16 ; Book
of Discipline dated from (20 May
1560), ii. 323 ; Superintendent of
Lothian to reside in, laid down in the
Book of Discipline, ii. 292 ; Sanderson
riot (Nov. 1560), i. 355-6 ; Conven-
tion of whole nobility appointed (on
news of death of Francis II) to be held
oil 15 Jan. 1 56 1, i. 351 ; Book of
Discipline again perused at, i. 351-2 ;
Huntly, Atholl, Bothwell and Papists
plot to take the town before Parlia-
ment meets (in May 1561), i. 356 ;
they are forestalled by the Protestants
who come to town, i. 356 ; Robin
Hood disturbance (11 May 1561), i.
357 ; Gillone is arrested, but is rescued
from Tolbooth by the Craftsmen
(21 July 1 561), i. 357-8 ; the Crafts-
men are held responsible for the dis-
turbances, i. 358-9 ; Council's reply
(16 July 1 561) to Elizabeth's letter on
ratification of Treaty of Edinburgh,
dated from, i. 373 ; Arran's public
protest against Act of Privy Council
(of Aug. 25, 1 561), proclaimed at, ii.
1 1 ; Mary's triumphal entry into
(2 Sept. 1 56 1, wrongly given by Knox
as Oct.), ii. 21 ; the citizens show their
prodigality, but the town " since that
day has reaped as they sowed," ii. 21 ;
Provost and Bailies publicly proclaim
statutes against " monks, friars, priests,
nuns, adulterers, fornicators, and all
such filthy persons " (2 Oct. 1561), ii.
21-2 ; the Queen orders them to be
warded in the Castle [Tolbooth] and
deprived of office and others elected
(5 Oct. 1 561), ii. 22 and note 2 ; some
oppose the new elections, but " Jeze-
bel's letter and wicked will is obeyed "
(8 Oct. 1561), ii. 22 and notes 3, 4;
Mary issues Proclamation contrary to
that of the Magistrates whereby the
town is made open to all her lieges
{i.e. " murderers, adulterers, thieves,
whores, drunkards, idolaters "), ii.
22-3, 23, note I ; riot at Cuthbert
Ramsay's house (Dec. 1561), ii. 33 ;
Queen returns to, from Falkland, ii.
42 ; some of the thieves captured by
Moray at Hawick (2 July 1562)
executed at (6 July), ii. 47 ; Queen
returns from Aberdeen to (21 Nov.
1562), ii. 63 ; mentioned, ii. 72, 75 ;
Knox summons (8 Oct. 1563) the
Brethren to Edinburgh to give support
to Armstrong and Cranstoun at their
trial (24 Oct.), i. Ixi, ii. 88-9 ; Parlia-
ment (Dec. 1564) meets at, ii. 137 ;
General Assembly (Dec. 1564), ii. 138 ;
Papists, in Queen's absence, hear Mass
at Holyrood and occasion a great
slander (Feb. 1565), ii. 138 ; Darnley
arrives at (13 Feb. 1565), ii. 138 ;
letters from Brethren of Kyle to those
of, warning them of the increasing
idolatry of the Mass (1565), ii. 140-1 ;
disturbances between Protestants and
Papists, centring round James Tarbot,
a priest (Apr. 1565), ii. 141-2 ; Mary's
letter to Magistrates concerning (24
Apr. 1565), ii. 142-3 ; she orders
Magistrates to release Tarbot, ii. 143 ;
Moray convenes at, for trial of Both-
well (2 May 1565), ii. 143-4 ! Mary
returns to (4 July 1565), ii. 151 and
note 2 ; Protestants, fearing trouble
from the Papists, assemble for defence
at St. Leonard's Craig (June 1565),
ii. 1 50-1 ; this is falsely reported to
Mary at Callendar House as a con-
spiracy, and she orders arrest of four
leaders, ii. 153 ; they are not arrested,
and Mary orders Magistrates to pro-
ceed against them, ii. 153-4 ; they
are later summoned for trial (26 July
1565), ii. 154 ; proclamation by Mary
that she will not trouble or alter
religion, ii. 156 ; Council ordered to
depose their Provost, Archibald
Douglas, and elect Sir Simon Preston
instead (Aug. 1565), ii. 160 ; Mary
and Darnley leave (25 Aug. 1565), ii.
160 ; Protestant Lords come to
(31 Aug. 1565), ii. 161 ; Mary and
Darnley at Glasgow, hearing that the
Protestant Lords have gone to, decide
to follow, ii. 162 ; Protestant Lords
leave (2 Sept. 1565), ii. 163 ; two
councillors sent to Queen to make their
excuse, ii. 163 ; Royal Proclamation
at, ordering all men to return to
Glasgow, ii. 163 ; two of Protestant
Lords' troops captured and, on
Queen's command, are hanged at, ii.
164 ; Mary and Darnley return to, ii.
165 and note 4 ; Royal Proclamation
read at, warning lieges that the Pro-
testant Lords, under cloak of religion,
are trying to undermine the Queen's
authority (13 Sept. 1565), ii. 165-7 i
money demanded for Queen's army,
but town refuses to pay, ii. 169 ;
principal men, therefore, summoned
to Holyrood and money demanded
of them, ii. 169 ; they are all im-
prisoned, but finally agreement is
reached, the town getting superiority
of Leith in pledge, ii. 170 ; Mary
names Provost and Magistrates, ii.
1 70-1 ; Lord Gordon (Earl of
INDEX
Huntly), comes to, ii. 171 ; Mary and
Darnley leave, for Dumfries (8 Oct.
1565), ii. 1 7 1-2 ; they return to, ii.
172 ; General Assembly meets at
(25 Dec. 1565), ii. 174, 175-7;
Papists flock to, and receive Queen's
permission to preach {c. Dec. 1565),
ii. 175 ; Darnley, in his own name,
issues Proclamation ordering all
Papists to leave (10 Mar. 1566), ii.
180 ; Darnley commands town to be
ready to assist him with arms ( i o Mar.
1566), ii. 180 ; Morton, Moray,
Glencairn and Rothes, unwilling to
face Queen's fury, leave (17 Mar.
1566), ii. 183 ; Knox leaves (17 Mar.
1566), ii. 183 ; Mary and Darnley
enter the town with 8,000 men
(18 Mar. 1566), ii. 183; proclamation
made at the Market Cross for Darn-
ley's purgation from the murder of
Riccio (Mar. 1566), ii. 183 ; number
of townsmen imprisoned by Queen in
Tol booth and later in the Palace (Mar.
1566), ii. 184 ; General Assembly
meets at (25 June 1566), ii. 187 ;
Knox returns from Kyle to (Sept.
1566), i. Ixv ; Queen returns from
Stiding to, ii. 20i ; brings Darnley
from Glasgow to the Kirk-of-Field
(Jan. 1567), ii. 20i ; Confederate
Lords become masters of, " having
the affections of the people "(11 June
1567), ii. 208 ; Confederate Lords
issue proclamation (12 June 1567)
calling for assistance to free Queen
from captivity at Dunbar and bring
Bothwell to a legal trial, ii. 209 ;
French ambassador, failing in his
mediation at Carberry Hill (15 June
1567), goes to, ii. 211 ; Mary
brought prisoner from Carberry Hill
to (15 June 1567), ii. 212 ; Queen's
writs abdicating and appointing a
regency are read at the Market Cross
(29 July 1567), ii. 216; Knox having
quarrelled with Kirkcaldy, leaves, and
goes to St. Andrews (May 1571),
i. Ixvi ; returns (Aug. 1572), " to
die," i. Ixvii
For Provosts of, see Clark, Alexander,
of Balbirnie ; Douglas, Archibald, of
Kilspindie ( i ) ; Douglas, Archibald, of
Kilspindie (2) ; McCalzean, Thomas ;
Preston, Sir Simon ; Seton, George
Seton, fifth Lord
Edinburgh, Castle, weak attack made by
English on (1544), i. 58; John
Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley, takes it
" by craft," i. 59 ; John Sandilands,
younger, of Calder, and John Cock-
burn of Ormiston, imprisoned by
Beaton's orders in, but Cockburn
escapes (Jan. 1546), i. 71 ; George
397
Wishart imprisoned in, i. 71 ; Con-
gregation cannot hold town against
French as Mar, Captain of the Castle,
is hostile to them (July 1559), i. 201
and note 8 ; Mar urged to show
faithfulness to the Congregation
(19 Sept. 1559), i. 231-2 ; " shot one
shot at the French," but the Captain
" suddenly repented of well-doing "
(31 Oct. 1559), i. 261 ; not having
the Castle on their side, the Congre-
gation are unable to hold Edinburgh
against the French, and decide to
depart (Nov. 1559), i. 264 ; Queen
Regent unsuccessfully tries to gain
possession of, i. 275 ; not known
whether it will be friendly or hostile
(Instructions to Commissioners at Ber-
wick, 10 Feb. 1560), i. 309 ; Queen
Regent and some of her faction take
refuge in (i Apr. 1560), i. xlix, 311
and notes 8-9 ; interview between
Croft and Howard and Queen Regent
at (6 Apr. 1560), i. 318 and note 5 ;
Queen Regent watches siege of Leith
from, i. 319 and note 6 ; she dies there
(lo-ii June 1560), i. xlix, 322 ; her
body lies there till 19 Oct. 1560
(16 Mar. 1561), and is then taken to
France, i. 359 ; Queen Mary received
in (2 Sept. 1561), ii. 21 ; Bothwell,
Arran and Gavin Hamilton imprisoned
by Queen in (20 Apr. 1562), ii. 42 ;
Bothwell escapes from (28 Aug. 1562),
ii. 54 ; Lord Gordon (afterwards fifth
Earl of Huntly) imprisoned in (1562-
1563), ii. 63 ; Archbishop Hamilton
warded in (1563), ii. 77 and note 3 ;
" token " warding of Knox in, sug-
gested as punishment for writing letter
to the Brethren (8 Oct. 1563), ii. 100 ;
fourth Earl of Caithness warded in, for
a murder committed by his servants
(1564), ii. 105 ; Alexander Erskine
fires " two shot of cannon " when
Protestant Lords approach the town
(Aug. 1565), ii. 161 ; six principal
citizens of Edinburgh warded in, by
Mary, for refusing to contribute money
(Sept. 1565), ii. 170; Mary and
Darnley at (Mar. 1566), ii. 184 ; Mary
living in, ii. 184, 185, 187 ; James VI
born in (19 June 1566), ii. 187 ; Mar
deprived of keepership which is given
to Bothwell (Feb. rectius Mar. J 567), ii.
204 ; Balfour of Pittendreich made
Keeper of (8 May 1567), ii. 209, note i ;
receives Archbishop Hamilton and
Huntly (11 June 1567), ii. 209 ; sur-
rendered by Sir James Balfour to
Confederate Lords, ii. 212 ; Kirk-
caldy of Grange, who had held it in
the name of Mary, surrenders it (1573),
i. Ixiii
398
INDEX
For Governors of, see Balfour,
Sir James, of Pittendreich ; Bothwell,
James Hepburn, fourth Earl of;
Erskine, Sir Alexander, of Gogar ;
Erskine, John Erskine, fifth Lord ;
Hamilton, Sir William, of Sanquhar ;
Kirkcaldy, Sir William, of Grange ;
Mar, John Erskine, first Earl of
Edinburgh, Kirk-of-Field, Earl of Arran
comes to, " where the Earl Bothwell
lay," ii. 37 ; reconciliation between
Bothwell and Arran at, ii. 39 ; bought
by Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich,
ii. 201 ; murder of Darnley at (9 Mar.
1567), ii. 201-2
— St. Giles' Church, mentioned {1539),
i. 29 ; Knox preaches in (29 June
1559), i. xliv ; scales for assaulting
Leith made in, " which did not a
little grieve the Preachers," i. xlvi,
256-7 ; public thanks to God given
in, for this merciful deliverance [after
Treaty of Edinburgh], i. 332-4 ;
Darnley attends, and is offended at
Knox's sermon (19 Aug. 1565), ii.
159 ; altars found in Chapel of Holy-
roodhouse ready to be erected in St.
Giles' (Mar. 1566), ii. 182 ; Paul
Methven to do penance at (1566), ii.
188 ; Knox inducts James Lawson,
his successor, in (9 Nov. 1572), i.
Ixvii
— Tolbooth, the Book of Discipline signed
in (27 Jan. 1561), i. 345 ; meeting of
Brethren in (27 May 1561), at which
it is decided to present a Supplication
to the Lords of Secret Council, i. 360 ;
text of the Supplication (28 May
1 561), i. 361-2 ; craftsmen break
into, and rescue James Gillone and
other malefactors (21 July 1561),
i. 357-8 ; Sir John Gordon of Find-
later warded in, for wounding Lord
Ogilvy (June 1562), ii. 53 ; corpse
of Earl of Huntly brought to, tried
and forfeited, ii. 77 ; Queen attends,
to draw up articles against banished
Lords (7 Mar. 1566), ii. 178 ; Pro-
testant Lords, summoned by Queen,
make formal appearance at (12 Mar.
1566), ii. 182
See also Holyrood ; Leith
— Treaty of. See Treaty of Edinburgh
Edmondstone, Bothwell and Huntly flee
to, on night Riccio is murdered
(9 Mar. 1566), ii. 179
Education, provided for in the Book oj
Discipline, ii. 295-302
See also Colleges ; Schools ; Uni-
versities
Edward VI, King of England [1547-53]
"of blessed memory" — proposed
marriage between Mary Queen of
Scots and (1543), i. 46 ; marriage
contract opposed by Beaton, Queen
Mother and French faction, but it is
signed at Holyrood, i. 46 ; contract
ratified for second time, i. 47 ;
Henry VHI's help to besieged in
St. Andrews Castle conditional on their
adherence to marriage contract be-
tween Mary Queen of Scots and,
i. 80 ; Somerset, who invades Scot-
land (1547), promises to do no harm
if marriage contract is adhered to,
i. 98 ; " that most godly and most
virtuous King," i. 117; Mary of
Lorraine's testimony in praise of
him, i. 117; the great blessings of his
reign, i. 1 17-18
Eglinton, Hugh Montgomerie, third Earl
of [? 1 530-85 ; succeeded, 1546 ; edu-
cated, St. Andrews ; Catholic, and
staunch supporter of Queen Mary,
but joined the Confederate Lords in
opposition to Mary and Bothwell ;
one of the first to join Mary after her
escape from Lochleven, 1568 ; be-
came a ' kingsman,' 1571; died,
1585 — Scots Peerage, iii. 440-1], present
when Darnley receives Order of the
Cockle at Holyroodhouse (10 Feb.
1566), ii. 178 ; assists at baptism of
James VI, ii. 192
ElbcEuf, Ren^ de Lorraine, marquis d'
[1536-66 ; uncle of Mary Queen of
Scots], sent by Duke of Guise with
army to Scotland but ship is driven
back to Dieppe, i. 275 ; comes to
Scotland with Queen Mary from
France (1561), ii. 7 ; attacks Cuthbert
Ramsay's house in Edinburgh, home
of Alison Craik, said to be Arran's
mistress (Dec. 1561), ii. 33 ; ministers
petition Queen and Privy Council to
have the perpetrators of this crime
punished, ii. 33-5 ; Mary excuses his
conduct and promises to " put such
order unto him " that there will be no
future complaints against him, ii. 35 ;
unable to get out of Holyrood Abbey
to take ^rt in the " incident " be-
tween the Hamiltons and Bothwell's
friends (19 Dec. 1561), ii. 37
Elder, Henry [probably the brother oi
John Elder, Treasurer of Perth (g.v.)],
banished from Perth by Beaton
(Jan. 1544), i. 55
Elder, John [burgess and Treasurer of
Perth, probably the brother ol
Henry Elder (q.v.)], banished from
Perth by Beaton (Jan. 1544), i. 55
Elders, their value in voicing or formulat-
ing local opinion, i. liv ; appoint-
ment of, " to whom the whole brethren
promised obedience " (1558), i. 148 ;
form and order of election of, ii.
277-g ; election and functions of, as
INDEX
399
laid down in the Book of Discipline,
ii. 309-12
Elgin, magistrates of, to maintain un-
demolished friaries for public good
(Act of Privy Council, 15 Feb. 1562),
ii- 332
Elizabeth, Queen of England [1558- 1603],
when she succeeds to the throne
(Nov. 1558) Protestant exiles return,
i. xxxviii ; regarded by Roman
Catholics as illegitimate so that Mary
Queen of Scots is rightful successor
to English crown, i. xxx ; within two
months of her accession Francis and
Mary assume title of King and Queen
of England and Ireland, i. xxx ;
that she should recognise Mary as her
successor part of Maitland of Lething-
ton's policy after Mary's return, i. Ivii ;
objections to this from Elizabeth's
point of view, i. Iviii ; Knox's charge
to Cecil regarding (10 Apr. 1559), i.
285-6 ; the Congregation assure Cecil
they desire her reign to be " prosperous
and long " (19 July 1559), i. 289-90 ;
Knox professes to be her " unfeigned
friend " in a letter to Cecil (20 July
1559), i. 291 ; Knox's letter to (20 July
1559), i. xlv, Ixxv-lxxvi, 291-4 ; facili-
tates Arran's escape from France and
his journey to Scotland where he arrives
(10 Sept. 1559), i. xlv, 207, note 3 ;
Queen Regent trusts she will not
aid the Congregation " in time of a
sworn peace" (2 Oct. 1559), i. 236 ;
openly intervenes on behalf of the
Congregation, i. xlviii-1 ; advice
from, on siege of Leith, awaited,
i. 320 ; by Treaty of Edinburgh her
title to the English throne is recog-
nised, i. xlix ; ambassadors from
Scotland crave assistance against all
foreign invasion and propose marriage
between Arran and (Oct. -Dec. 1560),
345-6 ; her answer, i. 350 ; Arran
abides her repulse patiently, i. 351 ;
ratifies Treaty of Edinburgh (20 Sept.
1560), i. 364 and note 5 ; report by
Throckmorton of a conversation he
had with Mary Queen of Scots
(18 June 1561) to (23 June), i. 365-9 ;
this report " somewhat exasperated
the Queen," i. 369 ; " neither good
Protestant nor yet resolute Papist,"
i. xlix, 369 ; writes to Scottish
Estates warning them that non-
ratification of Treaty of Edinburgh
by Queen Mary is jeopardising peace
between Scotland and England ( i July
1561), i. 369-72 ; Council's reply
(16 July 1561), i. 372-3 ; puts
obstacles in way of Mary's return to
Scotland, ii. 7, note 7 ; sends Sir Peter
Mewtas (commissioned 17 Sept. 1561)
to require ratification of Treaty of
Edinburgh, ii. 25 ; Mary drinks to
Randolph " for his Mistress's sake "
at marriage of Moray (8 Feb. 1562),
ii. 33, and note 2 ; negotiations with
Mary referred to, ii. 33 ; very fre-
quent negotiations with Mary and
proposed meeting with her at York,
but meeting does not materialise
(1562), ii. 46 ; postponement of
meeting referred to, i. 53 ; Mary
sends Lethington on mission to,
ii. 63, 64, 7iote I ; offers to surrender
Bothwell who has been detained in
England on his way to France, ii. 64 ;
Maitland returns (24 June 1563)
from his mission to, ii. 84 ; exchange
of compliments between Mary and
(1564), ii. 137 ; Mary sends Lething-
ton to, to announce that she is going
to marry Darnley, ii. 139 ; Elizabeth
disapproves, though, it is said, she
was actually glad, ii. 140 ; commands
Lennox and Darnley to come to
England, ii. 140, 146 ; sends Throck-
morton to Mary with message that
she disapproved of Mary's marriage
with Darnley, ii. 145-6 ; but in her
heart she was not angry, ii. 146 ;
Protestant Lords send Robert Mel-
ville for help to (1565), ii. 168-9 5
gives Moray a cool reception and
refuses aid to the Protestant Lords,
ii. 172-3 ; nevertheless, she does give
help and writes to Mary in their
favour, ii. 173 ; sends gifts to the
Prince [James VI] at his baptism,
ii. 192 ; advises Mary against mar-
riage with Bothwell, ii. 203 ; Mary
sends ambassador to, to announce
her marriage to Bothwell, ii. 207,
note 1 1
See also England
Elliock, Laird of. See Crichton, Robert
Elphinstone, Nicolas, sent by Protestant
Lords to England for help (1565),
ii. 158
Elphinstone, William, Bishop of Aberdeen,
earnest for reform, i. xix
Elphinstone Tower, Beaton at (Jan. 1546),
i. 69, 70
Emden, Willock arrives in Scotland, for
second time, from, i. 125
England, after the Reformation many,
who lived in fear of persecution in
Scotland, seek refuge in, i. 22-3 ;
marriage alliance between Mary
Queen of Scots and Prince Edward,
i. 45-7 ; Henry's anger at Chatel-
herault's desertion from English
party, i. 50-1 ; invasions of Scotland
(1544-50), i. xxvii-xxviii ; English
ships anchor off Leith (May 1544), i.
56 ; destroy Edinburgh and Leith
400
INDEX
(4-5 May 1544), i. 57-8 ; English
army defeated at Ancrum Moor
(1545), i. 58 ; English ships protect
and victual the besieged in St.
Andrews Castle (1546-47), i. 80 ;
Knox " had no pleasure " in, because
" the Pope's name being suppressed,
his laws and corruptions remained in
full vigour," i. 82 ; English army enters
Scotland (Sept. 1547), i. 98 ; remains
at Preston and Prestonpans while
message from Henry VIII is sent to
Chatelherault, i. 98 ; marches to-
wards Edinburgh and skirmishes with
Scots army, i. 98-9 ; defeats Scots in
Battle of Pinkie (10 Sept. 1547), i.
99-101 ; goes to Leith and then
returns to England, i. loi ; English
capture Broughty Craig, i. loi ; and
fortify Haddington (1548), i. loi ;
English in Haddington besieged by
French, i. 101-4 ; combat between
English ships and French galleys in
Firth of Forth (1548), i. 104 ; Knox
in, i. xxxiv-xxxv, 1 1 o ; English
abandon Haddington (Sept. 1549), i.
113; peace made with France by
Treaty of Boulogne (1550), i. 113;
English almost lose Haddington to
the French, i. 105-6 ; lose Hume
Castle, i. 106 ; her blessings under
Edward VI, i. 11 7-1 8; persecution
of Mary Tudor drives many godly to
Scotland from, i. 118; Queen Regent
and French faction at Newbattle
decide on war with (1557), i. 124 ;
Knox's request in a letter to Cecil
from Dieppe (10 Apr. 1559) for per-
mission to visit, on return from
Geneva to Scotland, i. 284-5, 286-7 >
Knox complains that he has been
refused permission to visit northern
parts of, in a letter to Cecil (12 July
'559)' '• 291 ; and in a letter to
Elizabeth (20 July 1559), i. 294;
Queen Regent in Proclamation ( i July
1559) accuses the Congregation of
being in " daily " communication
with, i. 193 ; this is denied, i. 194
(but cf. i. 194, note 2) ; negotiations
between Congregation and (1559-60),
i. 207 and note 2, 282-301 ; Queen
Regent accuses the Congregation of
being in league with, i. 230 ; as
indeed they were, i. 230, note 6 ; she
makes a similar charge (2 Oct. 1559),
i. 236 ; Lords' answer to this, i.
239-40 ; English fleet comes to Forth
to help the Congregation (Jan. 1560),
i. 281 ; they capture Cullen and his
ships (23 Jan. 1560), i. 281 ; Knox
complains that the Lords at Glasgow
have neglected the English fleet in
the Forth (6 Feb. 1560), i. 299 ;
English fleet in the Forth is increased,
i. 302 ; by Contract of Berwick
(27 Feb. 1560), Scotland agrees to
send troops to England if that country
is invaded by the French, i. 305 ;
hostages to be sent to, for security of
that Contract, to be ready at St.
Andrews (24 Feb. 1560), i. 308 ;
English army assembles on the
Border (1560), i. 310 ; enters Scot-
land (2 Apr.) under Lord Grey and
is met at Preston by Lords of the
Congregation, i. 311 ; English army
takes part in the siege of Leith, i.
310-13, 317-20 ; English forces leave
Scotland (16 July 1560), i. 332 ;
General Assembly writes to Church
of God in England, entreating them
to deal gently with their brethren
about the surplice and other apparel
(27 Dec. 1566), ii. 198-201
See also Edward VI ; Elizabeth ;
Henry VIII ; Mary I, Queen of
England
Erik XIV, King of Sweden L' 533^77 '■>
ascended throne, 1561 ; abdicated,
1568 ; died, 1577], proposed marriage
of, to Mary, rejected by her (1562),
ii. 46-7
Erskine, Sir Alexander, of Gogar [second
surviving son of John, fifth Lord
Erskine {q.v.) ; on the death of his
brother, the Regent Mar, 1572, had
charge of Stirling Castle and the custody
of the young James VI, 1^72-78 ;
Constable of Edinburgh Castle, 1579 ;
died, between 1588 and 1592 ; his
son, Thomas, was first Earl of Kellie
— Scots Peerage, v. 81-2], before sur-
render of Leith he tried to persuade the
army of the Congregation in Edin-
burgh not to join those in Leith (July
1559), i. 201 ; fires from Castle when
Protestant Lords reach Edinburgh
(31 Aug. 1565), ii. 161 ; reports to
Queen that Lords are in Edinburgh
and asks if he should shoot, ii. 162-3 '■>
is commanded to " shoot so long as
he had either powder or bullet,"
which he does, ii. 163 (but cf. ii. 161)
Erskine, Annabella Murray, Lady. See
Mar, Annabella Murray, Countess of
Erskine, Arthur, of Blackgrange [a younger
son of John, fifth Lord Erskine ; said
to have been Mary's favourite equerry ;
married, 1562, Magdalen Livingstone,
daughter of Alexander, fifth Lord
Livingstone ; died, before 1571 —
Scots Peerage, v. 611-12], " the most
pestilent Papist within the realm,"
ii. 21 and note 4
Erskine, John, of Dun [1509-89; educated,
Aberdeen ; early embraced the re-
formed faith ; became a disciple and
INDEX
401
the close friend of John Knox ;
Knox stayed with him at Dun in
1555 ; strove as an intermediary
between the Queen Regent and the
Reformers, 1559 ; joined the Lords of
the Congregation ; akhough a lay-
man, was elected Superintendent of
Angus and Mearns, 1 560 ; a member
of the first General Assembly, 1560 ;
ordained to the ministry, 1561 ;
Moderator of the General Assembly,
1564, 1565, 1566, 1572 ; married
Elizabeth Lindsay, daughter of David,
eighth Earl of Crawford ; died,
1589 — Fasti Eccelsi(E Scoticana, v. 387-
388], David Stratoun frequents
much his company, i. 24 ; his advice
to Wishart not to leave Montrose
disregarded (1545), i. 64; joins
Knox in Edinburgh (1555), i. 119;
Knox attacks the Mass at his house,
i. 120 ; repairs to Edinburgh when
Knox is summoned to Kirk of Black
Friars (15 May 1556), i. 122; identi-
fied with " Erskine " who signs in-
vitation to Knox at Geneva to come
to Scotland (10 Mar. 1557), i. 132 ;
Knox writes from Dieppe to (1557),
i. 136 ; signs " Common Band "
(3 Dec. 1557), i. 137 ; one of the
" Privy Kirk," i. 148 ; in France at
Mary's marriage (1558), i. 129,
note 8 ; " a zealous, prudent, and godly
man," explains to Queen Regent at
Stirling why the Brethren have
assembled at Perth (May 1559),
i. 160 ; she solicits him to persuade
the preachers to remain at Perth and
not come to Stirling, i. 160 ; they
follow his counsel and stay, i. 160-1 ;
to escape imprisonment, prudently
withdraws himself from Stirling, i. 161 ;
at Perth discloses Queen Regent's
" craft and falsehood " and the
multitude, inflamed, destroy places of
idolatry, i. 161 ; rephes to Queen
Regent's messengers on cause of
convocation of lieges at Perth (24 May
1559), i. 173 ; sent to Auchterarder
to treat with Chatelherault and
d'Oysel, i. 176 ; invited to St. Andrews
to a meeting for ' reformation ' (4 June
1559), i. 181 ; one of the delegates
of the Congregation at the conference
with the Queen Regent's delegates
at Preston (July 1559), i- i97 ; ap-
proached by Robert Lockhart, who
had offered his services as mediator
to the Queen Regent, he declines to
treat with him, i. 244-5 ! signs
instructions (10 Feb. 1560) to Com-
missioners sent to Berwick to treat
with Norfolk, i. 310 ; nominated
Superintendent for Angus and Mearns
(1560), i. 334 ; complains against
Robert Cumin, schoolmaster of
Arbroath, who is thereupon sentenced
by General Assembly (Dec. 1562),
ii. 66 ; present at Knox's interview
with Mary {c. June 1563), ii. 82, 98 ;
tries to soothe her when she weeps,
ii. 83, 98 ; remains with Mary after
Knox is dismissed, ii. 84 ; announces
to Knox that he may go home, ii. 84 ;
appointed to confer with Lords at
General Assembly (June 1564), ii. 108;
Mary expresses willingness to hear
public preaching, especially Erskine,
" for he was a mild and sweet-natured
man " (15 May 1565), ii. 147 ; fails
to persuade Moray to come to the
Queen (July 1565), ii. 156 ; Paul
Methven has often written from
England to, to be received again into
the fellowship of the Church, ii. 187
Erskine, John Erskine, fifth Lord [succeeded
his father Robert, fourth Lord Erskine,
1513 ; was one of the three personal
guardians of James V ; guardian of
the infant Mary Queen of Scots,
1542 ; Keeper of the Castles of
Edinburgh and Stirling ; died, 1555
— Scots Peerage, v. 609-12], with the
Scots army on the Border (1542), i. 32 ;
his position as Keeper of Edinburgh
and Stirling Castles referred to, i. 231
and note 5
Erskine, John Erskine, sixth Lord. See
Mar, John Erskine, first Earl of
Erskine, Margaret [daughter of John, fifth
Lord Erskine and sister of first Earl of
Mar ; married Sir Robert Douglas of
Lochleven ; mother of James V's
natural son, James Stewart, later the
Regent Moray — Scots Peerage, v. 612],
i. 201, note 7
Erskine, Robert, Master of Erskine [eldest
son of John, fifth Lord Erskine ; taken
prisoner at Solway Moss, 1542 ;
ransomed], slain at Battle of Pinkie
(Sept. 1547) and greatly lamented
by Mary of Lorraine, i. loi
Esk, River [Midlothian], i. 99
Esse, Andre de Montalembert, sieur d'
[i 483-1 553 ; a favourite of Francis I ;
took part in the Tournament at the
Field of the Cloth of Gold, 1520 ; was
in command of the French forces in
Scotland throughout 1548 and until
the arrival of the Sieur de Termes in
1549 ; killed at Tdrouanne, 1553 —
Brantome, CEuvres Completes, (ed.
Lalanne), iii. 383-95], remains in
Scotland (winter, 1548-49), i. 104 ;
his crafty scheme for pacifying
Chatelherault for slaughter of Scots by
French in Edinburgh (1548), i. 105-6
Eure, Sir Ralph, defeated and slain at
402
INDEX
Ancrum Moor (27 Feb. 1545), i. 58
and note 5
Evers, Sir Raif. See Eure, Sir Ralph
Excommunication (in Roman Church),
Articles in accusation against the
Lollards relate to, i. 9 ; abuse of, i.
15-16 ; George Wishart cursed by
Bishop of Brechin (1538), ii. 236 ;
process of, led against David Stratoun
for non-payment of teinds, i. 24 ;
Protestants ordered to remove stones
from spot where Walter Myln was
burned, under pain of (Apr. 1558),
i. 153 ; when idol of St. Giles is thrown
into the North Loch in Edinburgh,
Archbishop Hamilton orders Magis-
trates to restore it or make a new one
under pain of (Aug. 1558), i. 127
— (in Protestant Church), rules for, laid
down in the Book of Discipline, ii.
306-9 ; Lords, who left the Congre-
gation in their " extreme necessity,"
are threatened with (22 May 1559),
i. 169 ; the " whole multitude " in-
volved in the Gillone riot are ex-
communicated (1561), i. 359
Exhorters, rules for, in Book of Discipline,
ii. 288, 290 ; meeting of Brethren in
Tolbooth of Edinburgh (27 May 1561)
decide to appeal to Lords of Secret
Council that provision should be made
for, i. 360 ; complain of smallness and
non-payment of their stipends, ii. 30 ;
Henry Yair, formerly an Exhorter, is
implicated in Riccio's murder, ii. 189
Eyemouth, Bothwell, returning from France,
lands at (17 Sept. 1565), ii. 169, note 5
Fail [Failford], St. Mary's Friary, destroyed
by Protestants under Arran, Argyll
and Glencairn (1561), i. 364
For Minister of, see Cunningham,
Robert
Fala Muir, James V assembles his forces
at (1542), i- 32 _
Faldonside [Fawdonside], Laird of. See
Ker, Andrew
Falkland, James V dies there (1542), i. 39 ;
Beaton plots to slay or overthrow his
opponents in Fife, and in consequence
summons all the gentlemen of that
county to (31 May 1546), i. 75-6 ;
Queen Regent and Frenchmen at
(June 1559), i. 181 ; Archbishop
Hamilton comes from St. Andrews to
Queen Regent at (June 1559), i. 183 ;
Chatelherault, d'Oysel and their forces
to retire to, under terms of the Assur-
ance (13 June 1559), i. 185 ; Mary
and her Court at (Mar.-May 1562),
ii. 37 ; Mary at, ii. 41
Falside, Thomas Scott of Pitgorno arrested
by Queen's orders at, and imprisoned
at St. Andrews (Sept. 1565), ii. 164
Famine, great dearth in Scotland in 1563,
God's punishment for idolatry and
riotous feasting of " our wicked
Queen," i. Ixx, ii. 70
See also Fiery besom ; Portents
Fast, General Assembly appoints Knox
[and Craig] to devise (28 Dec. 1565),
ii. 176 and note 2 ; begins in Edin-
burgh (7 Mar. 1566) [Feb.-Mar.], ii.
178 and note 5
Fasting, that Wishart condemned, one of
the Articles charged against him, ii.
243 .
Fawdonside, Laird of. See Ker, Andrew,
of Faldonside
Fean, Adam. See Wallace, Adam
Fearn, Abbot of. See Hamilton, Patrick
Fdcamp, Scottish prisoners from St.
Andrews Castle arrive in French
galleys at (1547), i. 97 ; body of Mary
of Lorraine conveyed to, i. 359, note 7
Fentoun, George, of Fentoun, subscribes
Book of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), ii. 324
Fergushill, John, of Fergushill, signs Band
at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Fergusson, David [Moderator of the
General Assembly, 1572, 1578 ; died,
1598 ; " a good preacher, wise, and
of jocund and pleasant disposition "
— Fasti Ecclesite Scoticancr, v. 26-7],
appointed minister at Dunfermline
(1560), i. 334
Feme. See Fearn
Fernie, Andrew, of Fernie, captured by
Frencn in skirmish between Leith and
Edinburgh (6 Nov. 1559), i. 263
Ferniehurst, Lairds of. See Ker, Sir John ;
Ker, Sir Thomas
Fiery besom [comet] (1558), 1. 124 and
note 3
See also Famine ; Portents
Fife, contributes men to Scots army at
Solway Moss (1542), i. 36 ; Beaton
summons gentlemen of, to meet him
at Falkland, in a plot to get rid of his
opponents (1546), i. 75 ; contributes
men to Scofe army at Pinkie (1547),
i. 99 ; Paul Methven openly preaches
in, i. 148 ; gentlemen come to aid of
Perth from (May 1559), i. 172 ; they
explain their objective to Queen
Regent's agents, i. 173 ; Congrega-
tion of, join in defensive confederacy
at Perth (31 May 1559), i. 17B-9 ;
Knox preaches in (June 1559), i.
18 1-2 ; Queen Regent's troops to be
removed from, except Dysart, Kirk-
caldy and Kinghorn, by terms of truce
signed at Cupar (13 June 1559), i.
185 ; brethren from, to convene at
Perth (24 June 1559) for its deliver-
ance, i. 187 ; unable to assist in any
number the brethren in Edinburgh
owing to shortness of notice (July
'559)' i- 200 ; some gentlemen of,
forestalled the French, others were
stayed through Leith being in French
hands, i. 201 ; Lords of the Congrega-
tion divide, some going to, i. 276, 298 ;
Knox appointed to answer for [i.e. act
as secretary to] Lords there, i. 299 ;
French decide to invade (1560), i.
276 ; campaign against French in
(Jan. 1560), i. 276-82 ; thanks given
to God at St. Andrews for delivery
of Fife " from the bondage of those
bloody worms " [the French], i. 301 ;
Protestant gentlemen of West Fife
meet English army at Preston (4 Apr.
1560), i. 312 ; John Winram nomi-
nated Superintendent for (1560), i.
334 ; gentlemen of, protest against
Queen's first Mass in the Chapel of
Holyrood (1561), ii. 8 ; Queen raises
forces in (1562), ii. 58 ; they repulse
Huntly 's company at Battle of Corrichie
(28 Oct. 1562), ii. 61 ; Queen goes to
(Sept. 1564), ii. 137 ; she returns there
(Jan. 1565), ii. 138 ; Darnley goes to
(Feb. 1565), ii. 138 ; letters from
Brethren of Kyle to those of, warning
them of the increasing idolatry of the
Mass (1565), ii. 140-1 ; Mary sum-
mons military aid from (17 July 1565),
ii. 155-6 ; Mary and Darnley summon
forces from, to meet at Linlithgow
(24 Aug. 1565), ii. 159 ; barons and
gentlemen of, join Protestant Lords at
Ayr (Aug. 1565), ii. 159 ; Mary and
Darnley go to (9 Sept. 1565), ii. 163 ;
Band of Fife signed at St. Andrews
''12 Sept. 1565), ii. 164
Findlater, Laird of. See Gordon, Sir John,
of Findlater
Findlater Castle, Huntly ordered by Queen
to surrender (21 Sept. 1562), ii. 58 ;
he delivers keys of, by a servant, ii. 58 ;
forces, sent by Queen against, are
dispersed by John Gordon (15 Oct.),
ii- 58-9 , . .
Finlayston, Knox invited to, by Glencairn,
and preaches there (1556), i. 121
Finnart, Laird of. See Hamilton, Sir
James, of Finnart
Finola, Thomas de [Rector of Bologna
University], supports resolution (1554)
that subjects may depose their prince,
ii. 132
Firth, John. See Frith, John
Flanders, peace between Scotland and,
i. 1 1 3 and note 9
Fleming, James Fleming, fourth Lord
[? 1 534-58 ; Great Chamberlain of
Scotland, 1553 ; one of the Scottish
commissioners for the marriage of
Mary and Francis, died, at Paris, Dec.
1558 ; married Barbara Hamilton,
eldest daughter of James, second Earl
INDEX 403
of Arran and Duke of Chatelherault —
Scots Peerage, viii. 542], goes to France
with Mary of Lorraine (7 Sept. 1550),
i. 116 ; in France at Mary's marriage,
i. 129, note 8 ; his death, i. 130
Fleming, John Fleming, fifth Lord [brother
of James, fourth Lord Fleming ; Great
Chamberlain of Scotland, 1565 ;
Master Usher of the Queen's Chamber,
1565 ; Governor of the Castle of
Dumbarton, 1565 ; a staunch sup-
porter of Mary, fought on the Queen's
side at Carberry and Langside ;
forfeited, 1569 ; escaped to France,
1571 ; returned to Scotland, 1572 ;
accidentally shot, and died, 1572 —
Scots Peerage, viii. 544], present at
Priv^' Council which passes Act
relating to Thirds (22 Dec. 1561),
ii. 326 ; summoned to Edinburgh
by General Assembly (June 1567) to
settle true worship of the Kirk,
ii. 213 ; but excuses himself on
grounds that he could not come with
safety to Edinburgh, ii. 214
Fleming, Malcolm, Prior of Whithorn
[second son of John, second Lord
Fleming ; Prior of Whithorn, in
commendam, 1541 ; died, 1568 —
Laing's Knox, ii. 370], assists in
erecting " that idol, the Mass " in
divers places (Easter, 1563), ii. 70 ;
put on trial as one of the " Pope's
knights " (19 May 1563), ii. 76
Fleming, Malcolm Fleming, third Lord
[? 1 494- 1 547 ; taken prisoner at Solv/ay
Moss, 1542, but ransomed, 1543 ;
killed at Pinkie, 1547 ; married
Janet Stewart, a natural daughter of
James IV — Scots Peerage, viii. 537-42],
present at Battle of Solway Moss
(1542), i. 36 ; captured by English,
i; 37
Fleming, Mary [daughter of Malcolm,
third Lord Fleming ; became second
wife of William Maitland of Lething-
ton], arrives in Scotland with Queen
Mary from France (1561), ii. 7 and
note I
Fhsk, Parson of. See Balfour, Sir James,
of Pittendreich
Flodden, Battle of, i. 11
Foix, Paul de [French Ambassador in
London], obtains audience with Eliza-
beth for Moray (23 Oct. 1565), ii. 172
Forbes, Family of, promise to fight with
Hays and Leslies, without other help,
against Huntly at Battle of Corrichie
(28 Oct. 1562), ii. 59 ; their treason,
ii. 60
Forbes, Captain — , left in charge of
Crichton Castle after its capture by
the Congregation (3 Nov. 1559),
i- 259
V
404
INDEX
Forbes, Arthur [fourth son of Alexander
Forbes of PitsHgo], identified with
" Arthur Forbes " who signs " Last
Band at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316
Forbes, EHzabeth Keith, Lady [daughter
of Sir William Keith of Inverugie ;
married, 1538, William, seventh Lord
Forbes], her comment on seeing
dead body of Huntly, ii. 62 ; and
Knox's endorsement of it, ii. 62
Forbes, John Forbes, eighth Lord [1542-
1 606 ; eldest surviving son of William,
seventh Lord Forbes ; adhered to the
party of the young King James VI ;
died, 1606 — Scots Peerage, iv. 57-8],
signs " Last Band at Leith " (27 Apr.
1560), i. 316 ; one of the assize
appointed to try Bothwell for murder
of Darnley, ii. 204
Forman, Andrew, Archbishop of St.
Andrews, his Synodal Constitutions
and Ordinances, i. xix
Forman, Sir Robert, of Luthrie [succeeded
Sir David Lindsay of the Mount as
Lyon King of Arms, 1558], when
Brethren of Cunningham and Kyle set
off for Perth in support of the Brethren
there, he commands them at Glasgow
to return to their homes under pain of
treason (May 1559), i. 171 ; ordered
by Queen Regent to charge all men to
avoid Perth on pain of treason, i. 1 75 ;
publicly proclaims same (28 May
1559). i- 175 ; sent (21 Oct. 1559) by
Queen Regent with her answer to
letter of the " Council " of the
Congregation (19 Oct. 1559), i. 249 ;
he is detained while Act of Suspension
is determined upon against Queen
Regent (21 Oct. 1559), i. 249 ; is dis-
missed, with answer to Queen Regent
(23 Oct. 1559), i. 255
Fornication, Act against, i. 355 and notes
3-4 ; proclamation of Edinburgh
Acts against, ii. 21-2, 22, note i ;
General Assembly (25 Dec. 1566)
prescribes punishment for, ii. 194
See also Adultery
Forres, Henry. See Forrest, Henry
Forrest, David [earlyembraced the reformed
faith ; Master of the Cunzie, 1554 ;
General of the Cunzie House, 1564 —
Laing's Knox, i. 563-4], after return to
Scotland (Apr. 1543) of Abbot of
Paisley [John Hamilton], Forrest is
compelled by threats to desert
Chatelherault, i. 48 ; George Wishart
stays with him in Haddington, i. 67 ;
joins Knox in Edinburgh (1555),
i. 119 ; present at house of Erskine
of Dun to hear Knox speak against
Mass, i. 120 ; "a temporiser," tries
to restrain the Brethren from destroy-
ing the idol of St. Giles (i Sept. 1558),
i. 128 ; one of the " Privy Kirk,"
i. 148 ; promises Congregation to
coin money for them (1559), i. 258
Forrest [Forres], Henry [possibly the same
Henricus Forrest who was a Deter-
minant in St. Leonard's College, St.
Andrews, 1526 — Laing's Knox, i. 517],
burned at St. Andrews for possessing a
New Testament in English (?I533),
i. 21-2, 22, note 2 ; his confession
betrayed to Beaton by Friar William
Laing, ii. 334, note 1 1
Forret, Thomas [said to have been the son
of Thomas Forret, Master of the King's
Stables in the reign of James IV ;
Canon of Inchcolm ; Vicar of Dollar ;
early martyr — Pitcairn, Criminal Trials,
i. 2i3*-i4*], burned for heresy at
Edinburgh (28 Feb. 1539), i. 26 ;
Bishop Crichton of Dunkeld boasts of
his ignorance of the Bible to, i. 43,
note I
Forster, David [Bailie of Edinburgh],
discharged by order of the Queen
(8 Oct. 1561), ii. 21, note 8, 22 and
note 4
Forster, Robert, burned for heresy at
Edinburgh (28 Feb. 1539), i. 26
Forsyth, James, of Nydie, declares, after
hearing Knox's first public sermon at
St. Andrews (1547), that the Papists
had better look to themselves, i. 86
Forth, River, i. 175
Fortrose, Superintendent of Ross to reside
in, laid down in the Book of Discipline,
ii. 292
Foulis, Sir James [appointed Clerk Register,
1531 ; Lord of Session, 1532 ; died
before Feb. 1549 — Brunton and Haig,
Senators of the College of Justice, 29-30],
receives English copy of marriage
contract between Mary and Prince
Edward, i. 47
Fowler, T. [servant to Earl of Lennox],
brings letters to Mary permitting his
master to return to Scotland, ii. 64 ;
his power at Scottish court, ii. 164,
note 4 ; with other favourites, his
counsel preferred by Mary rather than
that of her Council, ii. 167
Foxe, John [1516-87 ; martyrologist],
his Book of Martyrs referred to, i. 1 1 ;
his account of George Wishart's
martyrdom, ii. 233-45
France, effect of Beaton's death on alliance
with, i. 79 ; account of " Castilians "
while prisoners in, i. 107-10, ill ;
" Castilians " freed in hatred of
Chatelherault, for France wants the
government of Scotland in her own
hands, i. 1 1 1 ; Mary of Lorraine goes
to (7 Sept. 1550), i. 116 ; she begins
" to practise practice upon practice
how France might be advanced," i.
INDEX
405
1 16-17 ; Knox passes through, on the
way to Geneva (1556), i. 124 ; many
deaths among the Lords who had gone
with Mary of Lorraine to, i. 129-30 ;
Knox arrives in Scotland (2 May
1559) from, i. 161 ; before his death,
Henry II had determined cruel per-
secution against the saints of God in,
i. 199 ; Lords of the Congregation, in
their letter to Cecil (19 July 1559),
refer to preparations made there
against them, i. 288 ; and assure him
they will not desert England for
France, i. 289 ; Knox assures Cecil
(6 or 15 Aug. 1559) that France is
determined to conquer Scotland, i.
297 ; Earl of Arran escapes from
(1559), i. 207-8 ; French fleet, sent
to invade Scotland by Duke of Guise,
is driven back on coast of Holland
with heavy losses, i. 275 ; refuses to
ratify Treaty of Edinburgh, prepares
for invasion of Scotland and stirs up
trouble, i. 346 ; Protestants in, under
the Guises, i. 347-50 ; Moray sent
to Mary in, i. 354 ; Queen Regent's
body taken to (Mar. 1561), i. 359 and
7iote 7 ; France sends Gilles de Noailles
as ambassador to Scotland (Mar .-June
1 561) to demand that league with
England be broken, league with France
renewed and Bishops restored to their
former positions, i. 356 and note 2 ;
negative answers returned to each
petition (i June 1561 ), i. 363-4 ; Mary
and her friends rejoice that persecution
has begun again in France, ii. 43 and
note I ; Lethington's mission to, ii.
63, 64 and note i ; Bothwell flees to,
ii. 64 ; Lethington returns from his
mission to (24 June 1563), ii. 84 ;
Reformed Church of, in communica-
tion with Reformed Church in Scot-
land (1566), ii. 190 and note 3
See also Charles IX ; Francis I ;
Francis II ; French in Scotland ;
Henry II
" Francis." See Busso [Bisso], Sir Francis
Francis I, King of France [1515-47], sends
Lennox to Scotland " in haterent of
the Governor " (end of 1543), i. 51
Francis II, King of France [1559-60 ;
first husband of Mary Queen of Scots],
marriage of Mary to, discussed at
Parliament held at Haddington (7 July
1548), i. 102 ; by Treaty of Hadding-
ton he is to marr^' Mary, i. xxviii ;
marriage to Mary Queen of Scots
(1558), i. xxix ; assumes title of King
of England and Ireland, i. xxx, 369 ;
Queen Regent leaves " no point of
the compass unsailed " to obtain for
him the crown-matrimonial, i. 140 ;
Parliament grants it to him (Nov.
1558), i. 141, 156 ; the Congregation
threaten to appeal to him against
Queen Regent (22 May 1559), i. 164,
165 ; letter from, to Moray (17 July
1559), accusing him of ingratitude to
the royal family and threatening him
with severe penalties if he does not
desist from nourishing " tumults and
seditions," i. 208-9 > Moray's reply
(12 Aug. 1559), i. 210 ; that letter
from Francis said to have been forged
in Scotland, i. 211 ; to abstain from
using or bearing title and arms of
King of England and Ireland under
Treaty of Edinburgh (1560), i. xlix,
369 ; convenes at Orleans (Nov.
1560), i. 348 ; his sudden death
(5 Dec. 1560) is " a wonderful and
most joyful deliverance," i. Iv, 347 ;
the manner of his death, i. 348-9 ;
Knox receives private intelligence of
his mortal illness, i. 351 ; letters from
Lord Grey announcing his death, i.
351 ; Latin poem on his death, i.
349-50 ; mentioned, ii. 81
Frankfurt-am- Main, Knox invited by Eng-
lish congregation to (1554), i. xxxvi,
1 10 ; some there " more given to un-
profitable ceremonies than to sincerity
of religion " begin to quarrel with
Knox, i. xxxvi, iio ; Knox, accused
of treason there, leaves, i. iio-ii ;
" that superstitious and contentious
company " at, i. xxxvi, 123
Frederick II, King of Denmark [1536-88],
if England wants Lords of the Con-
gregation to declare their cause to
him, they will agree (Instructions to
Commissioners at Berwick, 10 Feb.
1560), i. 310
French in Scotland, French faction in
Scotland are enraged with Chatel-
herault for making marriage contract
between England and Scotland, i. 47 ;
their forces march to Linlithgow,
where Mary is, i. 47 ; but agreement
is reached and the contract is ratified
for second time, i. 47 ; French forces,
under de Lorges, arrive (1545), i.
58—9 ; few return to France, i. 59 ;
galleys arrive for siege of St. Andrews
Castle (1547), i. 94-6 ; return to
France with " Caslilians" as prisoners,
i. 96-7 ; large fleet of galleys arrives
(1548), i. 1 01-2 ; French forces be-
siege Haddington, i. 104 ; lose the
Cardinal, i. 104 ; combat between
French galleys and English ships in
the Firth of Forth, i. 104 ; most of the
galleys return to France, and d'Essd
and the army remain, i. 104 ; fracas
between Scots and French in Edin-
burgh, i. 105 ; French almost capture
Haddington, i. 105-6 ; occupy Had-
4o6
INDEX
dington when abandoned by English
(Sept. 1549), i. 113; when war is
declared on England (1557), Scots
nobility refuse to invade England
with the French, i. 124-5 > Knox, in
his letter from Dieppe (27 Oct. 1557),
warns Protestant nobility of evil
results of crown-matrimonial being
given to Francis and arrival of French
forces, i. 134 and marginal note ; Scots
get a taste of what union of Scotland
and France would bring, for greatest
offices and benefices are given to
Frenchmen, i. 140 ; the Congrega-
tion appeal to them not to fight against
the Scots, i. 166 ; the French march
against Perth (May 1559), i. 172 ;
they enter Perth (30 May 1559), i.
179 ; which was contrary to the
Appointment, i. 179, note 4 ; they
oppress the townsmen, i. 180 ; they
depart with Queen Regent from Perth
to Falkland, i. 181 ; and come to
Cupar, i. 183 ; they are to depart
from Fife, excepting Dysart, Kirk-
caldy and Kinghorn by terms of the
truce signed at Cupar (13 June 1559),
i. 185 ; they are sent to Stirling but
are forestalled by Argyll and Moray,
i. 191 ; the Congregation demand
their return to France (July 1559),
i. 195 ; and offer to provide transport,
i. 1 98 ; Leith surrenders to the French,
i. 200 ; that they should be sent away
from Scotland proposed as one of the
articles in any Appointment between
the Congregation and the Queen
Regent, i. 202 and note 4 ; not to
garrison Edinburgh, by terms of the
Appointment of Leith (24 July 1559),
i. 204 ; the Congregation assert that
the presence of the French constitutes
a breach of the Appointment of Leith
and Queen Regent denies it, i. 202,
note 4, 204, note 4, 214, 217, 218,
note I, 221 and note i, 226 and note 2,
229 and note 2 ; Chatelherault prom-
ises to go over to the side of the
Congregation if Queen Regent does
not remove the French " at a reason-
able day," i. 204-5 ; the French
garrison Leith and Canongate, i. 21 1 ;
Queen Regent instigates them to
disturb services in St. Giles', i. 213-14;
more troops arrive, i. 214, 216 ; they
" brag " and " divide the lands and
lordships according to their own
fantasies," i. 217 ; the Congregation
complain that they oppress the people,
i. 219-26, 226-7, 229, 232-3, 238,
240-1, 244 ; the Congregation protest
against the French fortifying Leith, i.
229-30, 231, 232 ; the Queen Regent
justifies it, i. 234, 236-7 ; the Congre-
gation write to her demanding the
withdrawal of the French from Leith
and the fortifying of the town stopped
(19 Oct. 1559), i. 247 ; Chatelherault,
in his " Purgation " (19 Oct. 1559),
calls on Scots to rid the country of
the French, i. 248 ; Queen Regent
refuses to withdraw them from Leith
(21 Oct. 1559), i. 249 ; that she had
brought them in for "a manifest con-
quest " given as one reason for depos-
ing her, i. 252, 253 ; the Queen
Regent is ordered to remove them
from Leith (23 Oct. 1559), i. 255-6 ;
the French make successful attack
from Leith on the army of the Con-
gregation in the Canongate (31 Oct.
1559); i- 260-1 ; sally forth from
Leith (6 Nov. 1559) and win another
victory, i. 262-3 ; ^fter the Congre-
gation leave Edinburgh (6 Nov. 1559)
the French are rewarded by the Queen
Regent with " the houses of the most
honest men," i. 275 ; the French
march from Edinburgh to Linlithgow,
despoil Chatelherault's house at Kin-
neil and reach Stirling, i. 276 ; they
decide to assault Fife and capture St.
Andrews and, in consequence, leave
Stirling and come to Culross, Dun-
fermline, Burntisland and Kinghorn,
i. 276 ; Arran and Moray engaged in
extended skirmishing with them on
Fife coast (Jan. 1560), i. 278-9 ;
Kirkcaldy of Grange and Master of
Lindsay engage them in skirmishes,
i. 279 ; the French are defeated at
Glennis House (12 Jan. 1560), i.
279-80 ; Martigues arrives at Leith
but loses two ships, i. 280 ; French
vow destruction of St. Andrews and
Dundee, i. 280 ; therefore, march
from Dysart (23 Jan. 1560) along sea-
coast, i. 280-1 ; continue as far as
Kincraig but are compelled to retreat
hastily to Kinghorn, i. 281 ; they
retreat from Fife by Tullibody and
Stirling to Leith, i. 281-2 ; thanks
given to God at St. Andrews for parts
of Fife being freed from " those bloody
worms," i. 301 ; they " execute their
tyranny " on parts of Lothian near
Edinburgh, i. 302 ; driving them out
of Scotland and " first and in special "
forth of Leith, one of objects in seek-
ing English aid (Instructions to Com-
missioners at Berwick, 10 Feb. 1560),
i. 308 ; same reason given in pre-
amble to Contract of Berwick (27 Feb.
1560), i. 303 ; England by the Con-
tract undertakes to expel them from
Scotland, i. 304 ; when English army
assembles on the Border, the French
waste the country, i. 310-11 ; but
INDEX
407
they spare gentlemen's houses and the
town of Edinburgh, " in which point,
God bridled their fury," i. 311 ; the
French pass to Glasgow (15 Mar.
1560), i. 311 ; the Congregation sign
the " Last Band at Leith " (27 Apr.
1560) for their expulsion, i. 314-16;
agreed in the " Concessions "
(" Annex " to the Treaty of Edin-
burgh, 1560) that they were not to
be brought to Scotland by King and
Queen unless Scotland were invaded,
i. 323 ; and that French in Leith
should be sent to France, i. 323-4 ;
they are transported to France
(15 July 1560), i. 331-2 ; Mary tells
Throckmorton (18 June 1561) that
she means to withdraw from Scotland
all Frenchmen who have given
"jealousy" to Elizabeth or "mis-
contentment " to Scots, i. 366
Friars, to save themselves, they drive Friar
WiUiam Arth into exile, i. 17-18 ;
complain to Bishops of Knox's preach-
ing (1556), i. 122 ; said to be now in
less estimation with Queen Regent
and nobility (letter to Knox, 10 Mar.
1557), i. 132 ; hold their procession
on St. Giles's Day (i Sept. 1558), and
riot ensues, i. 127-9; 'The Beggars'
Summonds ' (i Jan. 1559), addressed
to, ii. 255-6 ; statutes and ordinances
of Edinburgh proclaimed against
(1561), ii. 22 ; undemolished friaries
in towns to be employed for " hospitals,
schools and other godly uses " (Act
of Privy Council, 15 Feb. 1562), ii.
332 ; allowed by Mary to preach
though they had not preached publicly
for seven years (Dec. 1565), ii. 175
— Black, after martyrdom of Hamilton,
they preach against abuses of the
Church, i. 15 ; some present at Knox's
first public sermon at St. Andrews, i.
86 ; convention of Black and Grey
Friars summoned by Winram at St.
Andrews (1547), before which Rough
and Knox are called, i. 87 ; Adam
Wallace tried for heresy in the Kirk
of the " Black thieves alias Friars," in
Edinburgh (1550), i. 114; Knox
summoned to Kirk of, in Edinburgh
(15 May 1556), i. 122 ; their proces-
sion in Edinburgh on St. Giles's Day
(1 Sept. 1558) broken up by Prot-
estants, i. 127-9 j t^he friary of the
" Black thieves " at Perth destroyed
(11 May 1559), i. 162-3; "rascal
multitude " in Edinburgh destroy the
" thieves', I should say, friars' places,"
i. 191-2 ; Abercromby and Roger,
two Black Friars, receive permission
from the Queen to preach in Edin-
burgh {c. Dec. 1565), ii. 175
See also Beveridge, John ; Black,
John ; Campbell, Alexander ;
Guilliame, Thomas ; Kyllour, John ;
Macalpine, John ; Roger, John ;
Seton, Alexander
Friars, Grey, after martyrdom of Hamilton,
they preach against abuses of the
Church, i. 15 ; converts among " the
den of those murderers," i. 26 ; and
George Buchanan, i. 30 and note 3 ;
" those monsters and hypocrites," i.
30 ; Glencairn's ' Rhyme ' exposes
their abominable hypocrisy, i. 30,
note 5 ; text of the poem, ii. 333-5 ;
" these slaves of Sathan " yell and
roar as devils in hell against the
preaching of Guilliame and Rough,
i. 42-3 ; two of them interrupt George
Wishart's sermon at Inveresk, i. 66-7 ;
Wishart, at his trial, cites doctrine of,
ii. 237 ; " two Grey fiends " ask
Wishart to confess to them after his
trial, ii. 244 ; some present at Knox's
first public sermon at St. Andrews
(1547), i. 86 ; convention of Black
and Grey Friars summoned by Winram
at St. Andrews (1547), before which
Rough and Knox are called, i. 87 ;
their procession on St. Giles's Day
(i Sept. 1558) broken up by Prot-
estants, i. 127-9 j the friary of the
" Grey thieves " at Perth destroyed
(ii May 1559), i. 162-3 ; '^he rich-
ness and abundance of their belong-
ings, i. 162-3 '■> " rascal multitude "
in Edinburgh destroy " the thieves',
I should say, friars' places," i. 191-2
See also Arbuckle, — ; Lyn, John ;
Russell, Jerome ; Scott, John
— White, their monastery of the Charter-
house at Perth destroyed by Protestants
(11 May 1559), i. 163, 164
Frissall, James, Knox makes intercession
for him after he is convicted for his
part in the Sanderson riot (Nov.
1560) in Edinburgh, i. 358
Frith, John [Protestant martyr ; trans-
lated, at Marburg, Patrick Hamilton's
Communes Loci ; burned, 1533], Knox
refers reader to, for account of Patrick
Hamilton, i. 11; his Dyvers Frutful
Gatheringes of Scripture, i. 11, note 7, ii.
219, note 3 ; his translation of Patrick
Hamilton's " Common Places," i. 14,
note 6 ; text of the translation, ii.
219-29
Fullarton, Adam [Bailie of Edinburgh],
spokesman for the Congregation of
Edinburgh when Queen Regent tries
to set up the Mass again in St. Giles'
Kirk (29 July 1559), i. 212, note 5 ;
with other magistrates makes pro-
clamation against " monks, friars,
priests, nuns, adulterers, fornicators.
4o8
INDEX
and all such filthy persons " (2 Oct.
1561), ii. 21-2
Fullarton, John, of Dreghorn, signs Band
at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56 ; one of
the Protestant Lords who march to
Edinburgh (31 Aug. 1565), ii. 161
Furrour, Sandie, accused of heresy at St.
Andrews, i. 18-19
Fyfe, John [? 1490- 1562 ; educated,
St. Andrews ; early reformer, fled to
Germany ; Professor of Philosophy
and Divinity at Frankfurt, 1547 ;
Rector of Frankfurt, 1551 ; died, 1562
— Laing's Knox, i. 527], takes refuge
in Germany from persecution in Scot-
land, i. 23 ; appointed to University
of Leipzig [Frankfurt ?], i. 23 ; re-
turns to Scotland, i. 23 (but cf. 23,
note 9)
Gadgirth, Knox preaches at (1556), i. 121
For Laird of, see Chalmers, James
Galloway, Knox appointed Commissioner
to, by General Assembly (1562), ii.
55 ; Knox goes to (after 4 Sept.
1562), ii. 57
— Diocese. For Bishops of, see Beaton,
James, Archbishop of St. Andrews ;
Durie, Andrew ; Gordon, Alexander,
Bishop of Galloway
Galston, George Wishart preaches at, i. 61
Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Winchester
[? 1 483-1 555; Bishop of Winchester,
1 531], Alexander Seton forced by the
" craftiness " of the Bishop and others
to recant certain parts of his former
doctrine, i. 23
Garlie Bank [Gartabank], truce at Cupar
between Queen Regent's party and
Reformers, signed at (13 June 1559),
i. 186
Garlics, Laird of. See Stewart, Sir
Alexander
Gartabank. See Garlie Bank
Gartly, Laird of. See Barclay
Gau, John, his version of the kicht Vay to the
Kingdom of Hevine mentioned, i. xxiii
Geddes, Charles [servitor to the Master of
Maxwell, afterwards Lord Herries],
captured by the French in the Canon-
gate, Edinburgh (31 Oct. 1559), i. 261
General Assembly, i. liv-lv ; meets (Dec.
1 561) and division between Lords
and ministers manifests itself, ii. 25 ;
controversy on exjjediency or legality
of (Dec. 1561), i. Ix, ii. 26-7 ; petitions
Privy Council that perpretrators of
attack on Cuthbert Ramsay's house
(Dec. 1 561) be punished, ii. 33-5 ;
meets (29 June 1562), ii. 47 ; petitions
the Queen and Privy Council (4 July
1562) for abolition of the Mass,
punishment of vice, relief of the poor,
better regulation of the ' Thirds,'
provision of manses and glebes,
restraint to be put on Papists who
trouble ministers in their function,
that those who have received re-
mission of ' Thirds ' sustain ministers
within their bounds, and that the laws
against Papists should be enforced, ii.
47-51 ; Maitland objects that petition
is offensive to the Queen and treason-
able, ii. 52 ; after debate he is allowed
to redraft it, ii. 52-3 ; his version is so
many "fair words" that when the Queen
reads it "we were termed the next
name to flatterers and dissemblers,"
ii. 53 ; appoints George Hay com-
missidner to Carrick and Cunningham,
and Knox to Kyle and Galloway
(1562), ii. 55 ; meeting of (25 Dec.
1562), in which complaint is made
that churches lack ministers, ministers
lack stipends and wicked men are
schoolmasters, ii. 65 ; does not present
supplication to Queen on assurance
from her supporters that she will
make redress in near future, ii. 66 ;
then sets up a commission to try
Paul Methven, ii. 66-8 ; meets
(25 Dec. 1563), ii. 100-34 ; discussion
on ' Thirds,' ii. loo-i ; upholds
Knox's action in writing to the
Brethren {cf. ii. 88), ii. loi ; at meet-
ing (June 1564) of. Queen promises
satisfaction to ministers, ii. 103-4 j
meets (June 1564), ii. 106 ; the Lords,
who are attached to the Court,
abstain from attending, ii. 107 ;
Walter Lundie proposes that they
should be made to explain their
reasons for this, ii. 107 ; the next
day the Lords attend, but keep them-
selves apart, ii. 107 ; Lords request
a conference with superintendents and
some learned ministers, ii. 107 ; the
two sides negotiate, and, on settled
terms, hold a conference, ii. 107-8 ;
debate between Knox and Lething-
ton, ii. 108-15, 116-30; Knox in-
sists, in opposition to Lethington, that
the agreement should be kept, namely,
that there should be no voting, ii.
130 ; but Lethington's wishes prevail
and voting takes place, ii. 130-1 ;
opinions, on right of rebellion, of
John Douglas, John Winram, ii. 131 ;
and of John Craig, ii. 131-3 ; sug-
gested that Knox should write to
Calvin for ruling on rebellion, but he
declines, ii. 133-4 ; breaks up, ii.
134 ; meets at Edinburgh (Dec.
1564), ii. 138 ; meets (25 June 1565),
ii. 148 ; sends Articles to Queen,
desiring her to ratify them in ParHa-
ment, ii. 148-50 ; after several post-
ponements. Queen gives answers to
the Articles f2i Aug. 1565), ii. 151-3 ;
meets (25 Dec. 1565), ii. 174, 175-? ;
resolves that Mass is still celebrated
contrary to Act of Parliament, that
Queen should fulfil promise to hear
disputation on it, and that ministers
are deprived of their stipends through
action of new Comptroller, ii. 1 74-5,
176-7 ; meets (25 June 1566), ii. 187 ;
meets (25 Dec. 1566) and accepts
Queen's ofTer of a reasonable portion
of ' Thirds ' for ministers' stipends, ii.
193-4 ; petition to, from Kyle, on
teinds, ii. 194 ; petitions Lords of
Secret Council, protesting against res-
toration of consistorial jurisdiction to
Archbishop of St. Andrews, ii. 194-6 ;
Petition said to be written by Knox,
ii. 1 96 ; writes to Church of God in
England, entreating them to deal
gently with their brethren about the
surplice and other apparel, the letter
being written by Knox (27 Dec.
1566), ii. 198-201 ; meets (June
1567), ii. 213 ; sends letters and
commissioners to Lords of the Hamil-
ton faction or neutral ones to come to
Edinburgh to settle religion, ii. 213 ;
these Lords do not come, ii. 213-14 ;
at adjourned meeting (20 July 1567),
it draws up Articles, ii. 214-15
General Council, Protestants demand
freedom from persecution till contro-
versies in religion may be decided by,
•• i55> 195
See, also Parliament
Geneva, Knox at (1554), i. xxxv, no;
(1555), i. xxvi. III ; English Kirk at,
sends invitation to Knox to come as
their chosen pastor (1556), i. xxxvii,
123 ; Knox goes to (July 1556), i.
124 ; Knox called to Scotland from
(10 Mar. 1557), i. 131-2 ; Knox
leaves (Sept. 1557), i. xxxvii, 133 ;
letters from Knox at, referred to, i.
282 ; " the most godly reformed
church and city of the world," i. 283 ;
" Form of Prayers and Ministration
of the Sacraments, etc. used in the
English Church at Geneva," ii. 282
and note 2 ; cited, ii. 266, note i, 268,
note 3, 273, note i ; Reformed Church
of, in communication with Reformed
Church in Scotland (1566), ii. 190 and
note 3
Germany, Knox would prefer to visit, but
is persuaded to stay in Scotland ( 1 547) ,
i. 82 ; Protestants of, mentioned, i.
155 ; if England wants Lords of the
Congregation to declare their cause
to, they will agree (Instructions to
Commissioners at Berwick, 10 Feb.
1560), i. 310 ; Reformed Church of,
in communication with Reformed
INDEX 409
Church in Scotland (1566), ii. 190
and note 3
Gibsyard, Laird of. See Cathcart, John
Gillone [Kyllone, Killone or Kellone],
James, condemned to death for riot
in Edinburgh (11 May 1561), but
craftsmen rescue him from the gallows
(21 July 1561), i. 357-9
Gilton, Lady. See Sempill, Grisel
Girvanmains, Laird of. See Kennedy,
Sir Hugh
Gladsmuir, Mary and Bothwell with their
army arrive at, from Dunbar (June
1567), ii. 209
Glamis, John Lyon, eighth Lord [? 1544-78 ;
supported Mary in the Chase-about-
Raid, 1565 ; was present at the
marriage of Mary and Bothwell, but
soon thereafter supported Moray and
became a ' Kingsman ' ; Lord of
Session, 1570 ; Chancellor, 1573 ;
accidentally killed, 1578 ; " a learned,
godly, and wise man " — Scots Peerage,
viii. 288-91], present at Privy Council
which passes Act relating to Thirds
(22 Dec. 1 561), ii. 326 ; his sister
marries Gilbert, fourth Earl of Cassillis
(1566), ii. 189 and note 4 ; summoned
to Edinburgh by General Assembly
(June 1567) to settle true worship of
the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but excuses him-
self on grounds that he could not come
with safety to Edinburgh, ii. 214
Glasgow, Diocese, Register of the Official
of, i. 7, 8, note 2
For Archbishops of, see Beaton,
James, Archbishop of Glasgow; Beaton,
James, Archbishop of St. Andrews ;
Blacader, Robert ; Dunbar, Gavin,
Archbishop of Glasgow ; Gordon,
Alexander, Bishop of Galloway
— Town, death of Alexander Campbell
at (1528), i. 14 ; Lennox flees from
Leith to (1544), i. 51 ; siege of the
Castle (3 Apr. 1544), i. 51 ; ludicrous
dispute between Dunbar, Archbishop
of Glasgow, and Cardinal Beaton over
precedence in Cathedral at (June
1545), i. 72-4 ; proclamation read at,
by Sir Robert Forman, commanding
Brethren of Cunningham and Kyle,
on their way to support the Brethren
at Perth, to return home under pain
of treason (May 1559), i. 171 ; Argyll
departs from Stirling for (Aug. 1559),
i. 207 ; Argyll goes from, to meet
Chatelherault at Hamilton (Aug.
1559), i. 208 ; Chatelherault, Argyll
and Glencairn leave Stirling for, i.
276 ; decided, when Lords of the Con-
gregation divide their forces between
East and West, that Chatelherault and
other Lords should make their head-
quarters there, i. 298 {cf. i. 276) ;
4IO
INDEX
Balnaves appointed to answer for [i.e.
act as secretary to] the Lords there,
i. 299 ; Herries takes message from
Duke of Norfolk to Lords at (?Jan.
1560), i. 298 ; Lords at, write to
Moray requiring him to meet Norfolk
at Cadisle (Feb. 1560), i. 298-9 ;
Knox's reply to (6 Feb. 1560), i. 299-
301 ; instructions (10 Feb. 1560) to
Commissioners sent to treat with Nor-
folk at Berwick, signed at, i. 310 ;
French lay waste countryside around
(15 Mar. 1560), i. 311 ; John Willock
nominated Superintendent for (1560),
i. 334 ; Superintendent of Diocese of
Glasgow to reside in, laid down in the
Book of Discipline, ii. 292 ; Chatelherault
and some Lords convene at, for some
purpose unknown (Dec. 1561 or Jan.
1562), ii. 37 ; magistrates of, to main-
tain undemolished friaries for public
good (Act of Privy Council, 15 Feb.
1562), ii. 332 ; Knox writes to Argyll
from (7 May 1563), ii. 74-6 ; Mary
and Darnley at (Aug. 1565), ii. 160 ;
they leave, for Hamilton (Aug. 1565),
ii. 162 ; they return to, ii. 163 ;
Darnley goes to (1566), ii. 191 ;
Darnley joins his father at, ii. 193 ;
Mary, hearing (Jan. 1567) that
Darnley has recovered from the poison
given him at Stirling, goes to him at,
ii. 201
Glasgow, University, statement that Knox
attended, now distrusted, i. xxxi ;
courses of study at, proposed in the
Book of Discipline, ii. 297, 299 ; bursars,
ii. 300 ; stipends, ii. 300—1
Glencairn, Alexander Cunningham, fourth
Earl of [eldest son of William, third
Earl of Glencairn ; succeeded, 1 548 ;
a staunch supporter of the reformed
faith ; pro-English ; supported the
Army of the Congregation from the
very beginning of the conflict with the
Queen Regent ; fought against Mary
at Carberry and Langside ; died, 1575
— Scots Peerage, iv. 239-41], his Ane
Epistle direct fra the Holye Armite ofAllarit,
i. 30 and note 5 ; text of it, ii. 333-5 ;
dissents from sentence of death for
heresy passed on Adam Wallace
(1550), i. 115 ; goes to France with
Mary of Lorraine (7 Sept. 1550), i.
116; sends for Knox to come to
Finlayston (1556), i. 121 ; pleased
with Knox's preaching, urges him to
write to Queen Regent to move her
to hear the word of God (May 1556),
i. 122 ; delivers to Queen Regent
Knox's Letter to the Queen Dowager,
i. 123 ; signs invitation to Knox at
Geneva to come to Scotland (10 Mar.
I557)> i- 132 ; signs " Common Band "
(3 Dec. 1557), i. xxix, 137 ; deputed
to secure from Queen Regent fulfil-
ment of her promises (1559), i. 159 ;
encourages others to support the
Brethren in Perth (May 1559), i. 171 ;
coming to aid Perth (May 1559), i.
175 ; arrives at Perth, i. 176 ; sub-
scribes Band drawn up by Congrega-
tion at Perth (31 May 1559), i. 179 ;
sent by the Congregation as delegate
to the Queen Regent (12 July 1559),
i. 195-6 ; one of the delegates of
the Congregation at the conference
with the Queen Regent's delegates at
Preston (July 1559), i. 197 ; signs
letter from Lords of the Congregation
to Cecil (19 July 1559), i. 290, note i ;
Chatelherault and Huntly promise
him that they will go over to the side
of the Congregation if Queen Regent
breaks terms of Appointment made at
Leith Links (24 July 1559), i. 204 ;
Argyll requires him, with other Lords,
to meet in Kyle to protect the Brethren
(Aug. 1559), i. 207 ; signs letter
(19 Sept. 1559) to Queen Regent,
protesting against fortifying of Leith
by the French, i. 230 ; approached
by Robert Lockhart, who had offered
his services as mediator to Queen
Regent, he declines to treat with him,
i. 244-5 ; ^^ " '^he preaching " in
Edinburgh when French in Leith
surprise and defeat a contingent of
Congregation (31 Oct. 1559), i. 260 ;
decided that he should make Glasgow
his headquarters, when Lords of the
Congregation divide their forces be-
tween Glasgow and St. Andrews, i.
276, 298 ; signs instructions (10 Feb.
1560) to Commissioners sent to Ber-
wick to treat with Duke of Norfolk,
i. 310 ; signs ratification of Contract
of Berwick (27 Feb. 1560) at Leith
(10 May 1560), i. 307 ; meets English
army at Preston (4 Apr. 1560), i. 312 ;
signs " Last Band at Leith " at Edin-
burgh (27 Apr. 1560), i. 315 ; dissents
on allocation of manses and glebes in
Book of Discipline, ii. 305 ; Queen
Regent, during her last illness, wishes
to speak with (June 1560), i. 321 ;
sent as ambassador to England to
crave assistance against all foreign
invasion and to propose marriage of
Arran and Elizabeth (Oct. 1560), i.
345i 34^ ; Elizabeth's answer to
marriage proposal (8 Dec. 1560), i.
350 ; subscribes Book of Discipline
(27 Jan. 1561), i. 345, ii. 324;
sent with Arran and Argyll to the west
to destroy all places and monuments
of idolatry, they destroy Paisley, St.
Mary's of Fail, Kilwinning and part
1
INDEX
411
of Crossraguel (1561), i. 364 ; chosen
Privy Councillor (6 Sept. 1561), ii. 20 ;
present at Privy Council which passes
Acts relating to Thirds (22 Dec. 1561),
ii. 29, 326 ; (12 Feb. 1562), ii. 329 ;
signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 55 ;
present at Council before which Knox
is summoned (Dec. 1563), ii. 93 ;
attends General Assembly (June 1564),
but joins group of courtiers who sit
apart, ii. 107 ; accompanies Moray
who has convened at Edinburgh for
trial of Bothwell (2 May 1565), ii. 144 ;
agrees to Mary's proposals for her
marriage with Darnley provided reli-
gion is established by Parliament and
Mass abolished, ii. 146 ; attends
General Assembly (25 June 1565), ii.
148 ; joins Protestant Lords at Ayr
(Aug. 1565), ii. 158 ; one of the
Protestant Lords who march on Edin-
burgh (31 Aug. 1565), ii. 161 ; de-
nounced rebel and put to the horn
(Sept. 1565), ii. 165 ; his being put
to the horn in 1565 referred to, ii. 59,
marginal note ; comes from Berwick to
Scotland (1566), ii. 178 ; present in
Tolbooth, Edinburgh, when Prot-
estant Lords appear to answer charge
of rebellion (12 Mar. 1566), ii. 182 ;
unwilling to face Qiaeen's fury, leaves
Edinburgh (17 Mar. 1566), ii. 183 ;
makes a bond with other Lords at
Stirling to defend the young Prince
(i May 1567), ii. 207 ; shares com-
mand of second army of Confederate
Lords at Carberry Hill (15 June 1567),
ii. 210 ; after imprisonment of Mary
in Lochleven Castle, he breaks down
altars in Holyrood Chapel, ii. 213 ;
signs Articles agreed upon by General
Assembly (20 July 1567), ii. 215 ;
Queen signs writ (24 July 1567)
appointing him joint regent till
Moray's return, or on his death, or to
act with Moray if latter refuses to be
sole regent, ii. 215 and note 2
Glencairn, William Cunningham, third Earl
of [succeeded his father, Cuthbert,
second Earl of Glencairn, 1541 ; pro-
English, intrigued with Henry VHI ;
overthrown by Chatelherault, near
Glasgow, and compelled to take refuge
in England ; obtained a remission ;
died, 1548 — Scots Peerage, iv. 236-8],
present at Battle of Solway Moss ( 1 542) ,
i. 36 ; captured by English, i. 37 ; sent
as additional Commissioner to Henry
Vni to treat of marriage between
Mary Queen of Scots and Edward,
afterwards Edward VI, i. 46 ; joins
Lennox's faction at Ayr (Yule, 1543),
i. 51 ; supports Wishart against Bishop
of Glasgow at Ayr (1544), i. 61
((353)
Glennis House [Gleniston, Lochgelly ?],
fight between French and the Con-
gregation under Kirkcaldy of Grange
and Master of Lindsay at (12 Jan.
1560), i. 279-80
Glenorchy, Laird of. See Campbell, Sir
Colin
Gogar, Laird of. See Erskine, Sir Alexander
Goodie, River, i. 175
Goodman, Christopher [? 1520- 1603 ;
English puritan divine ; friend and
colleague of Knox at Geneva, 1555 ;
in Edinburgh, 1559 ; minister at Ayr,
1559, and St. Andrews, 1560 ; re-
turned to England, 1565 ; died, 1603
— Fasti EcclesiiB Scoticana, v. 230 ;
M'Crie's Knox, ii. 331-4], appointed
minister at St. Andrews (1560), i. 334 ;
sharp encounter between Lethington
and, in General Assembly (Dec. 1563)
over Thirds, ii. loo-i
Gordon, Family of, Huntly, Sutherland
and eleven barons and lairds of that
name forfeited (1563), ii. 77
Gordon, — , Captain of Inverness Castle,
surrenders Castle to Mary and is
hanged (10 Sept. 1562), ii. 58
Gordon, Adam, of Auchindoune [a younger
son cf George, fourth Earl of Huntly ;
taken prisoner at Corrichie, but
escaped the fate of his brother. Sir
John Gordon ; after a stormy and
violent career, died in 1580— &ofa
Peerage, iv. 537-8], captured at Battle
of Corrichie (28 Oct. 1562), ii. 61
Gordon, Alexander, Bishop of Galloway
[? 1 516-75 ; grandson of Alexander,
third Earl of Huntly ; son of John,
Lord Gordon, and Margaret Stewart,
natural daughter of James IV ;
Postulate of Caithness, 1544 ; pro-
vided to Glasgow, 1550 ; titular
Archbishop of Athens and Commen-
dator of InchafTray, 1551 ; provided
to the Isles, with lona in commendam,
1553 ; bishop-elect of Galloway, 1559,
and, though never consecrated, acted
as bishop from 1559 ; joined the Re-
formers and was in their inmost
councils ; " overseer " or " super-
intendent " of Galloway, 1 562-68 ;
became a ' Queensman ' ; died, 1575
— Trans. Dumfriesshire and Galloway
Natural History and Antiquarian Society,
xxiv], signs instructions (10 Feb. 1560)
to Commissioners sent to Berwick to
treat with Duke of Norfolk, i. 310 ;
signs " Last Band at Leith " at Edin-
burgh (27 Apr. 1560), i. 315 ; attends
'Reformation Parliament' (1560), i.
335 j signs ratification of Contract of
Berwick (27 Feb. 1560) at Leith
(10 May 1560), i. 308 ; subscribes
Book of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), i. 345,
VOL n 27
412
INDEX
ii. 324 ; Queen warns Knox against
appointing him Superintendent of
Galloway, ii. 72-3 ; Knox delays his
appointment, ii. 73 ; his candidature
for Superintendentship of Galloway
later referred to (1566), ii. 188-9 >
pleads with Queen for payment of
ministers' stipends (1566), ii. 188 ; his
advancement and growing influence
at Court, ii. 188-9 ' uses influence at
Court on behalf of his nephew, fifth
Earl of Huntly, ii. 189 ; obtains docu-
ment signed by Queen for provision of
ministers' stipends (1566), ii. 193 ;
General Assembly agrees to assist him
in putting into effect Queen's offer of
portion of Thirds, ii. 194 ; his mission
to Queen at Stirling thereanent is
successful, ii. 194
Gordon, Alexander, of Abergeldie, signs
" Last Band at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560),
i. 316
Gordon, George, fourth Earl of Huntly.
See Huntly
Gordon, George, fifth Earl of Huntly.
See Huntly
Gordon, Lord George [second son of fourth
Earl of Huntly] . See Huntly, George
Gordon, fifth Earl of
Gordon, Lady Jane, or Jean [born, 1545 ;
youngest daughter of George, fourth
Earl of Huntly ; married James Hep-
burn, fourth Earl of Bothwell, Feb.
1566 ; divorced, May 1567 ; married,
secondly, Alexander, eleventh Earl of
Sutherland, 1573 ; married, thirdly,
Alexander Ogil\^ of Boyne, 1599 ;
died, 1629], marries Earl of Bothwell
(24 Feb. 1566), ii. 178 and note 3 ;
marries eleventh Earl of Sutherland
after her divorce from Bothwell, ii.
205 ; later marries Alexander Ogilvy
of Boyne, ii. 205, note 3
Gordon, John, of Barskeoch, put on trial
as one of the " Pope's knights "
(19 May 1563), ii. 76
Gordon, Sir John, of Findlater [third son
of George, fourth Earl of Huntly ;
received the lands of Findlater from
Alexander Ogilvy, 1545, who dis-
inherited his son, James Ogilvy of
Cardell ; this lay in the background
of Corrichie, where Sir John Gordon
was taken prisoner, 1562 ; forfeited
and executed, 1562 — Scots Peerage, iv.
21-4, 536], signs "Last Band at Leith"
at Edinburgh (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316 ;
attacks [in Edinburgh] James, fifth
Lord Ogilvy of Airlie, who is severely
wounded (27 June 1562), ii. 53 ; is
warded in the Tolbooth, but breaks
out, ii. 53, 54 ; goes to his father, the
Earl of Huntly, and makes great prep-
arations as if to receive the Queen,
ii. 54 ; breaks his promise to re-enter
ward in Stirling Castle, thus offending
the Queen, so that she will not go to
Strathbogie, ii. 58 ; attacks forces sent
by Queen against Findlater Castle
(15 Oct. 1562), ii. 59 ; ordered to
appear before Privy Council but dis-
obeys, ii. 59 ; captured at Battle of
Corrichie (28 Oct. 1562), ii. 61 ;
executed by Mary after the battle, ii.
62 ; his confession before his execu-
tion, ii. 62
Gordon, Sir John, of Lochinvar [son of
James Gordon of Lochinvar ; suc-
ceeded, 1548; joined the Reformers,
but later supported Mary and re-
mained devoted to her ; died, 1604 —
Scots Peerage, v. iio-ii], subscribes
Book of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), i. 345,
ii. 324 ; delivers .Supplication from the
Brethren to Lords of Secret Coimcil
(28 May 1 561), i. 362 ; present at
debate between Knox and Master of
Maxwell (1563), ii. 92 ; joins Mary
and Darnley, though he had been
familiar enough with the Protestant
Lords (Oct. 1565), ii. 172 ; one of the
assize appointed to try Bothwell for
murder of Darnley (12 Apr. 1567),
ii. 204
Gordon, William, Bishop of Aberdeen,
Queen writes to, not to use any Mass
(1565), ii- 141
Gourlay, Norman, tried for heresy by the
Bishops at Edinburgh and condemned
to death (27 Aug. 1534), i. 22 and
note 2, 24, 25
Govan Muir, convention of Westland Con-
gregation to be held at (on 21 Aug.
1559), i- 215, 216
Cowrie, William Ruthven, first Earl ol
[with his father, Patrick, third Lord
Ruthven, played a leading part in the
murder of Riccio, 1566 ; with his
father fled to England, but had re-
turned early in 1567 ; opposed Queen
Mary at Carberry and at Langside ;
appointed Lord High Treasurer, 157 1 ;
Lord of Session, 1578 ; created Earl of
Cowrie, 1581 ; a principal actor in
the Raid of Ruthven, 1582 ; executed,
1584 — Scots Peerage, iv. 263], and
murder of Riccio, i. 112, ii. 179;
signs Articles agreed upon by General
Assembly (20 July 1567), ii. 215 ; sent
with Lindsay to Lochleven Castle to re-
quire Mary to abdicate in favour of the
Prince and to set up a regency, ii. 215
Graham, Henry, younger, of Morphie [son
of Sir Henry Graham of Morphie],
signs " Last Band at Leith " (27 Apr.
1560), i. 316
Graham, John, fourth Earl of Menteith.
See Menteith
Graham, John, third Earl of Montrose.
See Montrose
Graham, WilHam, fifth Earl of Menteith.
See Menteith
Grange [Angus], Laird of. See Durham,
William
Grange [Fife], the house is destroyed by the
French (Jan. 1560), i. 277
For Lairds of, see Kirkcaldy, James ;
Kirkcaldy, Sir William
Grant, John. See Douglas (or Grant) John
Gray, John, on his way to Rome, delivers
invitation to Knox to come to Scot-
land (Nov. 1558), i. 137
Gray, John [Clerk to the General Assembly,
1560-74], suggested that he was scribe
for part of the Laing MS. of the
History, i. cvi, twte 3
Gray, John [parson of " sanct Nycholace
Kirk, beside Cowper " ; implicated
in the assassination of Cardinal Beaton
— Laing's Knox, i. 233], released from
the galleys, i. 1 1 1
Gray, Patrick Gray, fourth Lord [taken
prisoner at Solway Moss, 1542, but
soon ransomed ; received a grant of
part of Rescobie from Cardinal Beaton
for his faithful help and assistance to the
Church, 1544, but was one of the first
to join the Reformers ; a ' Kingsman ' ;
died, 1584 — Scots Peerage, iv. 280-1],
Beaton stirs up trouble between Lord
Ruthven and, who take opposite sides
in dispute over John Charteris' in-
trusion into Provostship of Perth ( 1 544) ,
i. 52 ; his forces defeated in attack on
Perth when trying to force town to
accept Charteris as Provost (22 July
1544), i. 53 ; it becoming known that
Beaton had engineered the dispute
over Provostship of Perth for his own
advantage. Gray and his friends are
alienated from Beaton, i. 53 ; at Huntly
Castle, i. 53 ; commanded by Chatel-
herault to come with Earl of Rothes
and Henry Balnaves to Dundee, i. 53 ;
they are met by Chatelherault and
Beaton outside Dundee on their way
to Perth, i. 53-4 ; after parleys, they
are cajoled into going to Perth with
Chatelherault, i. 54-5 ; on reaching
Perth they are arrested and sent to
Blackness Castle (Nov. 1543), i. 55 ;
summoned to Edinburgh by General
Assembly (June 1567) to settle true
worship of the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but
excuses himself on grounds that he
could not come with safety to Edin-
burgh, ii. 214
Graytly, Laird of. See Barclay, — , of
Gartly
Greenwich, Treaties of. See Treaties of
Greenwich
Grey, William Grey, thirteenth Baron, de
INDEX 413
Wilton [succeeded, 1529 ; captured
and held Haddington, 1548 ; Gover-
nor of Berwick, 1559 ; took part in
siege of Leith, 1560 ; died, 1562 —
Dictionary of National Biography^, one of
the commanders at Battle of Pinkie
(Sept. 1547), i. 98, 100 ; in command
of English army which enters Scotland
(2 Apr. 1560), i. 31 1 ; commanded by
Norfolk to continue siege of Leith and
promised reinforcements, i. 320 ;
frustrates Queen Regent's scheme to
secure permission for d'Oysel to speak
with her (5 May 1561), i. 321 ;
accompanied as far as Berwick by
Moray when English forces leave
Scotland (16 July 1560), i. 332 ; letters
from, with news of death of Francis H
(Dec. 1560), i. 351 ; Moray confers
with, at Kelso, for keeping order on
both Borders (1561), ii. 24
Grey Friars. See Friars, Grey
Gualter, Rodolph, said to have been be-
friended by Edward VI, i. 117 and
note 6
Gude and Godlie Ballalis, i. xxi, ii. 279,
note I
Guilliame, Thomas, a Black Friar of
" sohd judgment " and " wholesome "
doctrine, is called to be preacher after
Chatelherault becomes Governor, i.
42 ; said by Calderwood to be the first
man from whom Knox " received any
taste of the truth," i. 42, note i ;
maligned by the Grey Friars, i. 42-3 ;
after return (Apr. 1543) of John
Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley, to Scot-
land, he is forbidden to preach, and
departs to England, i. 48
Guise, Francois [de Lorraine], 2*= due de
[1519-63], Mary of Lorraine schemes
with, against Chatelherault, i. 116;
his influence on Mary of Lorraine,
i. 118; on Queen Regent's advice,
prepares an army to invade Scotland,
but the fleet is driven back on coast of
Holland with heavy losses, i. 275 ;
persecutes Protestants in France, i.
347-8 ; increased power of, i. 350 ;
convenes at Orleans (Nov. 1560), i.
348 ; Knox on, ii. 45 ; death of
'' that bloody tyrant " (18 Feb. 1563),
ii. 84 and note 6
Guthrie, Alexander [Common Clerk of the
burgh of Edinburgh almost contin-
uously from 1553 to 1578 ; Dean of
Guild, 1561-64], ordered by Lord
Seton, Provost, to enter himself in
ward (Apr. 1559), i. 242, note 3 ;
Arran tells him that Bothwell is plot-
ting to involve him [Arran] in a
treasonable act, and then betray him.
to the Queen (27 Mar. 1562), ii. 40 ;
taken by Arran to his lodging, ii. 41 ;
414
INDEX
Queen orders him to be imprisoned in
Edinburgh Castle, ii. 153 ; magis-
trates disobey order, ii. 153-4 ; ^^ '^
summoned for trial (26 July 1565), ii.
154 ; knowing Queen's hatred for
him, flees from Edinburgh before her
arrival (18 Mar. 1566), ii. 183
For his wife, see Henryson, Janet
Guthrie, William, one of the " Castilians,"
released from French galleys, i. 1 1 1
Hadden Rig, Raid of (24 Aug. 1542),
i. 31
Haddington, Knox's name appears in
Protocol Books of (1540), i. xxxii ;
Beaton and Chatelherault sent to, to
make a show against the English on
the east Border (1542), i. 35 ; George
Wishart preaches to small congrega-
tions at (Jan. 1546), i. 67 ; Wishart
stays with David Forrest in, i. 67 ;
Wishart preaches again and vehe-
mently rebukes the people and foretells
punishments which will befall them,
i. 68; prophecy fulfilled, i. 113;
Wishart leaves, for Ormiston, i. 69 ;
fortified by the English (1548), i.
xxviii, loi ; French prepare to besiege
(1548), i. 102 ; Parhament held at the
Abbey (7 July 1548), i. 102 ; English
lose heavily in trying to raise siege of,
i. 103 ; siege raised, i. 104 ; almost
captured by French, i. 104-6 ; saved
by the miraculous shots of ordnance
which " God so conducted " that over
a hundred French are killed by two
shots, i. Ixix, 106 ; combined Franco-
Scottish army compels the English to
withdraw from (Sept. 1549), i- xxviii,
113; attacked by plague and deserted
by English (Sept. 1549), it falls a prey
to the French, fulfilling Wishart's pro-
phecy, i. 113; Kirk of, warned by
public edict to be present at election
of John Spottiswoode as Superintend-
ent of Lothian (1561), ii. 273 ; given
to Bothwell by the Queen, ii. 185
Haddington, Treaty of. See Treaty of
Haddington
Hailes Castle, Wishart removed, a prisoner,
to (1546), i. 71 ; but Bothwell breaks
his promise not to surrender him, and
Wishart is removed to Edinburgh
Castle, i. 71
Haily [Ayrshire], Laird of. See Shaw, John
Haining, The, Laird of. See Scott, Thomas,
of The Haining
Haldane Rig. See Hadden Rig
Halhill, Laird of. See Balnaves, Henry
Haliburton, Alexander [brother of James
Haliburton, Provost of Dundee], sent
to dissuade Brethren from Dundee
from purging Scone (June 1559), i.
190 ; killed in skirmish with French
between Leith and Edinburgh — his
dying testimony (6 Nov. 1559), i. 263
Haliburton, James, Tutor ol Pitcur [was
Provost of Dundee for the long period
of thirty-three years ; Commendator
of Pittenweem, 1579 ; an ardent
Reformer ; died, 1588 — Laing's Knox,
vi. 678-9], ordered by Queen Regent
to arrest Paul Methven (1559), i. 159 ;
but he secretly warns Methven to avoid
the town, i. 159 ; invited to St.
Andrews to a meeting for ' reforma-
tion ' (4 June 1559), i. 181 ; selects
defensive position for Protestant forces
on Cupar Muir (Jime 1559), i. 184 ;
sent to dissuade men of Dundee from
purging Scone (June 1559), 1. 190 ;
signs instructions (10 Feb. 1560) to
Commissioners sent to Berwick to treat
with Norfolk, i. 310 ; signs " Last
Band at Leith " at Edinburgh (27 Apr.
1560), i. 316 ; subscribes Book 0/
Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), ii. 324 ;
suspects treason of Forbeses, Hays and
Leslies at Battle of Corrichie (28 Oct.
1562), ii. 60 ; put to the horn (7 Aug.
1565), ii. 158 and note 4 ; one of the
Protestant Lords who march on Edin-
burgh (31 Aug. 1565), ii. 161
Hallyards [seat of Kirkcaldy of Grange in
Fife], James V goes to (Nov. 1542),
i. 38 ; Kirkcaldy of Grange almost
betrayed at (Jan. 1560), i. 279 ;
Arran at (1562), ii. 41
Halrig, Laird of. See Stewart, William,
of Halrig
Halton, Laird of. See Lauder, William
Hamilton, Argyll meets Chatelherault at
(Aug. 1559), i. 208 ; principal Lords
with Arran and Argyll go to, to con-
sult with Chatelherault (Sept. 1559),
i. 229 ; letter to Queen Regent
(19 Sept. 1559), dated from, i. 229-30 ;
this letter referred to, i. 247 ; letter
to Mar (19 Sept. 1559) dated from,
i. 232 ; Protestant Lords at (Aug.
1565), ii. 1,60 ; Mary and Darnley
near, ii. 162 ; Protestant Lords, hav-
ing been obliged to leave Edinburgh,
return to, ii. 163 ; believed that the
Queen would besiege (1565), ii. 168
Hamilton, House of, Beaton calls them
" proud, avaricious, double and false,"
i. 41 ; disturbances in Edinburgh
caused by rivalry between Hamiltons
and Bothwell (Dec. 1561), ii. 36-7 ;
said that Huntly and the Hamiltons
seek Moray's death, li. 37 ; recon-
ciliation between Lennox and (1564),
ii. 137 ; Mary hopes at Carberry
Hill to be rescued by, but is deceived,
ii. 212 ; draw Argyll and Huntly to
their side and decline to co-operate
with Lords in redressing disorders in
INDEX
415
Kirk and State (June 1567), ii. 213 ;
Moray tries " to little purpose " to
win them over, ii. 216 ; and succes-
sion to Scottish crown, i, xlv-xlvi, xlv,
note 6, xlvi, note i, 49, note i, 141 and
note 4, 196 and note 1, 207, note 3, 234,
236, note 5 (and cf, 240, 248), 258,
note 2, 302 and note 5, 304, 356 and
note 10, 213, note 3
See also Arran
Hamilton, Andrew, of Letham, subscribes
Book of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561),
ii. 324
Hamilton, Lord David [? 1 542-161 1;
fourth son of James, second Earl of
Arran and Duke of Chatelherault ; in
France with his elder brother James,
Lord Hamilton, Earl of Arran, 1559 ;
there seized and imprisoned for a time,
1559-60, when his brother escaped ;
released, 1560, but took no part in
public affairs; died, 161 1 — Scots
Peerage, iv. 369], imprisoned by French
king " by the craft and policy of the
Queen Dowager," i. 208 and note 2 ;
his release from prison in France agreed
to, in the " Concessions " [" Annex "
to Treaty of Edinburgh, 1560], i. 330
Hamilton, Sir David, delivers letter (dated
25 Mar. 1558) from Archbishop
Hamilton of St. Andrews to fourth
Earl of Argyll, i. 138, ii. 246
Hamilton, Sir David, of Singleton, im-
prisoned for delivering a letter to
Mary from the Protestant Lords
(1565), ii. 162
Hamilton, Gavin [Bookseller in Edin-
burgh], at one time owner of the
Laing MS. of the History, i. xcv
Hamilton, Captain Gavin [possibly natural
son of Gavin Hamilton of Orbistoun],
" the best of the Hamiltons," killed
at Broughty Ferry, i. loi
Hamilton, Gavin, of Raploch, Abbot of
Kilwinning [?i 51 5-71 ; a younger
son of James Hamilton of Raploch ;
educated, St. Andrews ; Dean of
Glasgow, 1 549, exchanged the Deanery
with Henry Sinclair (q.v.) for the
Commendatorship of Kilwinning,
1550 ; Lord of Session, 1555 ; suc-
ceeded to the lands of Raploch, 1559 ;
played a cautious part during the
period 1559-61 ; took a prominent
part in the struggle that followed the
assassination of the Regent Moray,
and was denounced rebel, 1570 ; a
' Queensman,' killed in a skirmish at
Restalrig, 1571 — Brunton and Haig,
Senators of the College of Justice, 101-3],
shows hostility to Protestants (1559),
i. 164 ; "a crafty man," sent from
Stirling to hasten conclusion of treaty
with Protestants at Perth (May 1559),
i. 176 ; " gaper for the Bishopric of
St. Andrews," vows to bring " traitors "
at Cupar to Queen Regent alive or
dead (June 1559), i. 183-4; one of
the delegates of the Queen Regent
at conference with the Congregation
at Preston (July 1559), i. 197 ; at
Hamilton with Argyll (Aug. 1559),
i. 208 ; one of Queen Regent's
" solisters," to be numbered among
the " enemies of God, and traitors to
their commonwealth," i. 219 ; when
Congregation are driven back into
Edinburgh by the French in Leith,
he cries, " Drink now as ye have
brewed " (31 Oct. 1559), i. 260 ; but
when many pursue the French retiring
from the Canongate, " then was no
man more frack than he " (31 Oct.
1559)) i- 261 ; signs ratification of
Contract of Berwick (27 Feb. 1560)
at Leith (10 May 1560), i. 308 ; his
part in the " incident " in Edinburgh,
between the Hamiltons and friends of
Bothwell (19 Dec. 1561), ii. 36 ; his
share in reconciliation between Both-
well and Arran (25 Mar. 1562), ii.
39 ; goes with Bothwell to Chatel-
herault at Kinneil (26 Mar. 1562), ii.
40 ; arrested by Queen at Falkland
on Arran's charges (Mar. 1562), ii.
41 ; Arran, before the Council, re-
tracts his charges against, ii. 42 ;
nevertheless, the Queen imprisons
Hamilton in St. Andrews Castle and
then in Edinburgh Castle (20 Apr.
1562), ii. 42 ; comes from Newcastle
to Edinburgh and with great difficulty
gets from Mary pardon for Chatel-
herault (Jan. 1566), ii. 174 ; declines
to come to General Assembly (June
1567), ii. 214, note 2
Hamilton, Lady Helen, daughter of first
Earl of Arran, marries fourth Earl of
Argyll, ii. 249, ?iote 2
Hamilton, James [son of James Hamilton
of Stanehouse], slain in fracas with the
French in Edinburgh (i Oct. 1548),
i. 105
Hamilton, James, first Earl of Arran. See
Arran
Hamilton, James, second Earl of Arran.
See Axran
Hamilton, James, third Earl of Arran. See
Arran
Hamilton, Sir James, of Finnart [a natural
son of James, first Earl of Arran ; Lord
of Session, 1533 ; Master of Works
and Principal Steward to the King,
1536 ; a favourite of James V ;
charged with treason, was summarily
executed, 1540 — Scots Peerage, iv.
361], defeats Lennox near Linlithgow
(4 Sept. 1526), i. 22 and note 4 ;
4i6
INDEX
accused of treason and executed (Aug.
1540), i. 28 and note 4 ; appears in
a vision to James V, i. 28-9
Hamilton, James, of Stanehouse [eldest son
of James Hamilton of Raploch ;
acquired the lands of Stanehouse by
his first wife, Margaret Mowat — Scots
Peerage, vii. 545], his second wife, Lady
Grisel Sempill, becomes mistress of
John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley, and
later Archbishop of St. Andrews, i.
59 and note 4 ; slain in fracas with the
French in Edinburgh (i Oct. 1548),
i. 105
Hamilton, John, Archbishop of St. Andrews
[15 1 2-7 1 ; a natural son of James,
first Earl of Arran ; educated, St.
Andrews ; Commendator of Paisley,
1525 ; Abbot of Paisley, 1536 ;
Keeper of the Privy Seal and Lord
High Treasurer, 1543 ; provided to
Dunkeld, 1544 ; translated to St.
Andrews, 1549 ; a political intriguer
rather than a great churchman or
a great statesman ; a ' Queensman ' ;
hanged at Stirling, 1571, mainly in
revenge for the assassination of the
Regent Moray — Herkless and Hannay,
Archbishops of St. Andrews, v.], author
of the Catechism (1552), i. xv, xviii,
xix ; regarded by many as son of
Bishop Crichton of Dunkeld, i. 47 and
note 9 ; arrives in Scotland from
France (Apr. 1543), i. 47 ; hopes
that he would prove a comfort to the
Kirk of God proved false, i. 48 and
note I ; for he soon drives the godly
counsellers of Chatelherault from him,
i. 48-9 ; shares government with
Beaton, Chatelherault having only
the title of Governor, i. 51 ; sent by
Chatelherault and Beaton to Rothes,
Gray and Balnaves, outside Dundee,
to request a parley (Nov. 1542), i. 54 ;
takes castles of Edinburgh and Dunbar
" by craft," i. 59 ; and his mistress.
Lady Grisel Sempill, second wife of
James Hamilton of Stanehouse, i.
xviii, 59 and note 4, ii. 248 ; his
licentiousness, i. 59 ; " the cruelty
of that bastard " differs little from
that of his predecessor. Cardinal
Beaton, i. 79 ; although glad, yet
feigns anger at assassination of
Beaton, and denounces all the con-
spirators as rebels, i. 79 ; persecutes
Knox, i. 82 ; rebukes John Winram
for suffering Knox to preach " such
heretical and schismatical doctrine "
at St. Andrews (1547), i. 87 ; collects
forces at Edinburgh to oppose English
forces (Sept. 1547), i. 98 ; suppresses
letter from English captains to
Chatelherault and his Council, prom-
ising peace if marriage contract
between Mary and Edward VI is
adhered to, i. 98 ; "a cruel beast," he
compasses the death of Sir John Mel-
ville of Raith, i. 106 ; " this bastard,
called Bishop of Saint Andrews "
apprehends Adam Wallace, who is
tried for heresy (1550), i. 114;
Chalmers of Gadgirth's threat to,
before Queen Regent (July 1558), i.
126 ; sends Sir David Hamilton to
Argyll to warn him to withdraw his
favour from Douglas (Mar. 1558),
i. 1 38 ; texts of letter, memorandum
and Argyll's reply, ii. 246-54 ; Mary
of Lorraine tells Protestants that she
is prevented from helping them by
" the power and craft " of the Bishop,
i. 141 ; condemns Walter Myln to be
burned at St. Andrews (28 Apr. 1558),
i. 153 ; " the cruel beast " shows his
hostility to tlie Protestants (1559), i.
164 ; musters his followers to prevent
Knox preaching in St. Andrews (June
1559), i. 181 ; warns Knox, through
Robert Colville of Cleish, that if he
preaches he will salute him " with a
dozen of culverins, whereof the most
part should light upon his nose,"
i. 181 ; hearing of destruction of
" monuments of idolatry " at St.
Andrews, goes to Queen Regent at
Falkland, i. 183 ; on his advice the
Queen Regent decides to invade
St. Andrews, i. 183 ; is confident of
victory over forces of the Reformers
at Cupar, i. 183 ; helps Queen
Regent to prepare expedition from
Dunbar against Edinburgh (July
J559)> i- 199 j tries to win back
Chatelherault to Queen Regent's
side (Sept. 1559), i. 233, note i ;
presumably advises Queen Regent to
issue Proclamation (2 Oct. 1559), i.
235, note I ; one of " the chief pillars
of the Papistical Kirk," attends ' Refor-
mation Parliament ' (Aug. 1560), i.
335 ; though Scotland is now nomi-
nally Protestant he still attends Parlia-
ment as primate of Scotland, i. Ivi ;
some say he and Chatelherault are
" too familiar," a sign of coming
trouble (1561), i. 356 ; narrowly
escapes when Protestants under Arran,
Argyll and Glencairn burn Paisley
Abbey (1561), i. 364 ; offers to Mary
fourth part of his revenues out of
which to pay ministers' stipends (Dec.
1 561), ii. 327, 328 ; keeps secret
convention with Kennedy, Abbot of
Crossraguel, at Paisley (Aug. 1562),
ii. 54 ; confers with Chatelherault,
ii. 54 ; Huntly sends his son to,
requiring him " to put to his hands
in the South, as he should do in the
North," ii. 54 ; gives hint of objective,
ii. 54 ; Knox warns Chatelherault
against, ii. 57 ; tries to stir up trouble
in the South by spreading false rumours
and by raising the Crawfords against
the Reids in Kyle (1562), ii. 57 ;
assists in erecting " that idol, the
Mass " in divers places (Easter, 1563),
ii. 70 ; put on trial as one of the
" Pope's knights " (19 May 1563), ii.
76 ; at first objects to be tried by
Argyll, ii. 76 ; warded in Edinburgh
Castle, ii. 77 and note 3 ; set at hberty,
ii. 84 ; Mary writes to, not to use
any Mass (1565), ii. 141 ; baptises
James VI in Stirling Castle (17 Dec.
1566), ii. 192 ; Mary restores (23 Dec.
1566) all his former consistorial juris-
diction, ii. 194, note 5 ; General
Assembly (27 Dec. 1566) petitions
Lords of Secret Council to stay the
same, ii. 194-6 ; (petition said to be
v\Titten by Knox, ii. 196) ; Knox
writes to the Brethren on dangers of
the restitution of" his ancient jurisdic-
tion " to " that cruel murderer of our
brethren," ii. 196-8 ; through Both-
well, obtains from Queen restitution
of his consistorial jurisdiction, ii. 201 ;
comes to Edinburgh to take possession,
but is persuaded by Provost to return
to avoid trouble and sedition that
might arise (Jan. 1567), ii. 201 ; offers
to expedite divorce between Bothwell
and his wife and help to increase
hatred between Darnley and the
Queen, ii. 203 ; his newly recon-
stituted Consistorial Court grants a
divorce to Bothwell, ii. 205 and
note 4 ; received into favour by Mary
after her marriage with Bothwell, ii.
208 ; fails to prevent Confederate
Lords becoming masters of Edinburgh,
ii. 208 ; forced to retire to the Castle
(11 June 1567), ii. 208-9
Hamilton, John, of Milburn [Master of
Works to the Queen, 1547 ; sent on
embassy to France, 1547 ; died, 1548
— Laing's Knox, i. 207], leaves (23 Nov.
1547) on his mission to France to see
that the " Castilians " are " sharply
handled," his return and accidental
death at Dumbarton, i. 97
Hamilton, John Hamilton, first Marquess
of [?i542-i6o4 ; third son of James,
second Earl of Arran and Duke
of Chatelherault ; Commendator of
Inchaffray, 1547 ; resigned Inchaffray
and was provided to Arbroath, 1551 ;
embraced the reformed laith, but was
later a supporter of Mary ; involved
in the forfeiture of the Hamiltons in
1579; fled to England and thence to
INDEX 417
France ; rehabilitated, 1585 ; Mar-
quess of Hamilton. 1599; died, 1604
— Scots Peerage, iv^ 370-2], signs ratifi-
cation of Contract of Berwick (27 Feb.
1560) at Leith (10 May 1560), i. 308 ;
one of the assize appointed to try
Bothwell for murder of Darnley
(12 Apr. 1567), ii. 204 ; declines to
come to General Assembly (June 1567),
ii. 214, note 2
Hamilton, Matthew, of Milburn [son of
John Hamilton of Milburn], shows
hostility to Protestants (1559), i. 164
Hamilton, Patrick [1503-28 ; a younger
son of Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kin-
cavel (natural son of James, first Lord
Hamilton) and Catherine, or Mar-
garet, Stewart (daughter of Alexan-
der, Duke of Albany, second son of
James II) ; became titular abbot of
Fearn, Ross-shire, about 1517 ; took
his Master's degree at Paris, 1520 ;
also studied at Louvain ; returned to
Scotland, 1522 or 1523 ; incorporated
in St. Andrews, 1523 ; about 1526
began to declare the new faith ;
summoned by James Beaton, Arch-
bishop of St. Andrews, but fled to the
Continent, 1527 ; went to Marburg,
and there publicly offered for disputa-
tion his thesis on Faith and Good
Works ; returned to Scotland ; mar-
tyred, 1 528 — Lorimer, Patrick Hamilton ;
MacEwen, History of the Church in Scot-
land, i. 417-24], account of, i. 11-12 ;
before James Beaton at St. Andrews,
i. 12 ; trial and martyrdom of (29 Feb.
1528), i. xix, xxiv, 13-14 ; his teach-
ing bears fruit, i. 15 ; John Lindsay
warns Bishop James Beaton that " the
reek of Master Patrick Hamilton has
infected as many as it blew upon,"
i. xxiv, 18 ; his martyrdom mentioned,
i. 21, 117, 145; text of "Patrick's
Places," ii. 219-29
Hamilton, Robert [probably the same
Robert Hamilton who appears in the
Treasurer's Accounts, 1561-62, as
Master of the Artillery], wounded in
skirmish at Glennis House (12 Jan.
1560), i. 280
Hamilton, Robert [minister of St. Andrews ;
one of the earliest ministers of the
reformed faith ; found qualified for
the ministry by the General Assembly
of Dec. 1560 ; minister of St.
Andrews, 1566 ; Moderator of the
General Assembly, March 1571 ;
Regent in St. Mary's College, St.
Andrews, became Provost, or Prin-
cipal, of the college, 1574-79 ; died,
1 58 1 — Fasti EcclesiiS Scoticanis, v,
231], one of the " Privy Kirk," i. 148 ;
commissioned with Knox by Lords of
4i8
INDEX
the Congregation to negotiate with
England for aid (July 1559), i. 294 ;
leaves Pitttenweem by sea with Knox,
i. 294 ; he and Knox confer with Sir
James Croft at Berwick (Aug. 1559),
i. 295 ; on question " Whether that
subjects might put to their hand to
suppress the idolatry of their Prince? "
votes in the affirmative (Nov. 1561),
ii. 23
Hamilton, William, Tutor of Cambuskeith,
put on trial as one of the " Pope's
knights " (19 May 1563), ii. 76
Hamilton, Sir William, of Sanquhar, sent
as Commissioner to Henry VIII, to
treat of marriage between Mary
Queen of Scots and Edward, after-
wards Edward VI (1543), i. 46 ;
Governor of Edinburgh Castle, i. 201,
note 6
Harlaw, William [minister of St. Cuthbert's,
Edinburgh ; born soon after 1500 ;
early embraced the reformed faith ;
took refuge in England and became a
chaplain to Edward VI ; returned to
Edinburgh, 1553 ; preached privately,
1555, and publicly, 1556 ; one of the
preachers summoned to Stirling, May
J 559 ; appointed to St. Cuthbert's,
Edinburgh, 1560 ; a member of the
first General Assembly ; died, 1578 —
Fasti Ecclesiie Scoticanie, i. 93], driven
from England by Mary Tudor, comes
to Scotland, i. 118; preaches in
Edinburgh, i. 125 ; one of the " Privy
Kirk," i. 148 ; denounced rebel and
put to the horn (10 May 1559), i. 161,
note 3
Harlaw, William [saddler in Edinburgh],
Knox makes intercession for him after
he is convicted for his part in the
Sanderson riot in Edinburgh (Nov.
1560), i. 358 ; condemned to death
" for keeping the Queen in prison,"
but is pardoned (2 Apr. 1566), ii. 184
Hart, John [a minor official of the Mint],
promises Congregation to coin money
for them, but acts " treasonably "
(i559)> i; 258
Hawick, punitive raid made by Moray on
(2 July 1562), ii. 47
Hay, — , Dean of Restalrig, opposes read-
ing of the Bible in vernacular, i. 44
and note 5
Hay, Family of, promise to fight with
Forbeses and Leslies, without other
help, against Huntly at Battle of
Corrichie (28 Oct. 1562), ii. 59 ;
their treason, ii. 60
Hay, George [? 1 530-88 ; Rector of Rathven,
1588 ; embraced the reformed faith ;
minister of Eddleston, was appointed
to preach throughout Carrick along
with John Willock and another, 1562 ;
"minister to the Privy Council," 1563 ;
" minister to the Court," 1564 ; took
an active part in the affairs of the
Church ; Moderator of the General
Assembly, 1570 ; died, 1588 — Fasti
EcclesitE Scoticane, vi. 294], on question
" Whether that subjects might put to
their hand to suppress the idolatry
of their Prince ? " votes in the affir-
mative (Nov. 1561), ii. 23 ; appointed
by General Assembly as Commissioner
to Carrick and Cunningham (1562),
ii. 55 ; opposes preaching of Quintin
Kennedy, Abbot of Crossraguel (1562),
ii. 57 ; messenger from Lords inviting
Superintendents and some learned
ministers to confer with them at the
General Assembly (June 1564), ii.
107 ; appointed to confer with Lords
at General Assembly (June 1564), ii.
108 ; commanded by Morton to
reason with Knox on subject of
obedience to magistrates (June 1564),
ii. 115 ; but declines, ii. 116
Hay, John, Prior of Monymusk [was also
Mary's Master of Requests and Com-
mendator of Balmerino ; died, 1573
— -Laing's Knox, ii. 482], sent as
ambassador to Elizabeth (1565), ii.
147
Hay, William Hay, fifth Lord, of Yester
[? 1 537-86 ; eldest son of John,
fourth Lord Hay of Yester ; heredi-
tory Sheriff of Peebles ; succeeded
1555/56 ; joined the reformers ; at
first opposed the marriage of Mary
and Darnley, but after the marriage
supported Mary against Moray ; was
a member of Moray's Council in 1567
but after Mary's escape from Loch-
leven joined her and was at Lang-
side ; remained loyal to Mary until
1 57 1 , when he transferred his allegiance
to the king ; died, 1586 ; married
Margaret, daughter of Sir John Ker
of Ferniehurst— &o<5 Peerage, viii.
438-42], subscribes Book of Discipline
(27 Jan. 1561), i. 345, ii. 324 ;
summoned to Edinburgh by General
Assembly (June 1567) to settle true
worship of the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but
excuses himself on grounds that he
could not come with safety to Edin-
burgh, ii. 214
Helvetian Confession, considered by Church
in Scotland (Sept. 1566), ii. 190 and
7Kte 3
Henderson, Henry. See Henryson
Henry VIII, King of England [1509-47],
imprisons Friar William Arth, i. ii3 ;
abolishes authority of Pope in Eng-
land and suppresses abbeys, i. 22 ;
proposed meeting with James V at
York (1541), i. 30-1 ; indignant at
INDEX
419
James V's abandonment of proposed
meeting with him at York, prepares
for war with Scotland, i. 31 ; sends
Sir Ralph Sadler as ambassador to
Scotland (1543), to contract perpetual
amity between the two countries, i. 45 ;
proposes marriage between Mary
Queen of Scots and his son,
Edward, i. 46 ; after breach of
marriage contract, he arrests Scottish
ships in English harbours (Aug. 1543),
and threatens Scotland with war,'i. 50 ;
recalls Sir Ralph Sadler, seizes Scot-
tish ships in England and declares war,
i. 51 ;i gives protection to Lennox in
England, i. 59 ; promises to protect
Protestants in St. Andrews Castle on
condition that they retain as hostage
Chatelherault's son and support mar-
riage contract between Mary and
Prince Edward (1547), i. 80
See also England
Henry II, King of France [1547-59], sends
Leon Strozzi to treat for surrender of
St. Andrews Castle (1547), i. 96 ;
thanked by Pope for avenging death
of Beaton, i. 97 ; John Hamilton of
Milburn sent on mission to, to see that
" Castilians " are " sharply handled,"
i. 97 ; by Treaty of Haddington (July
1548) he is to " keep and defend "
Scotland, i. xxviii ; sends army to
Scotland (1548), but disowns it as
France and England are at peace,
i. 1 01-2 ; releases, at request of Mary
of Lorraine, the remaining " gentle-
men " among the " Castilians " who
are still in prison in France (July
1550), i. Ill ; report of his wounding
said to have encouraged Protestants
in Scotland, i. 193, note 5 ; death of,
i. xliv, 198 and note 2 ; a punishment
by God for his persecution of" saints "
in France should be a warning to
Queen Regent, i. 199 ; report of his
wounding received by Knox, i. 351 ;
probable reference to his death, i. 297
and note i ; Latin poem on death of,
i. 349-50 ; his licentiousness at
Orleans, ii. 35
See also France ; and French in
Scotland
Henryson, Henry [educated, St. Andrews ;
master of the Grammar School of the
Burgh of Edinburgh — Laing's Knox,
i. 57], summoned by Beaton to burn
his bill (1534), i- 24
Henryson, Janet [wife of Alexander
Guthrie, Town Clerk of Edinburgh],
Knox's letters to, mentioned, i. Ixxxiii ;
quoted, i. Ixxxiv ; turned out of her
house with her children by the
Queen's Treasurer (1565), ii. 154
Hepburn, Alexander, of Whitsome and
Riccarton, his share in reconciliation
between Bothwell and Arran (1562),
ii. 39 ; appears instead of Bothwell
at latter's trial at Edinburgh (2 May
1565), and protests that Bothwell
could not be present for fear of his
enemy, Moray, ii. 144
Hepburn, James, fourth Earl of Bothwell.
See Bothwell
Hepburn, Jean [daughter of Patrick, third
Earl of Bothwell], marries Lord John
Stewart, Commendator of Coldingham
(Jan. 1562), " a sufficient woman for
such a man," ii. 36 and note 9
Hepburn, John, Bishop of Brechin [fourth
son of Patrick Hepburn, first Earl of
Bothwell ; provided to Brechin, 1516 ;
died, 1557 — Dowden, Bishops of Scot-
land, 189-90], his retainers buffet
Friar William Arth for preaching
" against the pride and idle life of
Bishops " at Dundee and call him
heretic, i. 15 ; Wishart accused of
preaching in Dundee against order
of, ii. 236
Hepburn, Patrick, Bishop of Moray [son
of Patrick Hepburn of Beinstoun and
grandson of Patrick Hepburn, first
Lord Hailes ; Prior of St. Andrews,
1525 j provided to Moray, 1538 ;
despite the Reformation, managed to
retain possession of Spynie Castle,
where he sheltered the fleeing Both-
well and where he died, 1573 —
Dowden, Bishops of Scotland, 171-2 ;
Scots Peerage, ii. 142-3], present at
William Arth's sermon at St. Andrews,
i. 15 ; boasts of his own licentious
ness, i. 17 ; summons David Stratoun
for heresy on his refusing to pay tithe
offish caught by him in the sea (1534),
i. 24 ; objects to statutes of Provincial
Council (1559), i. 140 ; hostility
between Reformers of Dundee and,
leading to the burning of Scone
Palace and Abbey (1559), i. 189-91 ;
offers to the Queen fourth part of
his revenues out of which to pay min-
isters' stipends (22 Dec. 1561), ii. 327,
328
Hepburn, Patrick, third Earl of Bothwell.
See Bothwell
Hepburn, Patrick, of Wauchton, sent as
mediator to Reformers at Cupar
Muir (June 1559), i. 184
Heriot, Adam [Canon of St. Andrews ;
embraced the reformed faith ; died,
1574 — Fasti Ecclesits Scoticants, vi. 35],
appointed minister at Aberdeen
(19 July 1560), i. 334
Hermitage Castle, Mary visits Bothwell at,
after he is wounded in Liddesdale raid
(Oct. 1566), ii. 190 ; Bothwell brought
to Jedburgh from, ii. 191
420
INDEX
Hemes, John Maxwell, fourth Lord [second
son of Robert, fifth Lord Maxwell ;
called ' Master of Maxwell ' as being
presumptive heir, 1546-51, and 1555
until his death in 1583 ; married
Agnes, Lady Herries of Terregles ; at
first a staunch supporter of the Con-
gregation ; later a partisan of Queen
Mary ; eventually submitted to Moray
and supported the regencies — Diction-
ary of National Biography], imprisoned
for declaring he would support the
preachers (May 1559), i. 161 ; "a
man stout and witty," he gives advice
after defeat of the Congregation in the
Canongate, Edinburgh (31 Oct. 1559),
i. 261 ; sets off (3 Nov. 1559) to
apprehend Bothwell at Crichton, after
latter had despoiled Cockburn of
Ormiston of money obtained from
England (31 Oct.), but fails, i. 259 ;
delivers message from Norfolk to Lords
of the Congregation at Glasgow, i. 298 ;
sent by the Congregation as one of the
Commissioners to Norfolk at Berwick
(Feb. 1560), i. 302 ; his instructions
(10 Feb. 1560), i. 308-10 ; one of the
Commissioners who negotiated and
signed Contract of Berwick (27 Feb.
1560), i. 303, 307 ; signs " Last Band
at Leith " at Edinburgh (27 Apr.
1560), i. 315 ; subscribes Book of
Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), i. 345, ii. 324 ;
detains Bothwell and prevents his
taking part in the " incident " in
Edinburgh between the Hamiltons
and Bothwell's friends (19 Dec. 1561),
ii. 37 ; present at Privy Council which
passes Act relating to Thirds (22 Dec.
1 561), ii. 326 ; on Knox's advice he,
" a man of great judgment and
experience," writes to Bothwell " to
behave himself as it became a faithful
subject," ii. 57 ; he is to test the
" doctrine and conversation " of
Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Gallo-
way, before he should be elected
Superintendent of Galloway (1563),
ii. 73 ; present at Council meeting
(Dec. 1563) to decide if Knox's letter
to the Brethren (8 Oct. 1563) is
treasonable, ii. 90 ; his debate with
Knox on whether Knox's letter to the
Brethren (8 Oct. 1563) was treason-
able, ii. 90-1 ; coolness between them
thereafter, ii. 92 ; present at Council
before which Knox is summoned (Dec.
1563), ii. 94 ; he is the Queen's
" faithful support " on one side of her
chair (Lethington being on the other),
ii. 94, 99 ; attends General Assembly
(June 1564), but joins group of
courtiers who sit apart, ii. 107 ; takes
Queen's part against Knox, ii. i lo-i i ;
mentioned, ii. 115 ; fails to persuade
Moray to come to the Queen (1565),
ii. 156 ; makes " long oration to the
Queen, declaring what pleasure she
had done to them, and ever laid the
whole burden upon the Earl of
Moray " (Aug. 1565), ii. 162 ; reports
to Queen that he counselled Lords at
Hamilton to disperse their army, and
that they had gone to Dumfries, ii.
163 ; writes to Mary and Darnley,
making oflTers on behalf of the Prot-
estant Lords (Sept. 1565), ii. 165 ;
acts as mediator between Protestant
Lords and Queen, ii. 168 ; incurs
Queen's wrath and is summoned but,
although he disobeys, he is not put to
the horn, ii. 168 ; deserts Protestant
Lords and joins Queen (Oct. 1565),
ii. 172 ; gives banquet to Mary and
Darnley at Lochmaben (Oct. 1565),
ii. 1 72 ; advises Queen on manner of
avenging Riccio's murder (Mar. 1 566),
ii. 182 ; one of the assize appointed to
try Bothwell for murder of Darnley
(12 Apr. 1567), ii. 204
Hertford, Edward Seymour, Earl of. See
Somerset
Hesilhead, Laird of. See Montgomery,
Hew
Hickman, Mrs. [wife of a London mer-
chant], Knox's letters to, mentioned,
i. Ixxxiii ; quoted, i. Ixxxiv
Holy Island, Knox at (i Aug. 1559), i. 207,
note 2 ; Knox and Robert Hamilton
at (i Aug. 1559), i. 295 and note i
Holyrood [Abbey, Chapel, Chapel Royal,
Palace of Holyroodhouse], some forced
to burn their bills in the Abbey Kirk
(1534), i. 24 ; David Stratoun and
Norman Gourlay condemned to death
at the Abbey, for heresy, i. 25 ;
Council held at the Palace (1542), i.
33 ; contract ofmarriage between Mary
and Edward solemnised at (1543),
i. 46 ; Chatelherault leaves the Palace
for Stirling (1-543), i. 50 ; the Palace
burned by English (7 May 1544), i.
57 ; Queen Regent, in a Proclama-
tion (i July 1559), complains that the
Palace is being held by the Congrega-
tion, i. 193 ; the Palace to be sur-
rendered by them, by terms of the
Appointment of Leith (24 July 1559),
i. 203 ; Queen Regent and her party
reside in the Abbey (1559), i. 211 ;
she sets up Mass again in the Chapel
and then in the Abbey, i. 213 ; the
Abbey mentioned, i. 262 ; the Palace
not ready for Mary owing to her
sudden return from France (1561),
ii. 7 ; after her arrival, Mass is said
in the Chapel (24 Aug. 1561), i. Iviii,
ii. 8 ; bodyguard established after
INDEX
421
Mary " took a fray " that the Palace
was being attacked (Nov. 1561), ii.
24-5, 25, note I ; some of the Lords,
influenced by the Courtiers, do not
attend General Assembly (Dec. 1561),
but remain in the Abbey, ii. 25-6 ;
conference between them and the
ministers is held in the Abbot's
lodging, ii. 26—7 ; mentioned in
connection with the tumult between
the Hamiltons and Bothwell's friends
(19 Dec. 1561), ii. 37 ; Huntly's body
brought to the Abbey and laid without
burial there (1562), ii. 63 ; interview
between Knox and Mary in the Abbey
(1563), ii. 82 ; trouble at, when Mass
is celebrated in the Queen's absence
(15 Aug. 1563), i. Ixi, ii. 87 ; Patrick
Cranstoun and Andrew Armstrong are
to be tried (24 Oct.) for their part,
i. Ixi, ii. 87, 88 ; Lennox arrives at,
from exile (23 Sept. 1564I, ii. 137 ;
Papists hear Mass in the Chapel and
hold a " superstitious Even-song "
during the Queen's absence in Fife
(Feb. 1565), ii. 138 ; marriage of
Mary and Darnley in the Chapel
Royal at (29 July 1565), ii. 158 ;
Thomworth, English ambassador, re-
ceived by Mary at (7 Aug. 1565), ii.
158 ; principal citizens summoned to
Palace for refusing to pay levy imposed
by Queen (27 Sept. 1565), ii. 169 ;
Mary and Darnley leave, for Dumfries
(8 Oct. 1565), ii. 172 ; certain Lords
and others go openly to Mass in the
Chapel (Nov.-Dec. 1565), ii. 174 ;
Darnley is invested with the Order
of the Cockle in the Royal Chapel
(10 Feb. 1566), ii. 177-8, 177, note 2 ;
Mary wishes Bothwell to be married
to Lady Jane Gordon at Mass in the
Chapel (24 Feb. 1566), ii. 178;
murder of Riccio in (9 Mar. 1566),
ii. 179-80 ; Moray, returning from
exile, comes to the Abbey (10 Mar.
1566), ii. 181 ; altars found in the
Royal Chapel, ready to be erected in
St. Giles' (Mar. 1566), ii. 182 ; while
Mary is living in the Castle, Papists
hold services in the Chapel Royal,
ii. 185 ; Mary stays at the Palace,
but visits Darnley in Kirk-of-Field
(1567), ii. 202 ; Darnley buried in
the Abbey, ii. 202 ; after imprisonment
of Mary in Lochleven Castle, Glen-
cairn destroys altars in the Chapel,
ii. 213
For Commendators of Holyrood, see
Bothwell, Adam, Bishop of Orkney ;
Orkney, Robert Stewart, first Earl of
Home. See also Hume
Home, Alexander [Bailie of Edinburgh],
discharged by order of the Queen
(8 Oct. 1561), ii. 21, note 8, 22 and
note 4
Home, Alexander Home, fifth Lord [eldest
son of George, fourth Lord Home ;
accompanied Mary of Lorraine on her
visit to France, 1550 ; Warden of the
East Marches ; supported the mar-
riage of Mary and Darnley ; after the
marriage of Mary and Bothwell joined
Moray in opposition to the Queen ;
fought against Mary at Carberry and
Langside, 1568, but in 1569 became a
' Queensman ' ; joined Kirkcaldy of
Grange in Edinburgh Castle ; for-
feited, 1573 ; prisoner, 1573-75 ; died,
, 1575 — Scots Peerage, iv. 460-62], cap-
tured by English before Battle of Pinkie
(Sept. 1547), i. 99 ; present at Privy
Council which passes Act relating to
Thirds (22 Dec. 1561), ii. 326 ; ban-
ished Lords return to Scotland and
come to Holyrood Abbey, convoyed by
(10 Mar. 1566), ii. 181 ; Confederate
Lords appoint him to besiege Queen
and Bothwell in Borthwick Castle, ii.
208 ; commands with Morton one
army of the Confederate Lords at
Carberry Hill (15 June 1567), ii. 210 ;
signs Articles agreed upon by General
Assembly (20 July 1 567 ) , ii. 2 1 5 ; takes
oath on behalf of infant king at his
coronation, ii. 216 (and cf. note i)
Home, Castle of. See Hume Castle
Home, David, of Wedderburn, identified
with " Wedderburn " who signs " Last
Band at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316
and note 12
Home, Elizabeth [daughter of Alexander,
second Lord Home ; first wife of
James, first Earl of Arran ; divorced,
1504 ; divorce repeated, 1^10— Scots
Peerage, iv. 358-60], first wife of first
Earl of Arran, validity of her divorce,
i. 49 and note i
Home, George, of Spott, signs " Last Band
at Leith " at Edinburgh (27 Apr.
1560), i. 316 ; one of five appointed
to carry Articles from General
Assembly to Queen at Perth (June
1565), ii. 150 ; they follow Queen to
Dunkeld, ii. 150 ; and then to Edin-
burgh, ii. 151
Home, George Home, fourth Lord [brother
of Alexander, third Lord Home ; suc-
ceeded to the forfeited estates of his
brother, 1522 ; died, 1549], with the
Scots army on the Border (1542), i. 32
Home, Sir' John, of Cowdenknowes [see
Scots Peerage, iv. 469-70], sent by
Chatelherault and Beaton to Rothes,
Gray and Balnaves outside Dundee
to request a parley (Nov. 1543), i. 54
Hope, Edward [for a number of years from
1 555 onwards was either a bailie or on
422 INDEX
the council of the burgh of Edinburgh],
one of the few in Edinburgh who had
the " bruit of knowledge " when the
town was drowned in superstition, i.
43 ; with other magistrates makes
proclamation against " monks, friars,
priests, nuns, adulterers, fornicators,
and all such filthy persons " (2 Oct.
1561), ii. 21-22, 21, note 8, 22, note 1
Horsecleuch, Laird of. See Campbell,
William
Houston, Laird of. See Sharp, Sir John
Howard, Sir George, interview with Queen
Regent at Edinburgh Castle (6 Apr.
1560), mentioned, i. 318, note 5
Howard, Thomas, third Duke of Norfolk.
See Norfolk
Howard, Thomas, fourth Duke of Norfolk.
See Norfolk
Howard, Lord William [Henry VHI's
ambassador], and proposed meeting
between James V and Henry VHI
at York (1541), i. 30 (but cf. i. 30,
note 8)
Hume. See also Home
Hume, Alexander, signs " Last Band at
Leith " (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316
Hume Castle, surrendered to English after
Battle of Pinkie (Sept. 1547), i. 99 ;
recovered from English, i. 106 ; Queen
Regent at (1557), i. 125
Hunter, James [flesher in Perth], put to
death for heresy at Perth by Beaton
(Jan. 1544), i. 55
Hunter, Robert, of Hunterston, signs Band
at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Hunterston, Laird of See Hunter, Robert
Hunthill, Laird of See Rutherford, John
Huntly, Elizabeth Keith, Countess of
[daughter of Robert Keith, eldest son
of William, third Earl Marischal and
sister of William, fourth Earl Maris-
chal ; married George, fourth Earl
of Huntly], comes to Aberdeen with
her husband to meet Mary (Aug.
1562), ii. 58 ; though her husband
seeks to be revenged on Mary, she
bears always a " fair countenance to
the Queen," ii. 58 ; blames her witches
for death of her husband (28 Oct.
1562), ii. 61 ; " craftily protested "
against forfeiture of her husband
(28 May 1563), ii. 77
Huntly, George Gordon, fourth Earl of
[succeeded his grandfather, Alexander,
third Earl of Huntly, 1 524 ; Lord
Chancellor, 1546-53, 1561 ; taken
prisoner at Pinkie, 1547 ; Earl of
Moray, 1549 ; went to France with
Mary of Lorraine, 1550 ; a ' bye-Iyer '
at the time of the Reformation ; in-
volved in the dispute between his son Sir
John Gordon and the Ogilvies ; routed
at Corrichie and died there, 1562 ;
Catholic, and the most influential
noble in the north — Scots Peerage, iv.
534-6], with Scots army on the
Borders (1542), i. 32 ; appointed one
of four Regents in the " will " of
James V (Dec. 1542), i. 41 ; but he
is rejected by nobility, i. 41 ; joins
Beaton's party in opposition to
Chatelherault, i. 49 ; from Linlith-
gow they take Mary and her mother
to Stirhng (26 July 1543), i. 49 ; at
Battle of Pinkie (Sept. 1547), i. 99,
100 ; captured and taken to London,
i. 100 ; but is released, having, it is
said, " used policy with England,"
i. 1 00- 1, 1 01, note I ; bribed with
Order of St. Michael, sells the Queen
to France (1548), i. 103 ; with others,
tries Adam Wallace for heresy (1550),
i. 114 ; his hectoring examination of
Wallace, i. 115, 116 ; goes to France
with Mary of Lorraine (7 Sept. 1550),
i. 116 ; orders Reformers to desist
from besieging Perth (June 1559),
i. 188-9 ; one of the delegates for the
Queen Regent at conference with the
Congregation at Preston (July 1559),
i. 197 ; requests meeting with Argyll,
Glencairn, Moray and others, and
promises to go over to their side if
Queen Regent breaks terms of the
Appointment made at Leith Links
(24 July 1559), i. 204 ; signs (25 July
1559) the Appointment of the Links
of Leith, i. 205 ; Queen Regent,
wishing to set up the Mass again in
St. Giles', sends him with others to
negotiate with the Congregation
(29 July 1559), i. 212-13 ; on failure
of negotiations he " did lovingly
entreat them to quietness," i. 213 ;
his part in the Appointment of Leith
mentioned, i. 215 ; sends Earl of
Sutherland to the Lords to " com-
fort " them " in their affliction,"
though, as others whispered, his prin-
cipal commission is to the Queen
Regent, i. 276 and note 7 ; one of the
" bye-lyers " [sitters on the fence],
assures Arran of assistance (Instruc-
tions to Commissioners at Berwick,
10 Feb. 1560), i. 309 ; signs ratifica-
tion of Contract of Berwick (27 Feb.
1560) at Leith (10 May 1560), i. 307 ;
does not join Scots-English forces
immediately (Apr. 1560), i. 311 ;
signs " Last Band at Leith " at Edin-
burgh (27 Apr. 1560) on 28 Apr.,
i. 314 and note 2, 315 ; Queen Regent
blames his bad advice for the state of
affairs which led to the English being
called in, i. 321 ; plots with the
Papists to take Edinburgh before
meeting of Parhament (May 1561),
^1
i. 356 ; forestalled by Protestants,
i. 356 ; appears to approve of destruc-
tion of places and monuments of
idolatry by Moray in the North ( 1 56 1 ) ,
i. 364 ; chosen Privy Councillor
(6 Sept. 1 561), ii. 20 ; sent by Mary
to quell tumult between Bothwell and
d'Elboeuf and the Hamiltons (19 Dec.
1561), ii. 37 ; apparently conspires
against Moray's life, ii. 37 ; present
at Privy Council which passes Acts for
the Thirds of the benefices (22 Dec.
1561), ii. 28, 326; (12 Feb. 1562),
ii- 329 ; (15 Feb. 1562), ii. 331 ; his
jesting remark on the Acts, ii. 29 ;
enmity between Ogilvies and Gordons,
ii. 53, note 2 ; suggested that there
was a confederacy between Papists of
the North and South and Huntly, or
between him and the Queen (1562),
ii. 54 ; is joined by his son. Sir
John Gordon of Findlater, and is
suspected of raising forces on Queen's
behalf, ii. 54 ; sends his son to
Archbishop Hamilton requiring him
*' to put to his hands in the South, as
he should do in the North," ii. 54 ;
Knox warns Chatelherault against,
ii. 57 ; Archbishop Hamilton and
Quintin Kennedy try to stir up
trouble in the South by spreading
rumours that the Queen has given
herself to, ii. 57 ; meets Mary at
Aberdeen and departs with her to
Buchan and meets her again at
Rothiemay (Sept. 1562), ii. 58 ; hopes
Mary will go with him to Strathbogie,
ii. 58 ; his son, John Gordon, fails to
re-enter ward in Stirhng Castle, and
offends Mary so that she will not go
to Strathbogie, ii. 58 ; offended by
Queen's action at Inverness, he vows
to be revenged, ii. 58 ; it is believed
that he meant little harm to the Queen,
but all the malice was on the side of
Moray, Lethington and Wishart of
Pittarrow, ii. 58 ; avoids capture by
the Queen at Strathbogie (9 Oct.
1562), ii. 59 ; ordered by Queen to
deliver keys of Findlater Castle, sends
them by a messenger, ii. 58 ; after
his son disperses forces sent by Queen,
he is ordered to appear before the
Council, fails to appear and is de-
nounced rebel (17 Oct. 1562), ii. 59,
184 ; assembles his forces, marches on
Aberdeen and reaches Loch of Skene
(on 22 Oct. 1562), ii. 59 ; opposed by
army composed of Forbeses, Hays and
Leslies, ii. 59 ; and by Moray, ii. 59 ;
declares the army composed of
Forbeses, etc. are his friends and fears
only Moray, ii. 59-60 ; his prayer
before the Battle of Corrichie, and
INDEX 423
Knox's comment on it, ii. 60 ;
Queen's army consisting of Forbeses,
fete, feign attack on him and then flee
towards Moray's forces, ii. 60 ; his
forces then march against Moray's, ii.
60 ; he is defeated and captured and
immediately after dies " without any
wound," ii. 61 ; body conveyed to
Aberdeen Tolbooth to fulfil prophecy
of his witches, ii. 61 ; Lady Forbes'
comment on seeing his dead body and
Knox's endorsement of it, ii. 62 ; his
body is brought to Holyrood Abbey,
ii. 63 ; Knox warns those who rail
against the preachers that God
punished Huntly, i. Ixxvii-lxxviii, ii.
65 ; his corpse brought to the Tol-
booth, Edinburgh, tried and forfeited
(28 May 1563), ii. 77 ; punishment
of his allies in the Parliament (1563)
given as one reason why establish-
ment of religion was postponed, ii.
78 ; his daughter, Lady Jane Gordon,
marries Bothwell (24 Feb. 1566), ii.
178 and note 3
Huntly, George Gordon, fifth Earl of
[second son of George, fourth Earl of
Huntly ; after Corrichie, and his
father's death, 1562, was warded in
Dunbar ; narrowly escaped execu-
tion ; received into Mary's favour, was
appointed Chancellor, 1566, though
the forfeiture following Corrichie was
not reversed until 1567 ; a member
of Moray's Council, 1567 ; deserted
Moray and joined Mary upon her
escape from Lochleven ; Mary's chief
supporter in the North ; gave in his
submission and signed a bond of
loyalty to the King, April 1 569 ; but still
actively supported Mary ; forfeited,
1571 ; rehabihtated, 1573 ; died, 1576;
married Anne, third daughter of the
Duke of Chatelherault — Scots Peerage,
iv. 539-41], messenger from his father
to Chatelherault, ii. 54 ; confers with
Bothwell, ii. 54 and note 8 ; arrested
by Chatelherault, ii. 63 ; though
Moray intercedes for him, he is im-
prisoned in Edinburgh Castle (28 Nov.
1562 to 8 Feb. 1563), then tried and
convicted of treason ; again im-
prisoned in the Castle and later at
Dunbar (till Aug. 1565), ii. 63 ;
released from Dunbar Castle, received
by Mary (3 Aug. 1565), and restored
to his lands and titles so that he might
oppose Moray in the North, ii. 157 ;
restored to Earldom of Huntly (6 Oct.
1565), ii. 171 and note 6 ; stands
surety for Herries when he deserts
Protestant Lords and joins Queen,
ii. 172 ; though in great favour with
the Queen, does not attend Mass in
424
INDEX
her chapel, ii. 174 ; " certain dryness"
between Morton, Mar and Lethington
on one side and Huntly and Bothwell
on the other, ii. 175 ; but reconciled
by Atholl's mediation, ii. 175 ; driven
from Palace by Morton on night of
Riccio's death, flees to Edmondstone
and Crichton (9 Mar. 1566), ii. 179 ;
joins Queen at Dunbar and advises
her on manner of avenging Riccio's
murder (Mar. 1566), ii. 182 ; present
when QjLieen receives Argyll and Moray
in Edinburgh Castle, ii. 185 ; his
restoration promoted by his uncle,
Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, ii. 189 ;
succeeds Morton as Chancellor (Mar.
1566), ii. 189 and note 2 ; remains
outside chapel at baptism of James VI
because it was according to the rites
of the Roman Church (17 Dec. 1566),
ii. 193, note i ; fails to prevent Con-
federate Lords becoming masters of
Edinburgh, ii. 208 ; forced to retire
to the Castle (11 June 1567), ii. 208-9 ;
joins Hamilton faction (June 1567), ii.
213 ; summoned to Edinburgh by
General Assembly (June 1567) to
settle true worship of the Kirk, ii. 213 ;
but excuses himself on grounds that
he could not come with safety to
Edinburgh, ii. 214
Huntly Castle, Rothes, Gray and Henry
Balnaves commanded by Chatel-
herault to come from, to Dundee
(Nov. 1543), i. 53
Huss, John [Bohemian reformer ; follower
of Wyclitie ; martyred, 1415], Paul
Craw accused of being a follower of
[c. 1433), i. 7
Idolatry, condemned in the Confession of
Faith, ii. 264 ; defined in the Book of
Discipline, ii. 283 ; to be punished by
death according to the divine law, ii.
120 ; resolved by General Assembly
(1567) to abolish, ii. 215
See also Mass
— Monuments of. Act of Privy Council
(1546) against " invasion " and " des-
poiling " of abbeys and other reli-
gious houses, i. xxiv ; " that great
idol called Saint Giles " is drowned
in the North Loch, Edinburgh (1558),
i. 125 ; events following on this, i.
127-9 ; the " rascal mukitude "
destroy friaries of Black and Grey
Friars and the Charterhouse in Perth
(May 1559), i. 1 6 1-3 ; Protestants,
bargaining for surrender of Perth,
stipulate that, inter alia, no inhabitant
should suffer for the late destruction
of places of idolatry, i. 176 ; all
monuments of idolatry destroyed at
St. Andrews (June 1559), i. 182 ;
Abbey and Palace of Scone destroyed
(June 1559), i. 1 90-1 ; friaries in
Edinburgh destroyed (June 1559), i.
192 ; the Congregation not to destroy
any churches before i o Jan. 1 560, one
of the Articles in Appointment of
Leith (24july 1559), i. 203 ; Brethren
of Edinburgh petition Lords of Secret
Council (27 May 1561) that, inter
alia, " idolatry, and all monuments
thereof" should be suppressed, i. 360 ;
the Lords make Act that all places
and monuments of idolatry should be
destroyed (1561), i. 364 ; Protestants
burn Paisley Abbey, Failford, Kil-
winning and part of Crossraguel
(1561), i. 364 ; Moray appointed to
destroy places of, in the North, i 364
Inchaffray, Abbots of. See Dunbar, Gavin,
Archbishop of Glasgow ; Hamilton,
John Hamilton, first Marquess of
Inchcolm, the Cardinal, a French ship, is
stranded near (1548), i. 104
— Abbey. For Abbot of, see Doune,
James Stewart, first Lord
Inchkeith, Congregation sarcastically sug-
gest it as a place of refuge for Queen
Regent rather than Leith (3 Oct.
1559), i. 238 ; Scott of Balwearie
bribed by French to put victuals
secretly on (19 Apr. 1560), i. 277,
note 2 ; provisions short on (June
1560), i. 323 ; garrisoning of, agreed
upon in Concessions [" annex " to
Treaty of Edinburgh, 1560], i. 324
Innermeath, John Stewart, fourth Lord
[succeeded his father, Richard, third
Lord Innermeath, probably in 1528 ;
Lord of Session, 1544; died, 1570 —
Scots Peerage, v. 5], present at Privy
Council which passes Act relating
to Thirds (22 Dec. 1561), ii. 326 ;
summoned to Edinburgh by General
Assembly (June 1567) to setde true
worship of the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but
excuses himself on grounds that he
could not come with safety to Edin-
burgh, ii. 214 ; but signs Articles
agreed upon by General Assembly
(20 July 1567), ii. 215
Innes, John, of Innes, signs " Last Band
at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316
Inveresk, George VVishart preaches at
(Dec. 1545), i. 66-7 ; Scottish army
marches from Edinburgh to (Sept.
1547), i. 98 ; fortified by French to
prevent English attacking Edinburgh
and Leith (winter 1548-49), i. 104;
council held at, before English army
marches (6 Apr. 1560) to Restalrig
for siege of Leith, i. 312
Invergowrie, Wishart dwells with James
Watson at (1545), i. 64 ; his agonised
devotions there and his explanation
INDEX
that his time is drawing to an end,
i. 64-5
Inverness, magistrates of, to maintain un-
demoHshed friaries for public good
(Act of Privy Council, 15 Feb. 1562),
^ 332 ; Qiieen comes to, where,
access to the castle being denied her,
she orders its surrender and hangs the
captain (Sept. 1562), ii. 58 ; Lord
John Stewart, Commendator of Cold-
ingham, dies at (Oct. or Nov. 1563),
ii. 86
Inverquharity, Laird of. See OgiK^, John
Ireland, by Contract of Berwick (27 Feb.
1560), Argyll is to assist in reducing
northern Ireland to " the perfect
obedience of England," i. 305-6
James I, King of Scotland [1406-37],
charges Benedictine and Augustinian
houses to shake off their sloth (1425),
i. xviii ; during his reign Paul Craw
is burned for heresy at St. Andrews
(?H33)) i- 7 ; founded Charter-
house, Perth, and is buried there, i.
164 and notes 1-2
James II, King of Scotland [1437-60],
" small question of religion moved
within this realm " during his reign,
i- 7
James III, King of Scotland [1460-88],
by an Indult (1487) he is granted
privilege of recommending, for
appointment by the Pope, to benefices,
i. xvi ; " small question of religion
moved within this realm " during his
reign, i. 7 ; murder of his favourites
at Lauder (1482) recalled (1542),
i. 32
James IV, King of Scotland [1488-15 13],
during his reign the Lollards of Kyle
are summoned for heresy (1494),
i. 7-1 1 ; he deals gently with them
for " divers of them were his great
familiars," i. 10 ; asks Reid if he will
burn his bill, i. 1 1
James V, King of Scotland [1513-42], uses
wealth of the Church for secular pur-
poses, i. XXV and note i ; Beaton
engineers a pilgrimage to St. Duthus
in Ross for, to get him out of the way
while he condemns Hamilton (1528),
i. 12-13 ; " carnal Prince . . . given
to the hithy lusts of the flesh," i. 21 ;
joins Bishop James Beaton in per-
secuting Alexander Seton, the King's
confessor, who is forced for safety to
flee to England (?I536), i. 21 ;
Alexander Seton's letter to, from
Berwick, i. 21 ; text of Alexander
Seton's letter to, ii. 230-2 ; banishes
the Douglases (Sept. 1528), i. 22 and
note 5 ; would have shown mercy to
David Stratoun, condemned to death
for heresy (27 Aug. 1534), but is pre-
vented by the Bishops, i. 25 ; Mary
of Lorraine, his wife, arrives in Scot-
land (June 1538), i. 26 and note 1 ;
present at play by Friar Kyllour at
Stirling against the Bishops, i. 26 ;
" that blinded and most vicious man,"
warned by God that some sudden
plague was to fall upon him if he did
not repent, i. 28 ; Sir James Hamilton,
after his execution for treason (Aug.
1540), appears in a vision to, i. 28-9 ;
death of his two infant sons, James and
Arthur, a judgment on him (1541),
i. 29 and note i ; death of his " greatest
flatterer," George Steill, a warning to
him, i. 29 ; sees vision at Linlithgow
of death of Thomas Scott, Justice-
Clerk, at Edinburgh, i. 29 ; none of
these warnings have any effect on this
" indurate, lecherous, and avaricious
tyrant," i. 29 ; George Buchanan
providentially escapes from his
clutches, i. 29-30 ; God, after He
had given " that indurate Prince "
sufficient warnings, raises war against
him, i. 30 ; promised funds, to prose-
cute war with England, by Beaton
and his faction, who desire to retain
their credit with France, i. 31 ; thus
encouraged, this " unhappy King "
begins the war, i. 31 ; assembles his
forces at Fala Muir (1542), i. 32 ;
army refuses to follow enemy into
England (1542), i. 33 ; he returns
to Edinburgh and army disperses
(Nov. 1542), i. 33 ; his favourites
attacked (1542), i. 32-4 ; which so
incensed him that he vows revenge,
i. 33 ; at a Council at Holyroodhouse,
Beaton and his associates deliver to
him a scroll containing names of
certain nobles denounced as rebels, i.
33 ; this same scroll had been pre-
sented previously (1540) and rejected
by King on advice of James Kirkcaldy
of Grange, i- 34 ; but now he accepts
it, stipulating that the Bishops would
plan a raid into England, i. 34-5 ;
takes up headquarters at Lochmaben,
i. 35 ; awaits there the news of the
battle, i. 38 ; hears at Lochmaben of
defeat of Solway Moss and capture
of Sinclair, i. 38 ; returns to Edin-
burgh (25 Nov. 1542), i. 38 ; then
goes to Hallyards in Fife, i. 38-9 ;
foretells his own death, i. 39 ; goes
to Cairnie Castle, where the daughter
of Earl of Crawford, " one of his
whores," is, i. 39 ; his saying when he
hears of the birth of his daughter
[Mary Queen of Scots], i. 39 and note 5 ;
Beaton, " an apt comforter for a
desperate man," visits the King on his
426
INDEX
death-bed and receives a document
which he alleges to be the King's will,
i-. 39-40 ; " many whisper, that of old
his part was in the pot," i. 40 ; dies
at Falkland (14 Dec. 1542), i. 40 and
notes 2, 4 ; contemporary opinion of,
i. 40-1 ; Mary of Lorraine takes
King's sons with her to France (7 Sept.
1550)) i. 116 ; his natural daughter,
Jane, by Elizabeth Beaton, marries
fifth Earl of Argyll, i. 201, note 7,
ii. 73 and note 3 ; insinuated^that Mary
Queen of Scots is not his daughter,
i. 322 ; prevented by death Irom
naming Lennox his heir, ii. 139-40 ;
his desire would be fulfilled if Mary
married Darnley, Lennox's son, ii. 140
James VI, King of Scodand [1567-1625],
birth of (19 June 1566), ii. 187 ;
Darnley sometimes visits him at
Stirling, ii. 189 ; at Stirling, ii. 191 ;
preparations for baptism of, ii. 192 ;
baptised in Stirling Castle according
to the rites of the Roman Church
(17 Dec. 1566), ii. 192 ; committed
to charge of Mar, ii. 204 ; Con-
federate Lords make a bond at
Stirling to defend him (i May 1567),
ii. 207 ; Mary and Bothwell plot to
get custody of him at Stirling, ii. 208 ;
Confederate Lords issue proclamation
at Edinburgh ( 1 2 June 1 567) declaring,
inter alia, that Bothwell is plotting to
murder the young Prince, ii. 209 ;
Mary's reply, ii. 210 ; that he should
be protected under the care of " four
wise and godly men " resolved by
General Assembly (20 July 1567), ii.
214-15 ; crowned at Stirhng, ii. 216 ;
coronation and investiture held to be
valid by Parliament (Dec. 1567), ii.
216, note 2
Jedburgh, garrisoned by James V (1542),
i. 31 ; that Queen Regent had forced
Provost and Bailies on the town (Sept.
1559) given as one reason for depos-
ing her (21 Oct. 1559), i. 252 ; Paul
Methven appointed minister at, i. 334 ;
Arran at (Dec. 1560), i. 351 ; Super-
intendent of Diocese of Jedburgh to
reside in, laid down in the Book of
Discipline, ii. 292 ; Moray, in punitive
expedition to suppress lawlessness on
the Borders, makes " sharp execution "
and hangs many at (1561), ii. 24 ;
some of the thieves captured by Moray
at Hawick, are executed at (2 July
1562), ii. 47 ; trial of Paul Methven
at, for immoral conduct (3 Jan. 1563),
ii. 66-7 ; Paul Methven to undergo
penance at (1566), ii. 188 ; Mary's
visit to Bothwell at Hermitage Castle,
and illness thereafter at (Oct. 1566),
ii. 1 90- 1 ; Darnley visits Mary at,
during her illness (Oct. 1566), ii. 191 ;
Bothwell brought from Hermitage
Castle to, ii. 191
Johnson, — , signs " Last Band at Leith "
(27 Apr. 1560), i. 316
Johnston, William [educated, St. Andrews ;
admitted advocate, 1532 ; embraced
the reformed faith and fled from Scot-
land, probably in 1534 ; returned to
Scotland after the death of James V
and returned to the Roman faith,
probably in 1544 ; again embraced
the reformed faith ; died before 1563
— Laing's Knox, i. 57, 528], summoned
by Beaton to burn his bill (1534),
i. 24
Johnstone, Andrew, signs " Last Band at
Leith " (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316
Johnstone, James, Apparent of Elphinstone,
signs " Last Band at Leith " (27 Apr.
1560), i. 316
Justice-Clerks. See Bellenden, Sir John, of
Auchnoull ; Bellenden, Thomas, of
AuchnouU ; Scott, Thomas, of Pit-
gorno
Keir, Thomas, delivers keys of Findlater
Castle and Auchindoune to Queen on
behalf of Huntly (9 Oct. 1562), ii.
58 ; reveals to Queen after Battle of
Corrichie " whatsoever he understood
might hurt the Gordons and their
friends," ii. 62
Keith, Agnes [daughter of fourth Earl
Marischal], marriage of, to Earl of
Moray at Edinburgh (8 Feb. 1562),
ii. 32-3
Keith, Elizabeth, Countess of Huntly. See
Huntly, Elizabeth Keith, Countess of
Keith, Elizabeth, Lady Forbes [daughter
of Sir William Keith of Inverugie, and
wife of William, seventh Lord Forbes].
See Forbes, Elizabeth Keith, Lady
Keith, William, fourth Earl Marischal.
See Marischal
Kellone, James. See Gillone
Kelso, garrisoned by James V (1542), i. 31 ;
Moray confers with Lord Grey de
Wilton at, for keeping order on both
Borders (1561), ii. 24
— Abbey, to be given in commendam to
Cardinal of Lorraine, i. 140 ; but he
is disappointed of the intended gift,
i. 140, note 4
— Maxwellheugh. See Maxwellheugh
Kelwood, Laird of See Corrie, George
Kennedy, Barbara [daughter of Sir Hugh
Kennedy of Girvanmains and Janet
Stewart ; married Sir John Bellenden
of Auchnoul], sent by Queen Regent
to try to win over Lord Ruthven to
her side, i. 233 and note 3
Kennedy, Gilbert, third Earl ol Cassillis.
See Cassillis
f
INDEX
427
Kennedy, Gilbert, fourth Earl of Cassillis.
See Cassillis
Kennedy, Sir Hugh, of Girvanmains,
mentioned, i. 233, note 3
Kennedy, James [Burgess of Ayr], signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Kennedy, John, assister to James Tarbot,
released by Mary, ii. 143
Kennedy, John, of Kirkmichael, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Kennedy, John, of Ternganoch, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Kennedy, Patrick, of Daljarrock, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Kennedy, Quintin, Abbot of Crossraguel
[? 1520-64 ; fourth son of Gilbert,
second Earl of Cassillis ; educated,
St. Andrews and Paris ; succeeded his
uncle, William Kennedy, as Abbot of
Crossraguel, 1548 ; one of the more
sincere members of the Roman
Church ; wrote Am Compendius
Tractive, 1558, and other works
in support of his Church ; " reasoned "
for three days with Knox at Maybole,
1562 ; died, 1564 — Laing's Knox, vi.
153-6], his Ane Compendius Tractive
(1558) quoted, i. xix-xx ; keeps
secret convention with Archbishop
Hamilton at Paisley (1562), ii. 54 ;
tries to stir up trouble in the South by
spreading false rumours, ii. 57 ; his
disputation at Maybole with Knox,
on the Mass (28--30 Sept. 1562), ii.
57 ; his preaching there opposed by
George Hay, ii. 57 ; informed by the
Brethren that they are taking punish-
ment of Papists into their own hands
(Easter, 1563), ii. 70-1
Kennedy, Thomas ?, apprehended in
Diocese of Glasgow and burned
(summer 1539), i. 27-8
Kennedy, Thomas, of Bargany, subscribes
Book of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561),
i- 345> ii-. 324
Kennedy, William, of Ternganoch, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Ker, Andrew, of Faldonside [married,
1574, Margaret Stewart, widow of
John Knox ; died, 1598], subscribes
Book of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), ii.
324 ; marries Knox's widow, Margaret
Stewart, i. H2, note 2, ii. 325, note
28
Ker, Sir John, of Ferniehurst [succeeded,
1546 ; frequently Warden of the
Middle Marches, an office which he
shared with Sir Walter Ker of Cess-
ford ; died, 1562], signs " Last Band
at Leith " at Edinburgh (27 Apr.
1560) on 6 May, i. 316 and note 10 ;
delivers Supplication from the
Brethren to Lords of Secret Council
(28 May 1 561), i. 362
(653)
Ker, Mark, Abbot and Commendator of
Newbattle [second son of Sir Andrew
Ker of Cessford ; educated, St.
Andrews ; provided to Newbattle,
1547, but did not obtain possession
until 1557 ; embraced the reformed
faith and joined the Lords of the
Congregation ; Lord of Session, 1569 ;
died, 1584 — Scots Peerage, v. 453-4],
signs " Last Band at Leith " at Edin-
burgh (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316 ; attends
' Reformation Parliament ' (1560), i.
335
Ker, Robert [third son of Sir Andrew Ker
of Ferniehurst] . See under Ker [Car],
Robin
Ker, Robert [Bailie of Edinburgh], dis-
charged by order of Mary (8 Oct.
1561), ii. 21, note 8, 22 and note 4
Ker, Robert, of Kersland, signs Band at
Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56. See also
Ker [Car], Robin
Ker [Car], Robin [? Robert Ker of Kers-
land, or Robert Ker, third son of Sir
Andrew Ker of Ferniehurst], signs
" Last Band at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560),
i. 316
Ker, Sir Thomas, of Ferniehurst [called
" Laird of Ferniehurst," but did not
succeed his father. Sir John Ker of
Ferniehurst, until 1562 ; a staunch
supporter of Mary ; forfeited, 1571 ;
joined his father-in-law. Sir William
Kirkcaldy of Grange, in defence of
Edinburgh Castle ; fled to the
Continent, 1573 ; rehabilitated, and
returned to Scotland, 1579 ; died,
1586 — Scots Peerage, v. 62-7], the Con-
gregation lose his assistance through
the " malicious craft " of the Queen
Regent {c. Oct. 1559), i. 261
Ker, Sir Walter, of Cessford [succeeded his
father. Sir Andrew Ker of Cessford,
1526 ; frequently Warden of the
Middle Marches, an office which he
shared with Sir John Ker of Fernie-
hurst ; joined the Reformers ; was on
the side of the Confederate Lords at
Carberry, 1567 ; fought against Mary
at Langside, 1568 ; died, 1582 — Scots
Peerage, vii. 334-7], the Congregation
lose his assistance through the " mali-
cious craft " of the Queen Regent
{c. Oct. 1559), i. 261 ; signs " Last
Band at Leith " at Edinburgh (27 Apr.
1560) on 6 May, i. 316 and note 19 ;
shares command of second army of
Confederate Lords at Carberry Hill
(15 June 1567), ii. 210
Kerse, Laird of. See Crawford, David
Kersland, Laird of. See Ker, Robert, of
Kersland
Killone, James. See Gillone
Kilspindie, Lairds of. See Douglas,
VOL II 28
428
INDEX
Archibald, of Kilspindie (i) ; Douglas,
Archibald, of Kilspindie (2)
Kilwinning Abbey, destroyed by Prot-
estants under Arran, Argyll and
Glencairn (1561), i. 364
For Abbots of, see Beaton, James,
Archbishop of St. Andrews ; Hamil-
ton, Gavin, of Raploch, Abbot of
Kilwinning ; Sinclair, Henry, Bishop
of Ross
Kincraig, French at (Jan. 1560), i. 281
Kinfauns, Laird of. See Charteris, John
Kinghorn, Queen Regent's troops to be
allowed to remain in, under truce
signed at Cupar (13 June 1559), i-
185 ; the Congregation complain that
it is oppressed by the French (1559),
i. 222 ; French march to (Jan. 1560),
i. 276 ; forces of the Congregation
sent from Cupar to, i. 276 ; skirmish
between French and Congregation at
Pettycur, near (7 Jan. 1560), i. 276-7 ;
after this skirmish the French capture
the town and lay waste the country
around, i. 276, 277 ; French under
La Battu allowed to foray till they
reach, when they are attacked (12 Jan.
1560), i. 279 ; pillaged by Captain
Cullen, i. 280 ; French who had
marched, intending to capture St.
Andrews, retire to, i. 281 ; Chastelard
brought to St. Andrews from, to be
tried (1562), ii. 69
King's Kyle, i. 8
Kinloss Abbey. For Abbots of, see Crystall,
Thomas ; Reid, Robert, Bishop of
Orkney ; Reid, Walter
Kinnaird, Laird of. See Carnegie, Sir
Robert
Kinnear, John, of Kinnear, Beaton causes
a letter to be written to VVishart, pur-
porting to come from Kinnear, in
order to lure Wishart into an ambush,
i. 64
Kinneil House, house spoiled and lands
wasted by French (Jan. 1560), i. 276 ;
meeting of Chatelherault, Bothwell and
Gavin Hamilton at (26 Mar. 1562), ii.
Kinross, meeting of Knox and Mary near
(? Apr. 1563), ii. 72-4
Kinzeancleuch, Knox preaches at (1556),
i. 121
For Lairds of, see Campbell, Hew ;
Campbell, Robert
Kirk, David, slain in fracas with French in
Edinburgh (i Oct. 1548), i. 105
Kirk, William [indweller in Leith],
summoned by Beaton to burn his bill
(1534), i. 24
Kirkcaldy, Queen Regent's troops to be
allowed to remain in, under truce
signed at Cupar (13 June 1559), i.
185 ; the Congregation complain that
the town is oppressed by the French
(1559), i. 222 ; pillaged by Captain
Cullen (Jan. 1560), i. 280
Kirkcaldy, David [Thomas ?] [brother of
Sir William Kirkcaldy of Grange],
wounded in skirmish at Glennis House
(12 Jan. 1560), i. 280 and note i
Kirkcaldy, James [younger son of James
Kirkcaldy of Grange ; brother of Sir
William Kirkcaldy of Grange], Mary
confers with, at Carberry Hill (15 June
1567), ii. 212
Kirkcaldy, James, of Grange [Lord High
Treasurer, 1537-42 ; one of the prin-
cipal opponents of Cardinal Beaton ;
taken prisoner in castle of St. Andrews
and served in French galleys ; died,
1556], advises King to reject a scroll,
containing names of heretics, pre-
sented to King by Cardinal Beaton
and the prelates (1540), i. 34 ; after
death of James V he advises Chatel-
herault to oppose regency of Beaton,
Huntly, Argyll and Moray, and to
claim the regency for himself, i. 41 ;
after Abbot of Paisley's return to
Scotland (Apr. 1543), Kirkcaldy is
led by crafty means to desert Chatel-
herault, i. 48 ; sent by Beaton and
Chatelherault as emissary to Rothes,
Gray and Balnaves, when the two
parties meet outside Dundee (Nov.
1543)) i- 54 ; Beaton plots his over-
throw at Falkland (31 May 1546),
i. 75-6 ; is saved by Beaton's murder
(29 May), i. 76 ; at surrender of St.
Andrews Castle (1547), prophesies
that God will avenge them for
Chatelherault's betrayal of them, i.
96 ; imprisoned at Cherbourg, resists
attempts to make him attend Mass,
i. 107 ; does not favour Scots escaping
from French galleys lest those remain-
ing should be subjected to worse treat-
ment, i. 109
For his wife, see Melville, Janet
Kirkcaldy, Thomas. See under Kirkcaldy,
David
Kirkcaldy, Sir William, of Grange [eldest
son of James Kirkcaldy of Grange ;
implicated in assassination of Cardinal
Beaton ; taken prisoner in castle of
St. Andrews and served in French
galleys ; a staunch reformer ; opposed
marriage of Mary and Darnley ;
implicated in murder of Riccio ;
hostile to Bothwell, but after 1567 was
loyal to Mary and held the castle
of Edinburgh against the ' Kings-
men ' ; surrendered the castle and
was executed, 1573], present at Hall-
yards when James V visits the house
(Nov. 1542), i. 38 ; Beaton plots his
overthrow at Falkland (31 May 1546),
i. 75-6 ; is saved by Beaton's murder,
in which he takes part (29 May 1546),
i. 76-6 ; brought to St. Andrews
Castle by EngKsh fleet, i. 80 ; treats
with Prior of Capua lor surrender of
St. Andrews Castle (30 July 1547),
i. 96 ; imprisoned at Mont St.
Michel, he resists attempts to make
him attend Mass, i. 107 ; while
prisoner there, he writes to Knox
asking " if they might with safe con-
science break their prison ? " i. 109 ;
Knox's reply, i. 109-10 ; his escape
via Le Conquet to England, i. no ;
his letter to Sir Henry Percy (? 24 May
1559) mentioned, i. 187, note i ; Knox
and he, at St. Andrews, decide to seek
aid from England (June 1559), i. 287 ;
Kirkcaldy, therefore, negotiates with
Sir Harry Percy, i. 287 ; letter to
Percy (i July 1559), referred to, i. 194,
note 2 ; notifies (16 July 1559) to the
Congregation Cecil's reply to Percy,
i. 288 ; these negotiations referred to
by Knox in his letter to Cecil (6 or
15 Aug. 1559), i. 297 ; William Mait-
land leaves Queen Regent's party in
Leith and renders himself to (Oct.
1559)) i- 264 ; his part in the skirmish
with French between Leith and Edin-
burgh (6 Nov. 1559), i. 262 ; his
house, the Grange, blown up with
gunpowder by French after they cap-
ture Kinghorn (7 Jan. 1560), i. 277 ;
after destruction of his house by
French, he sends defiance to d'Oysel,
i. 279 ; and calls him a coward,
i. 279 (iDut cf. i. 279, 7iote 2) ; escapes
many dangers in skirmishes with
French, i. 279 ; almost betrayed in
his house at Hallyards, i. 279 ; en-
counter with French under La Battu
(12 Jan. 1560), i. 279-80 ; tries to
hinder French retreat by destroying
bridge at Tullibody (26 or 27 Jan.
1560), i. 281 ; his forfeiture reduced
by Parliament (May-June 1563), ii.
77 and note 8 ; put to the horn (7 Aug.
1565), ii. 158 and note 4 ; one of the
Protestant Lords who march on Edin-
burgh (31 Aug. 1565), ii. 161 ; shares
command of second army of Con-
federate Lords at Carberry Hill
(15 June 1567), ii. 210 ; Knox's bitter
quarrel with (1570-71), i. Ixv-lxvi ;
holds Edinburgh Castle, in name of
Mary, surrenders it and is hanged
(1573)) i- Ixiii ; his death referred to,
i. Ill, note 10
Kirkmichael, Laird of. See Kennedy,
John, of Kirkmichael
Kirkwall, Superintendent of Orkney to
reside in, laid down in the Book of
Discipline, ii. 292
INDEX 429
Knox, Eleazer [John Knox's younger son],
i. xxxvii, note i, ii. 83, note 5
Knox, Elizabeth [John Knox's daughter by
his second wife], i. Ixiii, note 5
Knox, John, birth and early life, i. xxxi-
xxxii ; his career from 1545 till May
1559, i. xxxii-xxxix ; development of
his views on lawfulness of resisting a
magistrate who enforces idolatry and
condemns true religion, i. xxxix-xliii ;
his career from May 1559 till Aug.
1560, i. xliii-1 ; from Aug. 1560,
i. Ivii-lxiii ; his closing years and
death, i. Ixiii-lxviii ; his character as
revealed in his active part in the
Reformation, in his familiar letters
and in the History, i. Ixxxii-lxxxvi ;
Sir Peter Young's description of his
appearance, i. Ixxxvii ; lenient to-
wards House of Hepburn, i. 71,
note 8, 259, note 6 ; Guilliame said
by Calderwood to be the first man
from whom he " received any taste of
the truth," i. 42, note i ; accompanied
Wishart in Lothian [first reference to
himself by Knox] (Jan. 1546), i. xxxii,
67 ; wishes to accompany Wishart
from Haddington, but is told to
" return to your bairns," and the
two-handed sword which " commonly
was carried with the said Master
George " is taken from him, i. xxxiii,
69 ; he unwillingly obeys and returns
to Longniddry, i. 69 ; probable author
of tract on which Foxe based his
account of the martyrdom of George
Wishart, ii. 234, note 2 ; comes to
St. Andrews Castle (Apr. 1547),
i. xxxiii, 81 ; persecuted by John
Hamilton, he would have preferred
to go to Germany, but is persuaded
to go to St. Andrews, i. 82 ; con-
tinues tutoring Francis and George
Douglas and Alexander Cockburn at
St. Andrews, i. Ixxxv, 82 {cf. his
" bairns," i. 69) ; urged by Henry
Balnaves and John Rough to preach
at St. Andrews, but he declines, not
having a " call," i. 82 ; John Rough
publicly calls upon him to preach,
i. xxxiii, 83 ; fortifies John Rough by
his pen against John Annand, i. 83 ;
disputes with Annand in Parish Kirk
of St. Andrews, i. 83-4 ; called to
preach at St. Andrews, he preaches
his first public sermon, i. xxxiii, 84-6,
182 ; reaction to his first public
sermon at St. Andrews — that " others
sned the branches of the Papistry, but
he strikes at the root, to destroy the
whole," that he will be put to death
like Wishart, that the Papists had now
better look to themselves, i. xxxiii, 86 ;
summoned before John Winram, Sub-
I:
430
INDEX
Prior of St. Andrews (1547), i. 87 ;
Articles laid against him by John
Winram, i. 87 ; Knox defends him-
self, i. 87-92 ; having " smelled out
the craft " of the Papists who begin
to preach inoffensive sermons, he
preaches at St. Andrews on week-
days and warns the people against it,
i. 93 ; God so blesses his labours that
all the " Castilians " and many in the
town openly profess the true doctrine,
i. 93 ; among them is Sir James
Balfour, who now denies it, and his
" conscience and two hundred wit-
nesses besides, know that he lies,"
i. 93 ; prophesies that God will
punish the wickedness of those in
St. Andrews Castle, i. 95-6 ; in a
galley at Rouen, i. 107 and note 7 ;
refers to his time in the galleys, i.
xxxiii, note 9 ; and again — " what
torment I sustained in the galleys,
and what were the sobs of my heart,"
i. 182 ; while at Rouen revises
'Ralmives' 5 Justification by Faith, i. xxxiv,
92, tiote 2 (and cf. i. 107-8) ; in French
galley off coast between Dundee and
St. Andrews, he prophesies to James
Balfour that he will be delivered and
once again preach in St. Andrews,
i. xxxiv, xliv, Ixxi, 109, 182 ; his
advice to those in French prisons who
ask if they might with safe conscience
break their prison, i. 109-10 ; de-
livered from imprisonment in French
galleys {c. Feb. 1549), i. xxxiv, no;
meets William Kirkcaldy of Grange
and Peter Carmichael in England,
i. no; appointed preacher succes-
sively at Berwick (1549), Newcastle
and London, i. xxxiv, no; meets
Mrs. Elizabeth Bovv'es and her
daughter Marjory whom he later
marries, i. xxxiv ; on accession of
Mary Tudor, flees to Continent
{c. Mar. 1554), i. xxxv and note 3 ; at
Dieppe and Zurich (1554), i- xxxv ;
goes to Geneva (1554), i. xxxv, iio ;
called by English congregation to
Frankfurt (1554), i. xxxvi, iio-ii ;
at Frankfurt there are some " more
given to unprofitable ceremonies than
to sincerity of religion," i. xxxvi, 1 10 ;
at Frankfurt he is accused of treason
against Charles V and Mary Tudor
for his Faythfull Admonition (1554), i.
IIO-II ; warned of his danger, he
leaves the town, and returns to Scot-
land via Geneva and Dieppe (Aug.
1555), i. Ill ; arrives in Scotland,
i. xxxvi, 1 18-19 ; lodges with James
Syme, i. 119; case of Elizabeth
Adamson who delighted in Knox's
company because he " opened more
fully the fountain of God's mercies
than did the common sort of teachers,"
i. 119 ; speaks against the Mass at
the house of Erskine of Dun, and
maintains it is unlawful for a " Chris-
tian to present himself to that idol,"
i. 120-21 ; preaches at Dun, Calder,
Edinburgh, Barr, Carnell, Kinzean-
cleuch, Ayr, Ochiltree, Gadgirth,
Finlayston (1555-56), i. 12 1 ; returns
to Dun, where he teaches and dis-
penses Lord's Supper to most of the
gentlemen of the Mearns (1556), i.
122 ; summoned to appear at the
Kirk of the Black Friars, Edinburgh
(15 May 1556), but the charge against
him is abandoned, i. 122 ; preaches in
the Bishop of Dunkeld's great lodging
in Edinburgh for ten days (from
15 May 1556), i. 122 ; his Letter to
the Qiieen Dowager, i. xxxvi, xli, 122
and notes i, 6, 245 ; learning that
she treated it scornfully, he makes
additions to it, i. 123 and note 2, 245 ;
invited to Geneva by English Kirk
there as their chosen pastor (1556),
i. xxxvii, 123 ; before going to
Geneva, sends his mother-in-law,
Elizabeth Bowes, and his wife to
Dieppe, i. xxxvii, 123 ; his betrothal
and marriage to Marjory Bowes, i.
123, note 3 ; goes first to Castle Camp-
bell, i. 123 ; declines to remain in
Scotland, i. 123-4 '■> leaves Scotland
for Geneva (July 1556), i. 124 ; in his
absence is burned in effigy at Cross of
Edinburgh, i. xxxvii, 122, note 2, 124,
181 ; publishes his Appellation . . .
from the Cruell and most Iniust Sentence
pronounced against him, i. xxvi, 122,
note 2, 124 ; cited, i. 283, note 1 ; and
Letter to the Commonalty of Scotland, i.
xxvi, 122, note 2, 124 ; some of the
nobility invite him to come from
Geneva (10 Mar. 1557), i. xxxvii,
131-2 ; asks Calvin's advice, i. xxxvii,
133 ; accegts invitation to return to
Scotland, i. 133 ; leaves Geneva
(Sept. 1557), i. 133 ; reaches Dieppe
(24 Oct. 1557), i. xxxvii, 133 ; hear-
ing that some of the nobility have
become irresolute in their invitation
he writes from Dieppe to them (27 Oct.
1557), i. xxxvii-xxxviii, 133-6 ; again
invited to Scotland (Nov. 1558), i.
137 ; at Dieppe (Mar. 1559), i.
xxxviii ; writes letter from Dieppe to
Cecil in which, firstly, he severely
censures him for being a traitor to
God and in which, secondly, he
asks permission to travel through
England to Scotland (10 Apr. 1559),
i. xlv, 282-7 ; this letter unanswered,
he travels to Scotland from Dieppe
f
INDEX
by sea, i. 287 ; his arrival in Scotland
(2 May 1559), i. xxxix, 139 and
note 3, 161 ; at Edinburgh, and then
goes to Dundee, i. xliii, 161 ;
accompanies brethren from Dundee to
Perth to support preachers who had
been summoned by Queen Regent to
Stirling (10 May 1559), i. xliii, 161 ;
preaches against idolatry at Perth and
destruction of the friaries by the
"rascal multitude" follows (11 May
I559)> i- xliii, xliv, 162 ; when
preachers depart from Perth they
leave him behind to instruct the
people " because they were young
and rude in Christ," i. 163 ; his
message to the Lords [Argyll, Moray
and Sempill] to be delivered to the
Queen Regent (25 May 1559), i.
I73~4 > with John Willock, accuses
Argyll and Moray of infidelity, i. 177 ;
their answer, i. 177 ; preaches at
Perth (30 May 1559), i- 178 ; preaches
at Crail (? 9 June 1559) and An-
struther (? 10 June), i. 181 and note 3 ;
Archbishop Hamilton musters his
followers to prevent Knox preaching
in St. Andrews, i. 181 ; advised by
friends to heed Archbishop's warning
against preaching, i. i8i ; he declares
his intention to preach in spite of
threats, i. 181-2 ; preaches (11 June
1559), i. xliv, 182 ; and thus fulfills
his prophecy {cf. i. xxxiv, xliv, 109) ;
and destruction of " all monuments
of idolatry " follows " with expedi-
tion," i. 182 ; sent to dissuade men
from Dundee from purging Scone,
i. 190, 191, note 3 ; he saves the
Bishop's granary for one night, i. 1 90 ;
at St. Andrews, after battle of Cupar
Muir, Kirkcaldy of Grange and he
decide to call in England's aid (June
I559)j i- 287 ; letter to Mrs. Anna
Locke (23 June 1559) from, cited,
i. 161, note I, 176, note 3, 185, note i ;
letter to Cecil (28 June 1559), referred
to, i. 194, note 2 ; preaches in Edin-
burgh (29 June 1559), i. xliv ; letter
to Percy (i July 1559), quoted, i. xlvi ;
and referred to, i. 194, note 2 ; ap-
pointed minister of Edinburgh (7 July
1559), i. 211 and note 2 ; appointment
confirmed (1560), i. 334 ; dangerous
for him to remain in Edinburgh, i.
211; Lord Seton pursues his brother
William Knox from Preston to
Ormiston, mistaking him for John,
i. 214 ; his second letter to Cecil
(12 July 1559), i. xlv, 290-1, 291,
note 3 ; letter to Queen Elizabeth, in
which he boldly criticises her (20 July
'559)> i- xlv, Ixxv-lxxvi, 291-4 ; in
these two letters to Cecil and Elizabeth
he complains he has been refused
licence to visit north of England,
i. 291, 294 ; letter from, at Edinburgh,
to Sir James Croft (24 July 1559)
cited, i. 202, note 4, 205, note 2, 206,
note 2 ; letter from Cecil to (28 July
1559)) i- 295-6 ; receives the letter
at Berwick, but will not answer it till
he has consulted the Lords at Stirling,
i. 296 ; sent to England to negotiate
for help, i. 207 ; with instructions
(dated 30 July 1559) has interview
with Croft at Berwick, i. 207, note 2 ;
his seeking English aid (30 July 1559)
referred to, i. 229, note 2 ; these in-
structions referred to, i. 236, note 6 ;
invited to confer with Sir Harry Percy
at Alnwick (on 3 Aug. 1559), i. 294 ;
meeting between Cecil and, at Stam-
ford, arranged, i. 294 ; meeting does
not take place, i. 295 ; journey to
Alnwick delayed by French, i. 294 ;
leaves Pittenweem with Robert Hamil-
ton to visit Sir Harry Percy at Alnwick,
i. 294 ; when he arrives at Holy Island
(i Aug. 1559) learns that Percy is
absent, i. 295 and note i ; confers with
Croft at Berwick (Aug. 1559), i. xlv,
295 and note i ; letter from, to Cecil,
dated from Perth (St. Andrews,
15 Aug. 1559), asking for English
assistance, i. 296-7, 296, note 2 ;
reason why he could not visit Sir
Harry Percy at Alnwick, i. 296 ;
gives opinion on whether Queen
Regent should be deposed (21 Oct.
1559). i- 250-1 ; letter to Gregory
Railton (23 Oct. 1559), quoted, i.
Ixxxviii, ii. 280, note 3 ; his reply to
Queen Regent rejecting Robert Lock-
hart's overtures and defining his past
and present opinion of, and attitude
to, her (26 Oct. 1559), i. 245-6 ;
Robert Lockhart is so offended at this
letter that he refuses to deliver it,
i. 246 ; preaches to the Congregation
on the disasters which have befallen
them (8 Nov. 1559) at Stirling, i.
xlvii-xlviii, 265-71 (begun at Edin-
burgh, 265-6, continued at Stirling,
266-71) ; attributes disasters to reliance
on worldly strength including accession
of Chatelherault, i. 269-70 ; to answer
for [i.e. act as secretary to] the Lords in
Fife, i. 299 ; Queen Regent, proud of
her victory at Kinghorn (7 Jan. 1560),
cries, " Where is now John Knox's
God ? " i. bcx, 277 ; preaches at Cupar
and offends Arran (Jan. 1560), i. Ixxvii,
278 ; writing, in name of Lords in
Fife, to Lords in Glasgow, severely
censures them for their dilatoriness,
for summoning Moray from Fife, for
neglecting English fleet in the Forth,
432
INDEX
and proposing to meet Norfolk at
Carlisle rather than at Berwick (6 Feb.
1560), i. 299-301 ; in the pulpit
censures Queen Regent and foretells
her end for rejoicing at inhumanity of
French soldiers at Leith (7 May 1560),
i. 319 ; again refers to this, i. 359 ;
appointed with others, to draw up the
Book of Discipline, i. 343 and note 3 ;
at time of meeting of ' Reformation
Parliament ' (Aug. 1560) he teaches
publicly the prophet Haggai, i. 1, 335 ;
his denunciation of William Maitland's
" mockage of God," i. 335, marginal
note, and note 15 ; receives private in-
telligence of mortal illness of Francis II,
i. 351 ; informs Ghatelherault at his
lodgings in Kirk-of-Field, i. 351 ;
friendship for McGill, i. 356-7 ;
minister at election of Superintendent
of Lothian (9 Mar. 1561), ii. 273 ;
asked by Craftsmen of Edinburgh to
influence Provost to delay execution of
Gillone, but he refuses (21 July 1561),
i. 358 ; he had previously interceded
for several convicted in Sanderson
riot (of Nov. 1560), i. 358 ; preaches
against idolatry of the Mass — one
Mass is more fearful than ten thou-
sand armed enemies — (31 Aug. 1561),
i. Iviii, ii. 12 ; he is accused of
severity at the time, but afterwards
(Dec. 1565) it is known he pleaded
that he was not severe enough, and
asked God's pardon for not suppressing
that idol in the beginning, i. Ixi, ii. 13
and note i ; first interview with Mary
(4 Sept. 1 561), i. iviii, ii. 13-20 ; he
replies to her accusations : ( i ) that he
had raised part of her subjects against
the Queen Regent and herself, ii. 14 ;
(2) that his First Blast was written
against her, ii. 14-15 ; (3) that he
was the cause of sedition and slaughter
in England, ii. 15 ; (4) that he
practised necromancy, ii. 15-16 ; they
argue whether subjects may adopt
different religion from their sovereign
and whether they may resist the
prince, ii. 16-17 '■> ^^ attacks the
Church of Rome, ii. 17-20 ; his
opinion of Mary — " if there be not
in her ... a proud mind, a crafty wit,
and an indurate heart against God
and his truth, my judgment faileth
me," i. Iviii-lix, ii. 20 ; his letter to
Cecil on dangers of compromise
(7 Oct. 1561), quoted, i. lix ; ii. 13,
note I, ii. 20, note 2, 22, note 2, 23,
note I ; on question " whether that
subjects might put to their hand to
suppress the idolatry of their Prince? "
votes in the affirmative (Nov. 1561),
ii. 23 ; offers to write to Geneva for
advice, ii. 23 and note 6 ; but is over-
ruled by Maitland of Lethington,
who proposes to do it, ii. 23-4 ;
refers to this overruling at discussion
in General Assembly (June 1564), ii.
133 ; his private letter to Calvin on
the same subject (24 Oct. 1561)
referred to, ii. 23, note 6 ; replies to
Maitland of Lethington's doubts on
legality of General Assembly (Dec.
1561), ii. 26-7 ; supports Book of
Discipline against Maitland's attack,
ii. 27 ; publicly preaches in Edin-
burgh against the Thirds, i. lix, ii.
29 ; replies to Lethington when he
attacks ministers' stipends, ii. 31-2 ;
admonishes Moray at his wedding
(8 Feb. 1562), ii. 32 and note 5, 33,
note I ; secret meeting with Bothwell,
at which Knox refers to his own
family and their relations with the
Bothwells (1562), ii. 37-8 ; eff"ects
reconciliation between Bothwell and
Arran, ii. 39-40 ; Arran comes to him
(27 Mar. 1562) with tale that Bothwell
is plotting to involve him in a treason-
able act and then betray him to the
Queen, ii. 40 ; tries to assure Arran
that his fears are groundless, ii. 40-1 ;
warns Moray that Arran is stricken
with a frenzy, ii. 41-2 ; learning that
the Queen and her friends " danced
excessively till after midnight " to
celebrate the renewal of persecution
in France, he preaches a sermon
against princes (13 Dec. 1562), ii.
43 ; the Queen, hearing of this,
summons him (15 Dec. 1562), ii. 43 ;
his interview with Mary (15 Dec.
1562, but antedated by Knox), ii.
43-6 ; defends Petition of General
Assembly (4 July 1562) against objec-
tions of Lethington, ii. 52 ; conspiracy
of Papists of North and South " so it
should not be Knox's crying nor
preaching that should stay that pur-
pose," ii. 54 ; appointed by General
Assembly as "Commissioner to Kyle
and Galloway (1562), ii. 55 ; goes
from Ayr to Nithsdale and Galloway
(after 4 Sept. 1562), ii. 57 ; writes
to Ghatelherault warning him against
giving " ear " either to Archbishop
Hamilton or to Huntly, ii. 57 ; his
disputation at Maybole with Quintin
Kennedy, Abbot of Crossraguel, on
the Mass (28-30 Sept. 1562), ii. 57 ;
defends ministers who preach against
vice and are railed upon by the
Courtiers (winter, 1562-63), ii. 64-5 ;
appointed by General Assembly a
Commissioner to try Paul Methven at
Jedburgh (on 3 Jan. 1563) for im-
moral conduct, ii. 66 ; his reOections
INDEX
on that trial, ii. 67-8 ; summoned by
Queen to Lochleven (? Apr. 1563), ii.
71 ; his first interview with her there,
ii. 71-2 ; prepares to depart to Edin-
burgh, ii. 72 ; but is summoned to
second interview, ii. 72-4 ; Queen
consuks him about a ring given to
her by Lord Methven, ii. 72 ; she
warns him against appointment of
Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, as
Superintendent of Galloway, ii. 72-3 ;
he delays the appointment, ii. 73 ;
Queen urges him to effect a recon-
ciliation between Argyll and his wife,
the Queen's half-sister, ii. 73-4 ; he
sets out for Dumfries, ii. 74 ; writes to
Argyll from Glasgow, censuring him
in strong terms for his treatment of his
wife (7 May 1563), ii. 74-6 ; at
variance with Moray, i. Ixi, ii. 78-9,
134 ; refers to his first meeting with
Moray, at London (?July or Dec.
1552), ii. 78 and note 6 ; his sermon
before Parliament is dissolved [i.e.
before 6 June 1563], ii. 80-1 ; recalls
trials at Perth, Cupar and Edinburgh,
ii. 80 ; upholds validity of ' Reforma-
tion Parliament,' ii. 81 ; and de-
nounces Queen's marriage to any
Papist, i. Ix, ii. 81 ; both Protestants
and Papists are offended, and inform
the Queen, who summons him, i. Ixi,
ii. 81 ; account of the interview, ii.
82-4 ; refers to his family, ii. 83 and
note 5, 98 ; his attitude to Queen's
weeping, ii. 83-4 ; Queen refers to it,
at his examination before the Council
(Dec. 1563), ii. 94, 98-9 ; dismissed
from Queen's presence, ii. 84 ; the
Queen would have had him punished
but is counselled to desist, ii. 84 ;
Lethington on his return from France
(24 June 1563) denies that Queen had
ever thought of marriage with King
of Spain, and thus discredits Knox,
ii. 84-5 ; begins " that form of prayer
which ordinarily he sayeth after
thanksgiving at his table," and ex-
plains why, ii. 85 ; letter to Cecil
(6 Oct. 1563) from, quoted, ii. 85,
note 5 ; deputed to write to the
Brethren to convene at time of trial
of Patrick Cranstoun and Andrew
Armstrong (on 24 Oct. 1563), ii. 88 ;
his letter (8 Oct.), i. Ix, Ixi, ii. 88-9 ;
his letter falls into Queen's hands,
through enmity of Henry Sinclair,
Bishop of Ross, ii. 90 ; Privy Council
summoned to denounce his letter as
treason (Dec. 1563), ii. 90 ; argument
with Lord Herries on whether Knox's
letter to the Brethren (8 Oct. 1563) is
treasonable, ii. 90-1 ; coolness between
them thereafter, ii. 92 ; John Spens,
433
Queen's Advocate, visits him privily to
inquire cause of the " great bruit " over
his letter to the Brethren (8 Oct. 1563),
and is satisfied Knox has committed no
crime, ii. 92 ; Moray and Secretary
Lethington advise him to confess his
offence against the Queen [that is,
for writing the letter of 8 Oct. 1563],
but Knox maintains he has given
none, ii. 92-3 ; this was the first
time Moray had spoken to him since
the Parliament, ii. 93, marginal note ;
summoned before the Council (Dec.
1563), i. Ixi, ii. 93-9 ; cross-examined
by Lethington, ii. 94 ; and the Queen, _
ii. 94-9 ; when he is dismissed he
addresses the Queen and prays God
to purge her heart from Papistry and
counsel of flatterers, ii. 99 ; Council
vote that he " had not ofTended the
Queen's Majesty," ii. 99 ; Lethington
" raged," and vote is taken a second
time with same result, ii. 99 ; explains
his silence at General Assembly (Dec.
' 563); that he has been falsely reported
as a seditious man ; and requires their
verdict that he did not exceed his
commission in writing to the Brethren
{cf. ii. 88), ii. loi ; his retort to
accusation of Sir John Bellenden, ii.
loi ; Knox's action in summoning
Brethren upheld by Assembly, ii. loi ;
Queen banquets the Lords to remove
suspicion that she is displeased with
them for not condemning him (1564),
ii. 103 ; preaches in Edinburgh against
rising tide of hatred against the
ministers and open assertion that
Mass is not idolatry (1564), ii. 105-6 ;
as principal complaint touched him
he is summoned to conference between
ministers and Lords at General
Assembly (June 1564), ii. 108 ;
debate with Lethington at General
Assembly (June 1564), i. liii, Ixi, ii.
108-31 ; his attitude to Queen, ii.
108-10 ; the form of his daily prayer
for, ii. 1 10-13, ^^i, note 2 ; examined
on obedience due to magistrates, ii.
1 1 5-30 ; when Lethington wishes
matter to be put to vote, he protests
that that is contrary to their agree-
ment, ii. 1 30-1 ; is commanded to
write to Calvin on subject of obedience
to Princes, but he refuses, ii. 133-4 5
preaches before Darnley in Edinburgh
(19 Aug. 1565) and ofTends him, i. Ixiv,
ii. 159 ; is summoned in consequence
before Council, ii. 159-60 ; is desired
by Darnley to abstain from preaching
for fifteen or twenty days, ii. 160 ; he
refuses, ii. 160 ; prays publicly for
banished Lords, ii. 173; courtiers revile
him, but Lethington, in presence of
434
INDEX
Mary and Darnley, takes his part, ii.
173; commanded by General Assembly
(25 Dec. 1565) to devise a Fast, ii.
1 76 and note 2 ; leaves Edinburgh for
Kyle before Queen's arrival (17 Mar.
1566), i. Ixv, ii. 183 ; returns to
Edinburgh (Sept. 1566), i. Ixv ; said
to have written supplication of General
Assembly (27 Dec. 1566), protesting
against restoration of consistorial
jurisdiction to Archbishop Hamilton,
ii. 196 ; writes to the Brethren on
dangers of the restitution of " his
ancient jurisdiction " to " that cruel
murderer of our brethren," ii. ig6-8 ;
writes on behalf of General Assembly
to Church of God in England entreat-
ing them to deal gently with their
brethren about the surplice and other
apparel (27 Dec. 1566), ii. 198-201 ;
during period of murder of Darnley,
Mary's marriage to Bothwell, and her
ultimate fall, he is on a visit to Eng-
land, i. Ixv ; sent by General Assembly
(June 1567) to certain Lords requiring
them to come to Edinburgh to settle
true worship of the Kirk, ii. 213 ;
preaches sermon at coronation of
James VI at Stirling (29 July 1567),
i. ixv, ii. 216 ; preaches Moray's
funeral sermon (14 Feb. 1570), i.
Ixv
For his first wife, see Bowes, Marjory,
and for his second wife, see Stewart,
Margaret
Knox's works : —
Appellation to the Nobility and Estates
of Scotland (1558), i. xxvi, xxxix, xli,
122, note 2, 124, 283, note 1 ; A brief
exhortation to England, etc. (1559),
necessity for schools advocated in, ii.
295, tiote 2 ; A comfortable epistle sent
to the afflicted Church of Christ, etc. (1554),
i. xxxix, xl ; An exposition upon the sixth
Psalm of David, etc. (1554), i. xxxv-
xxxvi ; A faithful admonition unto the
professors of God's truth in England, etc.
(1554), i. xl-xli, III ; The first blast
of the trumpet agaimt the monstrous regi-
ment of women (1558), i. xliv-xlv, Ixxi,
Ixxvi, ii. 13, 14 ; Knox defends it in
a letter to Cecil (10 Apr. 1559),
i. 285-6 ; and in a letter to Elizabeth
(20 July 1559), i. xly, 292 ; he tells
Mary that it was written " especially
against that wicked Jezebel of Eng-
land " [Mary Tudor] (4 Sept. 1561),
ii. 15 ; he refers in a letter to Cecil
(20 July 1559) to a reply to it [by
John Aylmer], i. 290 and note 3 ;
A godly letter sent to the faithftd in London ,
etc. (1554), i. xl ; History of the Refor-
mation in Scotland, analysis of its con-
tent, i. Ixviii-lxxviii ; of its language
and style, i. Ixxviii-lxxx ; its historical
accuracy, i. Ixxx-lxxxii ; biblio-
graphical note on its compilation,
i. Ixxxviii-xcv ; analysis of the Laing
MS., i. xcv-cix ; Letter of wholesome
counsel addressed to his Brethren in Scot-
land (1556), i. xxxix, ii. 314, note 2 ;
A letter addressed to the Commonalty of
Scotland (1558), i. xxvi, Ixxvii, 122,
note 2, 124 ; Letter to his Brethren in
Scotland (1557), i. xxxix, note i ;
Letter to the Qiieen Dowager (1556), i.
xxxii, xxxvi, xli, Ixxxii, 122 and
notes I, 6, 123 and note 2, 245 ; Letter
to the Queen Dowager, augmented (1558),
i. xli, 123 and note 2, 245
Knox, Margaret [John Knox's daughter
by his second wife], i. Ixiii, note 5
Knox, Martha [John Knox's daughter by
his second wife], i. Ixiii, note 5
Knox, Nathaniel [John Knox's elder son],
i. xxxvii, note i, ii. 83, note 5
Knox, William [brother of John Knox ;
merchant in Preston — Laing's Knox,
vi. Ixxiii-lxxvi], mentioned, i. Ixxxiii ;
being mistaken for his brother John,
is pursued by Lord Seton from Preston
to Ormiston, i. 214
Knox's Liturgy. See Book of Common Order
Kyle, Lollards of, i. xxiv, 8-1 1 ; " a recep-
tacle of God's servants of old," i. 48 ;
John Rough, after he is forbidden to
preach, departs to, i. 48 ; George
Wishart in, i. 61-2 ; gentlemen of the
West write to Wishart asking him to
meet them at Edinburgh, i. 64 ; they
have not arrived when Wishart reaches
Leith, i. 65 ; they write to say they
cannot come, i. 68 ; Knox preaches
in (1556), i. 121 ; Brethren of, con-
vene at Craigie and decide to support
Brethren in Perth (1559), i. 171 ;
whole congregation of, coming to aid
Perth, i. 175 ; their approach makes
it expedient for d'Oysel to hasten
Appointment with Congregation at
Perth before the two forces are joined,
i. 176 ; Glencairn, Boyd, Ochiltree
and others to meet there to protect
the Brethren (Aug. 1559), i. 207 ;
Knox appointed Commissioner to, by
General Assembly (1562), ii. 55 ;
Archbishop Hamilton tries to stir up
trouble in, by raising the Crawfords
against the Reids, but is frustrated
(1562), ii. 57 ; Brethren of, write to
those of Edinburgh, Dundee, etc.,
warning them of the increasing
idolatry of the Mass (1565), ii. 140-1 ;
barons and gentlemen of, join Prot-
estant Lords at Ayr (Aug. 1565), ii.
159 ; Knox leaves Edinburgh for,
before Queen's arrival at Edinburgh
(17 Mar. 1566), ii. 183 ; petition
INDEX
435
from, on tithes, to General Assembly
(25 Dec. 1566), ii. 194
Kyle-Stewart, i. 8
Kyllone, James. See Gillone
Kyllour, John [a Black Friar], his Passion
play performed before James V at
Stirling, i. 26 ; burned for heresy
(28 Feb. 1539), i. 26
La Barthe, Paul de, sieur de Termes.
See Termes
La bast [Labat]. See La Battu
La Battu [Battu, ? Labast, ? Labat],
Captain — , encounter between forces of
the Congregation in Fife and, in which
he is slain (12 Jan. 1560), i. 279-80
La Brosse, Jacques de [was closely attached
to House of Guise ; in Scotland as
a French envoy, 1543, 1544, 1545 ;
envoy in Germany, 1552 ; in Italy,
1556-57 ; at siege of Calais, 1558 ;
tutor to Francis II, 1559 ; again in
Scotland, 1559; at Leith, 1560; killed
at Dreux, 1562 — Jules de la Brosse,
Histoire d'ltri capitaine bourbormais au
xvi' siecle, Jacques de la Brosse], Lennox
receives money from (1543), i. 51 ;
comes to Scotland with moi^e French
troops (19 Sept. 1559), with object
of exterminating the Protestants, i. 216
and note 5 ; makes large promises to
those who would leave the Congre-
gation, i. 230 ; his commission is to
secure Chatelherault's submission to
Queen Regent's will, i. 230 ; Queen
Regent in her Proclamation (2 Oct.
1559) denies that he came to Scot-
land as part of French plan to fortify
Leith, i. 235 ; Lords reply (3 Oct.)
that whatever she may allege, Leith
fortifications began after he and de
Pelleve arrived, i. 238 ; French led
by, at skirmish at Kinghorn (7 Jan.
1560), i. 277, note I
La Carbonieres de la Chapelle-Biron,
Jacques de [came to Scotland, 1547 ;
fought in French campaigns there
against English ; killed in the assault
on Inchkeith, 1549], takes part in
fracas between Scots and French in
Edinburgh (1548), i. 105
Laing, David, at one time owner of the
" Laing MS." of the History, i. xcv-
xcvi
Lamg, William [or Walter Lang ; a Friar ;
had been confessor to James V ; was
Maister Elymosinar in the Princes
house," 1541 — Laing's Knox, i. 75],
ii. 334 and note 1 1
Lamb, Robert. See under Lamb, William
Lamb, William [Robert Lamb ? merchant
in Perth], put to death for heresy at
Perth by Beaton (Jan. 1544), i. 55
and note 6
Lambert, Francis, Knox refers reader to,
for account of Patrick Hamilton, i. 1 1
and note 6 ; Lambert's intercourse
with Hamilton at Wittenberg [Mar-
burg], i. 12 and note i
Lambert, Paul, a Dutchman, captured by
French in skirmish at Kinghorn
(7 Jan. 1560), i. 277
Lanark, Protestant Lords march from
Edinburgh to (2 Sept. 1565), ii. 163
Lang, Walter. See Laing, William
Langholm, delivered to the English ( 1 544) ,
i. 58 ; Chatelherault at siege of
(i547)> i- 95
Langton, Laird of See Cockburn, James
La Rochefoucault, Charles de, sieur de
Randan. See Randan
Lasco, John k. See A Lasco
Lauder, murder of James Ill's favourites
at (1482), recalled (1542), i. 32
Lauder, Laird of See Sandilands, James,
of Lauder
Lauder, Gilbert, Queen orders him to be
imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle, ii.
153 ; magistrates disobey order, ii.
'53^4 '■> he is summoned for trial
(26 July 1565), ii. 154
Lauder, John [?i 490-1 551 ; educated at
St. Andrews ; secretary to Andrew
Forman, Archbishop of St. Andrews,
1517-21 ; Archdeacon of Teviotdale,
1536 ; secretary to David Beaton,
Archbishop of St. Andrews, 1539-46 ;
clerk and notary to the Official's
court of St. Andrews; died, 1551 —
St. Andrews Formulare, i. vii-viii, ii.
ix-x], this " Sergeant of Sathan " is
sent to assist Dunbar, Archbishop
of Glasgow, in trial of Russell and
Kennedy (summer 1539), i. 27 ; he
(" the idiot Doctor ") compels Dun-
bar to condemn them to death when
he would have spared them, i. 28 ;
prosecutor at trial of George Wishart
(1546), ii. 234 and note 3, 235;
prosecutes at trial of Adam Wallace
for heresy (1550), i. 114
Lauder, Robert [Captain of the Guard],
strikes Robert Pont on the head with
a whinger, ii. 88, marginal note
Lauder, William, of Halton, comes to aid
of Protestants at Cupar (June 1559),
i. 183 ; assists the Congregation in
Edinburgh (July 1559), i. 201 ; Both-
well shows him favour (1566), ii.
184-5
Lauriston, Laird of. See Stratoun, Andrew
Lawers, Laird of See Campbell, John,
of Lawers
Lawson, James, Knox's successor in St.
Giles', Edinburgh, i. Ixvii
Learmonth, George, of Balcomie, one of
the Protestant Lords who march on
Edinburgh (31 Aug. 1565), ii. 161
436
INDEX
Learmonth, Sir James, of Dairsle and
Balcomie [was Provost of St. Andrews
almost continuously from 1532 to
1547 ; died, 1547 — Laing's Knox, i.
174], sent as Commissioner to Henry
VIII to treat of marriage between
Mary Queen of Scots and Edward,
afterwards Edward VI (1543), i. 46 ;
sent by Chatelherault and Beaton as
emissary to Rothes, Gray and Balnaves
when the two parties meet outside
Dundee (Nov. 1543), i. 54 ; Beaton
plots his overthrow at Falkland
(31 May 1546), i. 75-6 ; is saved
by Beaton's murder (29 May), i. 76 ;
assembles people and cries for Beaton,
whose dead body is displayed to them
over the castle wall, i. 78
Learmonth, Sir Patrick, of Dairsie and
Balcomie [son of Sir James Learmonth
of Dairsie and Balcomie ; Provost of
St. Andrews, 1550-54. i559-6o ;
knighted, 1562 — Laing's Knox, vi.
680], after hearing Knox's sermon
(11 June 1559), agrees to remove all
monuments of idolatry in the town,
i. 182
Le Conquet, William Kirkcaldy of Grange
and Peter Carmichael escape from
prison at Mont St. Michel to, i. no
Lee, Laird of. See Lockhart, Sir James
Leek, Sir Francis, comes with English
army into Scotland (2 Apr. 1560),
i. 311
Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of [1532-
1588 ; favourite of Queen Elizabeth],
suggested husband for Mary, ii. 63
Leiffnoris, Lairds of See Crawford, George ;
Crawford, Sir George
Leipzig, Alexander Alesius and John Fyfe
appointed to University of, i. 23
Leith, men from, compelled by Beaton to
burn their bills (1534), i. 24, 25 ;
Lennox's faction come from Ayr to
(Jan. 1544), i. 51 ; English fleet
anchor off (May 1544), i. 56 ; troops
land at (4 May), i. 57 ; English,
having burned the town as well as
Edinburgh, return to Berwick from,
with their spoil, i. 58 ; George
Wishart comes to, from Invergowrie,
i. 65 ; George Wishart preaches at
(13 Dec. 1545), i. 66 ; English army
marches towards (9 Sept. 1547), i. 98 ;
English army, after Battle of Pinkie,
depart to England from, i. loi ;
French fortify Inveresk to ward off
English from (1548), i. 104 ; John
Douglas preaches in {c. 1557), i. 125 ;
Queen Regent offers concessions to
Protestants on condition that they do
not publicly preach in (1558), i. 152 ;
John Douglas, in consequence, with-
held by Protestants from preaching
in — a gesture to the Queen Regent,
i. 153 ; deserts the Congregation and
surrenders to French marching from
Dunbar to Edinburgh (July 1559),
i. 200 ; before the surrender, Erskine
of Gogar had tried to persuade army
in Edinburgh not to join with men in
Leith (July 1559), i. 201 ; Appoint-
ment of 24 July 1559. See infra heith,
Appointment of Links of ; garrisoned
by French, i. 211 ; idolatry again set
up in Kirk of, i. 213 ; more French
soldiers arrive at (Sept. 1559), i. 216,
note 5 ; the Congregation in reply to
Queen Regent's Proclamation (28 Aug.
1559) complain, inter alia, that the
town is oppressed by the French, i.
222, 223, 224, 225 ; news comes to
Lords at Hamilton that French are
fortifying, i. xlvi, 229 ; letter, there-
fore, sent to Queen Regent protesting
against this breach of the Appoint-
ment (19 Sept. 1559), i. 229-30 ; she
refers to this letter, i. 236-7 ; Lords
of the Congregation ask Mar to hold
Edinburgh Castle for them in view
of fortification of Leith by French
(19 Sept. 1559), i. 231 ; Chatelherault
and other Lords of the Congregation
plan to march on Edinburgh because
of the fortification of Leith, i. 232 ;
fortification of, by the French, justified
by Queen Regent (30 Sept. 1559), i.
234 i Queen Regent maintains in her
Proclamation (2 Oct. 1559) that
French are fortifying town solely to
provide a place of refuge for her
should the Congregation pursue her,
i. 236-7 ; Congregation in their reply
(3 Oct. 1559) refuse to accept this
excuse, i. 238 ; Lords also explain
how the Queen obtained the superi-
ority of Leith, i. 239 and note 3 ; and
declare what trouble country will
endure till " those murderers and
unjust possessors " [French] be re-
moved, i. 241 ; the Congregation
write to Queen Regent from Edin-
burgh demanding the withdrawal of
French from Leith and the fortifying
of the town stopped (19 Oct. 1559),
i. 247 ; Queen Regent refuses to with-
draw French troops from (21 Oct.
1559), i. 249 ; that Queen Regent
garrisoned the town with French
troops given as one reason for deposing
her (21 Oct. 1559), i. 252 ; that,
further, she refused to withdraw them,
i. 254 ; the " Council," having
deposed the Queen Regent, order
her to withdraw herself and the French
from the town, as they intend to
besiege it (23 Oct. 1559), i. 255-6 ;
summoned to surrender by the
"Council" (24 Oct. 1559), i. 256;
preparations for assault of, made, i.
256-7 ; Provost and men of Dundee
march out of Edinburgh with ord-
nance against (31 Oct. 1559), i. 259-
260 ; the French surprise them, cap-
ture their ordnance, and pursue them
into Edinburgh, i. 260 ; French sally
forth again (6 Nov. 1559) and win
another victory, i. 262-3 ; French
land at Kinghorn from (7 Jan. 1560),
i. 276 ; Martigues arrives at, but loses
two ships to the Congregation (i i Jan.
1560), i. 280 ; French retreat from
Fife, via Stirling, to (Jan. 1560),
i. 282 ; driving French from, one
object of seeking English aid (Instruc-
tions to Commissioners at Berwick,
lo Feb. 1560), i. 308 ; manner of
assaulting Leith (Instructions to Com-
missioners at Berwick, 10 Feb. 1560),
i. 309 ; ratification of Contract of
Berwick (27 Feb. 1560) signed at
(10 May 1560), i. 307 ; French and
Queen Regent plunder towns and
country and carry victuals to, i. 310 ;
siege of (Apr.-July 1560), i. xlix,
312-13, 317-21, 323 ; initial advan-
tage to English (6 Apr. 1 560) ,1.312-13;
ordnance on St. Anthony's Church
steeple causes " great annoyance,"
i. 312 ; the church destroyed by
English (22 Apr. 1560), i. 312-13 ;
French make sortie and inflict great
slaughter (15 Apr. 1560), i. 313 ;
" Last Band at Leith " for expelling
French signed by the Congregation
at Edinburgh (27 Apr. 1560), i. 314-
316; renewed assault on town in
which the French repulse attackers
(7 May 1560), i. 318-19 ; English
reinforcements arrive, i. 320 ; many
houses and much victuals destroyed
by a fire (30 Apr. 1560), i. 320-1 ;
agreed in the Concessions [" annex "
to Treaty of Edinburgh, 1560] that
French in the town are to be sent to
France, i. 323-4 ; and the fortifica-
tions to be demolished, i. 325 ; French
sent back to France from (July 1 560) ,
i. 331 ; David Lindsay appointed
minister at (1560), i. 334 ; Mary
Queen of Scots arrives from France at
(19 Aug. 1561), i. 373, note i, ii. 7 ;
superiority of, given to Edinburgh by
Mary in pledge for money lent to her
(1565), ii- 170 and note 4 ; Darnley
goes to (Mar. 1566), ii. 178 ; Mary
and Bothwell march from Dunbar
towards (June 1567), ii. 209
Leith, Appointment at the Links of (24 July
1559)) proposed Articles drawn up by
the Congregation, i. 202 and note 4 ;
terms of the Appointment actually
INDEX 437
made between Congregation at Edin-
burgh and Queen Regent (24 July
1559), i. 202-4 ; alteration of terms
made without consent, i. 204 and
7iote 4 ; Congregation issue Proclama-
tion (26 July 1559), giving terms of the
Appointment but ignoring the altered
clauses, i. 205 and note 2 ; they reply
to objections against their version, i.
205-6, 206, notes 2, 3 ; terms of,
appealed to, by both sides, i. 212,
213 ; Queen Regent tries to make
the Congregation break it, and her-
self breaks it, i. 214 ; Queen Regent
declares that forthcoming convention
of Westland Congregation at Govan
Muir (21 Aug. 1559) is a breach of,
i. 215, 216 ; Queen Regent accuses
the Congregation of breaking, i. 216 ;
in a Proclamation (28 Aug. 1559) the
Queen Regent promises to observe its
terms, i. 218 ; the coming of the
French in relation to the proposed and
accepted terms of, i. 218, note i ;
broken by Queen Regent according
to the Congregation, i. 221 (but cf.
note i) ; Congregation again accuse
Queen Regent of breaking it, i. 226 ;
Queen Regent accused (19 Sept.
1559) of breach of, by using French-
men to fortify Leith, i. 229 and note 2 ;
Queen Regent accuses many of the
Congregation of violating, i. 236 ;
Lords of the Congregation declare
(3 Oct. 1559) that Queen Regent
cannot claim that they broke it before
the arrival of La Brosse and de Pelleve
and the fortifying of Leith, i. 238 ;
Knox's explanation why Congregation
had " to appoint with the Queen upon
so unequal conditions," i. 270 and
note I ; probable clue to Knox's per-
sistence that the article relating to
withdrawal of the French forces was
first granted and then denied, i. xliii ;
Knox's " coloured " account of the
Appointment, i. bcxx
Lennox, inhabitants of this district afraid
of Earl of Argyll (1565), ii. 168
Lennox, John Stewart, third Earl of
[succeeded his father, Matthew, second
Earl of Lennox, 151 3 ; slain by Sir
James Hamilton of Finnart {q.v.) at
Manuel, when attempting to rescue
James V from the power of Angus — -
Scots Peerage, v. 351-2], defeated and
slain near Linlithgow (4 Sept. 1526),
i. 22 and note 4
Lennox, Margaret Douglas, Countess of.
See Douglas, Lady Margaret
Lennox, Matthew Stewart, fourth Earl of
[succeeded his father, John, third Earl
of Lennox ; went to France, 1532 ;
returned to Scotland, 1543, and had
438
INDEX
a claim to the regency if the legitimacy
of Chatelherault could be questioned ;
went to England, where he married,
1544, Margaret Douglas, only daughter
and heiress of Archibald, sixth Earl
of Angus, and of Margaret Tudor,
Queen Dowager of James IV ; re-
mained in England ; was pronounced
guilty of treason and was forfeited,
1545 > pro-English ; with his son,
Darnley, returned to Scotland, 1 564 ;
rehabilitated, 1565 ; pursued Both-
well as the murderer of Darnley ;
Regent, 1570-71 ; killed, 1571 — Scots
Peerage, v. 353-4], next in succession
to the Crown if first Earl of Arran's
divorce from his first wife is not valid,
i. 49, note I ; sent from France to
Scotland (end of 1543), i. 51 ; Beaton
and Francis I of France plan to make
him Governor having declared Chatel-
herault a bastard, i. 51 ; Beaton holds
out to him the " vain hope " that
Queen Dowager will marry him, i. 51 ;
this proposal referred to, ii. 140 ;
receives money from La Brosse, i. 51 ;
dissatisfied with Beaton and French
party, looks to England for help
against Chatelherault, i. 51 ; his
faction assemble at Ayr (Yule, 1543),
and then go to Leith (Jan. 1544), i.
51 ; fails to dislodge Beaton and
Chatelherault from Edinburgh and
narrowly escapes, i. 51 ; failing in
his revolt against Beaton and Chatel-
herault, escapes from Leith to Glasgow
and then to Dumbarton (1544), i. 51 ;
disappointed with affairs in Scotland,
goes to England, where he marries
Lady Margaret Douglas at London,
i. 59 and note 3 ; imprisoned in the
Tower " for trafficking with Papists,"
ii. 47 and note i ; is allowed to return
to Scotland through influence of
Lethington, ii. 64 and note 4, 85 ;
returns to Scotland (23 Sept. 1564)
and is graciously received by the
Queen, ii. 137 ; restored to his lands
by Act of Parliament (13 Dec. 1564),
ii. 137 and note 4 ; reconciliation with
Hamiltons, ii. 137 ; James V pre-
vented by death from naming him his
heir, ii. 139-40 ; commanded by
Elizabeth to come to England (1565),
ii. 140, 146 ; chief councillor with
AthoU at Court, ii. 144 ; Mary's
Council consists of Atholl, Ruthven
and (May 1565), ii. 148 ; takes van-
guard in march with Mary and
Darnley to Edinburgh (Aug. 1565),
ii. 162 ; allowed by Queen openly to
attend Mass in her chapel (Nov. -Dec.
1565), ii. 174; Queen governed by
Atholl and, ii. 175 ; present when
Darnley receives Order of the Cockle
at Holyroodhouse (10 Feb. 1566), ii.
178 ; signs bond against Riccio (Mar.
1566), ii. 179-80 ; in Council, advises
the Queen to reconcile herself to the
death of Riccio, ii. 181 ; Darnley
visits him at Glasgow (1566), ii. 191 ;
Mary goes to see Darnley at Glasgow
where she uses both her husband and
his father " wonderfully kindly " (Jan.
1567), ii. 201 ; his list of suspected
murderers of Darnley, ii. 203 and
note 5 ; writes to Queen urging
punishment of Bothwell and his
accomplices (17 Mar. 1567), ii. 204 ;
Queen signs writ (24 July 1567)
appointing him joint regent till
Moray's return, or on his death, or to
act with Moray if latter refuses to be
sole regent, ii. 215 and note 2
Lesley. See Leslie
Leslie, Family of, promise to fight with
Forbeses and Hays, without other
help, against Huntly at Corrichie
(28 Oct. 1562), ii. 59 ; their treason,
ii. 60
Leslie, Andrew, fifth Earl of Rothes. See
Rothes
Leslie, George, fourth Earl of Rothes. See
Rothes
Leslie, John, Bishop of Ross [1527-96 ; son
of Gavin Leslie, canon of Kingussie ;
educated, Aberdeen ; went to France,
where he studied canon and civil law ;
returned to Scotland, 1554 ; Official
of Aberdeen, 1557 ; canon of Aber-
deen, with the prebend of Oyne, 1559 ;
Lord of Session, 1 564 ; Commendator
of Lindores, 1566 ; bishop-elect of
Ross, 1566 ; provided to Ross, 1575 ;
suffragan and vicar-general of Rouen,
1579 ; translated to Coutances, 1592 ;
died, 1596 ; a staunch supporter of
Mary and of the Roman Church ;
implicated in the murder of Riccio ;
forfeited, 1568 (rehabihtated, 1587) ;
imprisoned in Tower of London for
supposed complicity in the Ridolfi
Plots, 1571-73 — Dowden, Bishops of
Scotland, 229-31], " priest's gett," i.
113 and note 2, 353; his answer,
when asked to defend the Mass, at
the Convention of Nobility, Edin-
burgh (15 Jan. 1561), i. 353 ; " called
Molumus and Volumus," one of the
principal partisans of Queen Mary on
her return to Scotland (1561), i. 373 ;
persuades Mary to postpone Conven-
tion at Perth (31 May 1565), ii. 147 ;
advises Queen on manner of avenging
Riccio's murder (Mar. 1566), ii. 182 ;
a " clawback " to the Earl of Huntly,
ii. 189
Leslie, John, of Parkhill [second son of
INDEX
439
William, third Earl of Rothes ; brother
of George, fourth Earl of Rothes {q.v.) ;
had a charter of the lands of Parkhill,
1 538 ; taken prisoner at Solway Moss,
1542 ; released, 1543 ; took part in the
assassination of Cardinal Beaton ;
forfeited, 1546 ; rehabilitated, 1563 ;
died, 1585 — Scots Peerage, vii. 279-80],
openly avows hostility to Beaton after
martyrdom of Wishart, i. 74 ; Beaton
plots his overthrow at Falkland
(31 May 1546), i. 75-6 ; is saved by
Beaton's murder (29 May), i. 76 ; his
part in the assassination of Beaton
(29 May 1546), i. 76-8 ; taken to
English Court from St. Andrews
Castle by English ships, to treat with
Henry VIII "(20 Nov. 1546), i. 80 ;
his forfeiture reduced by Parliament
(May-June 1563), ii. 77 and note 8
Leslie, Norman, Master of Rothes [eldest
son of George, fourth Earl of Rothes ;
a leader of the small party which seized
the castle of St. Andrews and assas-
sinated Cardinal Beaton ; forfeited,
1546 ; prisoner in Mont St. Michel ;
resided for a time in England ; entered
the service of France ; died of his
wounds received at the Battle of Renti,
1554 ; married Isobel, daughter of
John, fifth Lord Lindsay of the Byres
— Laing's Knox, i. 541-42], persuaded
to assist Charteris in forcing Perth to
accept him as Provost, i. 52 ; fails to
arrive at Perth in time (22 July 1544),
i. 53 ; Beaton plots his overthrow at
Falkland (31 May 1546), i. 75-6 ; is
saved by Beaton's murder (29 May),
i. 76 ; his part in assassination of
Beaton (29 May 1546), i. 76-8 ;
imprisoned at Cherbourg, resists
attempts to make him attend Mass,
i. 107; his death (1554) referred to,
i. Ill, note I o
Leslie, Robert [a younger son of George,
fourth Earl of Rothes— Ao^.f Peerage,
vii. 287-8], while prisoner at Mont
St. Michel writes to Knox asking
" if they might with safe conscience
break their prison ? " i. 109 ; Knox's
reply, i. 109-10 ; he and his brother
William " who are now become . . .
enemies to Christ Jesus and to all
virtue," escape to Rouen, i. no
Leslie, William [second son of George,
fourth Earl of Rothes — Scots Peerage,
vii. 286-7], prisoner at Mont St.
Michel, writes to Knox asking " if
they might with safe conscience break
their prison ? " i. 109 ; Knox's reply,
i. 109-10 ; he and his brother Robert,
" who are now become . . . enemies
to Christ Jesus and to all virtue,"
escape to Rouen, i. 1 1 o
Leslie, William, of Balquhain, signs " Last
Band at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316
Leslie, William, younger, of Wardis, signs
" Last Band at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560),
i. 316
Lesly. See Leslie
Letham, Laird of. See Hamilton, Andrew
Lethington, George Wishart stays at (Jan.
1546), i. 67
For Laird of, see Maitland, Sir
Richard. See also Maitland, William
[of Lethington]
Leven, River, i. 281
Liddesdale, Bothwell in, ii. 144 ; Bothwell
wounded in (Oct. 1566), ii. 190
Lincluden, Provost of See Douglas,
Robert
Lindores Abbey, despoiled, i. 186, note 4
For Abbots of, see Leslie, John,
Bishop of Ross ; Philp [Philips], John
Lindsay, David [Moderator of the General
Assembly, 1569, 1577, 1582, 1586,
1593, 1597 ; Bishop of Ross, 1600 ;
died, 1613 — Fasti Ecclesia Scoticana, i.
160-1], appointed minister at Leith
(1560), i. 334 ; appointed to confer
with Lords at General Assembly
(June 1564), ii. 108 ; presents, with
Spottiswoode, supplication to Queen
for payment of ministers' stipends
(i Oct. 1565), ii. 171 ; appointed by
General Assembly (Dec. 1565) a
Commissioner to seek from the Queen
redress of grievances, ii. 176
Lindsay, David, eighth Earl of Crawford.
See Crawford
Lindsay, David, tenth Earl of Crav^ord.
See Crawford
Lindsay [Lyndsay], Sir David, of the
Mount [i 490-1 555 ; Lyon King of
Arms, 1529 ; his principal work, Ane
Satyre of the Thrie Estatis, was acted
1540 ; satirist of abuses in Church
and State ; poet of the Scottish
Reformation], on corruption in the
Church, i. xvii ; after return of Abbot
of Paisley to Scotland (Apr. 1543),
Lindsay is led by crafty means to
desert Chatelherault, i. 48 ; joins in
urging Knox to preach at St. Andrews
(1547), i. 82 and note 8 ; his Satyre of
the Thrie Estatis quoted, i. xxii-xxiii ;
his Tragedie of the Cardinall cited, i. 40,
note I
Lindsay, James, his account of assassina-
tion of Beaton in a letter (30 May
1546), i. 78, note 6
Lindsay, John, his warning to Bishop
James Beaton on danger of burning
heretics, i. 18
Lindsay, John Lindsay, fifth Lord, of the
Byres [succeeded his grandfather,
Patrick, fourth Lord Lindsay ; Sheriff
of Fife ; Lord of Session ; played no
440
INDEX
important part in the Reformation
movement; died, December 1563],
sent as mediator to Reformers at
Cupar Muir (June 1559), i. 184 ;
signs the Book of Discipline (27 Jan.
i56i),i. 345, ii. 325
Lindsay, Patrick, one ot the few in Edin-
burgh who had the " bruit of know-
ledge " when the town was drowned
in superstition, i. 43
Lindsay, Patrick Lindsay, sixth Lord, of
the Byres [as Master of Lindsay, was
an ardent Reformer ; fought against
Huntly at Corrichie, 1562 ; succeeded
his father, John, fifth Lord Lindsay,
1563 ; implicated in murder of Riccio,
1566 ; joined the Confederate Lords,
1567 , fought against Mary at Car-
berry and Langside ; died, 1589 — Scots
Peerage, v. 399-400], replies to Queen
Regent's messengers on cause of convo-
cation of lieges at Perth (24 May 1559),
i. 1 73 ; decided that he should stay in
Fife when Lords of the Congregation
divide their forces between Glasgow
and St. Andrews, i. 298 (and cf. i.
276) ; harasses the French in Fife,
i. 279 ; encounter with French under
La Battu (12 Jan. 1560), i. 279-80 ;
sent as one of the Commissioners by
the Congregation to Norfolk at Ber-
wick (Feb. 1560), i. 302 ; his instruc-
tions (10 Feb. 1560), i. 308-10 ;
signs " Last Band at Leith " at Edin-
burgh (27 Apr. 1560), i. 315 ; signs
the Book oj Discipline (27 Jan. 1561),
i. 345, ii. 325 ; delivers Supplication
from the Brethren to Lords of Secret
Council (28 May 1561), i. 362 ; openly
protests against Mary's first Mass after
her arrival from France (1561), ii. 8 ;
supports at Court the petition for
punishment of Bothwell, d'Elbocuf
and Lord John Stewart of Colding-
ham for attack on Cuthbert Ramsay's
house, Edinburgh (Dec. 1561), ii. 35 ;
suspects treason of Forbeses, Hays and
Leslies at Battle of Corrichie (28 Oct.
1562), ii. 60 ; repulses Huntly's com-
pany, ii. 61 ; rivalry between him and
Rothes exploited by Papists (1565),
ii. 157 ; attends General Assembly
(25 Dec. 1565), ii. 174, 176; one
of the murderers of Riccio (9 Mar.
1566), i. 112, ii. 179; in Council,
advises the Queen to reconcile herself
to the death of Riccio, ii. 181 ; makes
a bond with other Lords at Stirling
to defend the young Prince (i May
1567), ii. 207 ; shares command of
second army of Confederate Lords
at Carberry Hill (15 June 1567), ii.
210 ; pleads to be allowed to fight
Bothwell at Carberry Hill, ii. 211;
signs Articles agreed upon by General
Assembly (20 July 1567), ii. 215 ;
sent with Ruthven to Lochleven
Castle to require Mary to abdicate
in favour of the Prince and to set up
a regency, ii. 215
Lindsay, Sibilla, one of the few in Edin-
burgh who had the " bruit of know-
ledge " when the town was drowned
in superstition, i. 43
Linlithgow, third Earl of Lennox killed in
battle against Hamiltons and Earl of
Angus at (4 Sept. 1526), i. 22 and
note 4 ; Henry Forrest of, is burned
at St. Andrews for possessing a New
Testament in English (?I533), i. 21-
22, 22, note 2 ; James V at, sees vision
of death of Thomas Scott, Justice-
Clerk, at Edinburgh, i. 29 ; Knox
omits any reference to James V's visit
to his queen at, before his death, i. 39,
note 3 ; Mary Queen of Scots born
at (8 Dec. 1542), i. 39 ; forces of
French faction go to, to oppose
marriage between Mary and Prince
Edward [Edward VI] (1543), i. 47 ;
Beaton and his party take Mary of
Lorraine and Mary Queen of Scots
to Stirling from (26 July 1543), i. 49 ;
the Congregation, leaving Edinburgh
(26 July 1559), come to, i. 206 ;
" ungodly soldiers " of the Congrega-
tion mutiny at, because their wages
are not paid (1559), i. 257 ; Con-
gregation, having left Edinburgh
(6 Nov. 1559), pass to, i. 265, note i ;
French forces at (c. Jan. 1560), i. 276 ;
Kirk of, warned by public edict to be
present at election of John Spottis-
woode as Superintendent of Lothian
(1561), ii. 273 ; Queen visits (Sept.
1561), which " she polluted with her
idolatry," ii. 20 ; Act of Privy Council
relating to Thirds passed at (24 Jan.
1562), ii. 328 ; Queen summons
military aid from (17 July 1565), ii.
I55~6 ; Mary and Darnley summon
(3 Aug. 1565) forces to meet them at
(24 Aug. 1565), ii. 159 ; Mary and
Darnley at (Aug. 1565), ii. 160 ;
Argyll, summoned by Darnley to
Dunbar, comes to, and remains there
(Mar. 1566), ii. 182
Lisle, John Dudley, Viscount, afterwards
Earl of Warwick and Duke of North-
umberland. See Northumberland
Livingstone, Beatrice [wife of Adam
Wallace], with her husband instructs
children of John Cockburn of Or-
miston, i. 1 14
Livingstone, Mary [daughter of Alexander,
fifth Lord Livingstone, one of Queen
Mary's " Maries " ; married John
Sempill of Beltries, natural son of
INDEX
441
Robert, third Lord Sempill, 1565 —
Inventaires de la Royne Descosse, xlvii],
arrives in Scotland with Queen Mary
from France (1561), ii. 7 and note i ;
marriage of, to John Sempill, i. Ixxiv,
ii. 102
Livingstone, William Livingstone, sixth
Lord [son of Alexander, fifth Lord
Livingstone, who had been one of the
guardians of the infant Mary Queen
of Scots ; succeeded, 1551 ; married
Agnes Fleming, daughter of Malcolm,
third Lord Fleming ; he and his wife
were loyal and devoted servants to
Queen Mary — Scots Peerage, v. 439-
442], Queen attends Protestant sermon
after christening of child of, at
Callendar House (July 1565), ii. 153 ;
summoned to Edinburgh by General
Assembly (June 1567) to settle true
worship of the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but
excuses himself on grounds that he
could not come with safety to Edin-
burgh, ii. 214
Lochill, Laird of. See Borthwick, David
Lochinvar, Laird of See Gordon, Sir
John, of Lochinvar
Lochlee, Laird of See Campbell, James
Lochleven Castle, Knox summoned by
Mary to (? Apr. 1563), ii. 71 ; his
interviews with her there, ii. 71-4 ;
Moray ill at (1565), ii. 148 ; Moray
and Argyll at (July 1565), ii. 153 ;
Mary imprisoned in (17 June 1567),
ii. 212 ; her abdication at (24 July
1567), ii. 215 ; Moray visits Mary at
(Aug. 1567), ii. 216 and note 2
Lochmaben, James V takes up head-
quarters there during Raid of Solway
Moss (1542), i. 35 ; he awaits news
there of the battle, i. 38 ; delivered
to the English (1544), i. 58 ; Herries
ordered by Queen to surrender house
and castle of (1565), ii. 168 ; Mary
and Darnley at (Oct. 1565), ii. 172
Locke, Mrs. Anna, Knox's letters to,
mentioned or cited, i. ixxxiii ; (6 Apr.
I559)> J- 285, note i ; (23 June 1559),
i. 161, note I, 176, note 3, 185, note i ;
(18 Nov. 1559), i. 269, note i ;
(31 Dec. 1559), i. xxxiii, note 9, 109,
note 2 ; (2 Oct. 1561), i. Ivii-lviii
Lockhart, Alexander [brother of John
Lockhart of Barr], killed at siege of
Leith (1560), i. 320
Lockhart, George [burgess of Ayr], signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Lockhart, George [Provost of the Collegiate
Church of Crichton ; Rector of the
University of St. Andrews, 1521-25 ;
Dean of Glasgow ; died, 1547 —
Laing's Knox, i. 37], present at
William Arth's sermon at St. Andrews,
Lockhart, James, signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept.
1562), ii. 56
Lockhart, Sir James, of Lee, signs Band at
Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 55
Lockhart, John, of Barr, George Wishart
frequents his house at Barr, i. 61 and
note 5 ; invites Knox to Kyle (1556),
i. 121 ; coming to aid Perth (May
I559)> i- 175 ; subscribes Book of
Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), ii. 324;
signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii.
56 ; one of the Protestant Lords who
march on Edinburgh (31 Aug. 1565),
ii. 161
Lockhart, John, younger, of Barr, appre-
hended in England with incriminat-
ing papers which led to imprisonment
in the Tower of Earl and Countess
of Lennox " for trafficking with
Papists " (1562), ii. 47
Lockhart, Robert, present at house of
Erskine of Dun to hear Knox speak
against Mass (1555), i. 120 ; one of
the " Privy Kirk," i. 148 ; acts as
mediator between Queen Regent and
Congregation, i. 244-7, 244, note 3 ;
Knox's reply to Queen Regent, reject-
ing Lockhart's overtures (26 Oct.
1559)) i- 245-6 ; is so offended at this
letter that he refuses to deliver it, i.
246 ; causes division among the Con-
gregation, i. 246-7
Logan, Sir Robert, of Restalrig, sells
superiority of Leith to Queen Regent
(Jan. 1556), i. 239 and note 3 ; comes
to aid of Protestants at Cupar (June
1559)) i- 183 ; is said to have per-
suaded Leith to surrender to the
French, and surrenders himself to
d'Oysel (July 1559), i. 200
Logic, Gavin [educated, St. Andrews ;
regent in St. Leonard's, 1 518 ; Princi-
pal of St. Leonard's, 1523-34; inclined
towards the reformed faith — Herkless
and Hannay, College of St. Leonard,
passim], begins the work of Reforma-
tion at St. Leonard's College, St.
Andrews, after martyrdom of Patrick
Hamilton, i. 15
Loich. See Low
Lollards of Kyle, i. 8-1 1
London, Alexander Seton caused by Bishop
Gardiner of Winchester " to affinn
certain things that repugned to his
former true doctrine," at St. Paul's
Cross, i. 23 ; Sir Simon Preston taken
prisoner to (1544), i. 58 ; William
Kirkcaldy of Grange brought to St.
Andrews Castle by English ships from
(1546), i. 80 ; Knox called to, as
preacher, i. xxxiv, no ; he recalls to
Mary his ministry at, ii. 15 ; first
meeting between Knox and Moray at
(July or Dec. 1552 ?), ii. 78 and note 6 ;
442
INDEX
Melville and Maitland at (1559-60),
i. 271, 276 ; Chapel of St. James,
i. 284 ; mentioned, i. 295 ; Earl and
Countess of Lennox imprisoned in the
Tower, " for trafficking with Papists "
(1562), ii. 47 and note i ; Moray goes
to (Oct. 1565), ii. 172 ; he returns to
Newcastle from, ii. 173
Longniddry, George Wishart stays at, i. 66 ;
Wishart goes to, from Inveresk, i. 67 ;
Knox, not allowed to accompany
Wishart from Haddington, returns to
(Jan. 1546), i. 69
For Laird of, see Douglas, Hugh
Lord's Supper, Knox and Rough accused
of asserting that Mass is a profanation
of (1547), i. 87 ; many in St. Andrews
profess by participation in (1547), i.
93 ; dispensed by Knox in Kyle,
Finlayston and Calder House, where
many convene " for the right use of
the Lord's Table" (1556), i. 121 ;
and at Dun (1556), i. 122 ; Protestants
petition Queen Regent (20 Nov.
1558) that it may be administered in
the vulgar tongue and in both kinds,
i. 151 ; administered by the Prot-
estants (1559), i. 213 ; Protestant
doctrine of, defined in the Confession
of Faith, ii. 268-71 ; regulation of,
laid down in the Book of Discipline, ii.
282-3, 313 ; Scriptural authority tor,
as opposed to the Mass, debated
(15 Jan. 1561), i. 352-3 ; Lord John
of Coldingham and Lord Robert of
Holyrood protect a priest, having said
Mass, though they had communicated
at the Lord's Table, ii. 8 ; on Sundays,
while Protestants are at the Lord's
Table in Edinburgh, Papists hear
Mass in Holyrood (1563), ii. 87 ;
reference to its administration in
Edinburgh (i Apr. 1565), ii. 141 ;
such of the nobility, who had com-
municated at the Lord's Table, be-
come more suspected by the Queen
(1565), ii. 174
See also Mass ; Sacraments
Lordscairnie Castle. See Cairnie Castle
Lorges, Jacques de Montgomery, sieur de
[Captain of the Scots Guard in France ;
father of Gabriel de Montgomery who
mortally wounded Henry H in a
tournament, 1559 — La Grande Encyclo-
pMie, s.v. Montgomery], brings French
army to Scotland (June 1555), i. 58
Lome, Archibald Campbell, Lord. See
Argyll, Archibald Campbell, fifth
Earl of
Lorraine, Charles de. Cardinal [1524-74 ;
second son of Claude of Lorraine,
first Duke of Guise ; Archbishop of
Rheims, 1538 ; Cardinal of Lorraine,
1547], " flirted with Lutheranism,"
i. Ivii, note i ; John Hamilton sent on
mission to, to see that " Castilians "
are " sharply handled," i. 97 ; gets
custody of Mary Queen of Scots in
France, " a morsel meet for his own
mouth," i. 104 ; releases, at request
of Mary of Lorraine, the remaining
" gentlemen " among the " Castil-
ians " who are still in prison in
France (July 1550), i. iii ; Mary
of Lorraine " practises " with, i. 116 ;
his influence on her, i. 1 18 ; to receive
in commendam the Abbeys of Melrose
and Kelso, i. 140 ; but he is dis-
appointed of intended gift, i. 140,
note 4 ; the Queen Regent may be
" so far blinded that she will have no
religion " but that of the Cardinal, i.
228 ; the Queen Regent cannot be
expected to keep faith with " heretics "
when she is ruled by him, i. 242 ; he
persecutes Protestants in France, i.
347-8 ; his increased power, i. 350 ;
at Rheims with Mary Queen of Scots,
i. 362 ; as defender of the old faith,
i. 368 ; on return of Mary to Scot-
land, the Papists write daily letters to
her, to the Pope and to, i. 373 ; the
licentiousness of, and of King Henry's
Court at the " Mask of Orleans," ii.
35 ; alluded to, by Knox, as an
enemy to God, ii. 45 ; Lethington
tries to discredit Knox for stating
that the Cardinal had agreed to the
marriage of Mary with the King of
Spain, ii. 85
Lorraine, Claude de, marquis de Mayenne,
due d'Aumale. See Aumale
Lorraine, Fran9ois de [1534-63 ; Grand
Prior of the Knights of Malta], comes
to Scotland with Queen Mary from
France (1561), ii. 7
Lorraine, Frangois de, 2'' due de Guise.
See Guise
Lorraine, Ren6 de, marquis d'Elboeuf. See
Elboeuf
Lothian, contributes men to Scots army at
Solway Mos?(i542), i. 36 ; Reformers
in, anxious for safety of George
Wishart (Dec. 1545), i. 66 ; mostly
laid waste by English (1548), i. loi ;
lairds from, come to aid of Protestants
at Cupar (June 1559), i. 183 ; the
gentlemen of Lothian are " very com-
fortable as well for their counsel as for
their whole assistance " to the Con-
gregation in Edinburgh (July 1559), i.
201 ; Brethren there are deceived by
Queen Regent's propaganda and fail
to assist the Congregation after they
come to Edinburgh (16 [18 ?] Oct.
1559), i. 246 ; Queen Regent and the
French begin " to execute their
tyranny " upon parts nearest Edin-
INDEX
443
burgh (1560), i. 302 ; John Spottis-
woode nominated Superintendent for
(1560), i. 334 ; Queen summons
military aid from (17 July 1565), ii.
155-6 ; Mary and Darnley summon
forces from, to meet at Linlithgow
(24 Aug. 1565), ii. 159
For Official of, see Balfour, Sir James,
of Pittendreich
Loudoun, Lairds of. See Campbell, Sir
Hugh ; Campbell, Sir Matthew
Lovell, George [burgess of Dundee], cap-
tured by French in skirmish between
Leith and Edinburgh (6 Nov. 1559),
i. 263 ; delivers Supplication from
the Brethren to Lords of Secret
Council (28 May 1561), i. 362
Low [Loich], John, assister to Tarbot,
released by Queen (1565), ii. 143
Lundie, a troop sent by Mary to, and the
Laird, Walter Lundie, captured (Sept.
1565), ii. 164
Lundie, Andrew, of Balgony, arrested by
Arran and Moray, and released on
conditions which he " minded never
to keep " (1560), i. 301
Lundie, Walter, of Lundie, replies to
Queen Regent's messengers on cause
of convocation of lieges at Perth
(24 May 1559), i. 173 ; proposes to
General Assembly (June 1564) that
Lords who have absented themselves
should be required to explain their
reasons for this, ii. 107 and note i ;
one of five appointed to carry Articles
from General Assembly to Queen at
Perth (June 1565), ii. 150 ; they
follow Queen to Dunkeld, ii. 150 ;
and then to Edinburgh, ii. 151 ;
arrested by Queen and imprisoned at
St. Andrews (Sept. 1565), ii. 164
Lundy. See Lundie
Lusgerie, Jacques, Mary's physician, ii.
105, and note 1
Luther, Martin [1483- 1546], mentioned,
i. xix ; strangers (1525) and Scots
(1527) forbidden to bring any
Lutheran books into Scotland, i. xxiii ;
Patrick Hamilton and, i. 12 and
note I ; his opinion of the Sacraments
mentioned, i. 93 ; quoted by Lething-
ton in his debate with Knox at the
General Assembly (June 1564), ii. 121
Luthrie, Laird of. See Forman, Sir
Robert
Luxembourg, Jean de, comte de Brienne.
See Brienne
Luxembourg, Sebastien de, 4'^ vicomte de
Martigues, due de Penthievre. See
Penthievre
Lyn, John [probably David Lyne, a Fran-
ciscan, whose piety and learning later
attracted Melanchthon at Wittenberg
— Lorimer, Patrick Hamilton, 191],
(653)
leaves his " hypocritical habit, and
the den of those murderers the Grey
Friars," i. 26
Lyndsay. See Lindsay
Lyon, John, eighth Lord Glamis. See
Glamis
Lyon, Margaret [daughter of seventh Lord
Glamis], marries Gilbert Kennedy,
fourth Earl of Cassillis (1566), ii. 189
MacAlexander, Thomas, of r^-ossclays,
signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562),
ii. 56
Macalpine [Machabeus], John [prior of
the Dominicans at Perth, 1532-34 ;
embraced reformed faith and fled to
England ; canon of Salisbury ; went
to Wittenberg ; professor at Copen-
hagen, 1542 ; helped with the first
translation of the Bible into Danish ;
died at Copenhagen, 1557 — Dictionary
of National Biography], takes refuge in
Germany and Denmark from persecu-
tion in Scotland, i. 23
McCalzean, Thomas [educated, St.
Andrews ; admitted advocate, 1 549 ;
supporter of the reformed faith ; Lord
of Session, 1570 ; died, 1581 — Brunton
and Haig, Senators of the College of
Justice, 149-50], elected Provost of
Edinburgh (8 Oct. 1561), ii. 22 and
note 4
Macdonnel [or Macdonald], Sir James,
of Antrim, Lord of Dunyveg and the
Glens [killed in Ireland, 1565, fight-
ing against the O'Neills], arrange-
ments to deal with, laid down in
Contract made at Berwick (27 Feb.
1560), i. 306 and note i
Macdowell, John [educated, Glasgow ;
sub-prior of the Black Friars, Glasgow,
1530 ; fled to England, where he
became chaplain to the Bishop of
Salisbury, 1537 ; fled to Germany,
1540 • — • Lorimer, Patrick Hamilton,
186-7], takes refuge in Germany from
persecution in Scotland, i. 23
McGill, Sir James, of Nether Rankeillor
[educated, St. Andrews ; admitted
advocate, 1549 ; Clerk Register, 1554 ;
joined the Reformers ; implicated in
the murder of Riccio, fled, and the
office of Clerk Register given to Sir
James Balfour {q.v.), 1566 ; restored
to office by the Regent Moray, 1567 ;
' Kingsman ' ; died, 1579 — Brunton
and Haig, Senators of the College of Justice,
99-100], signs extracts from Acts of
Parliament, i. 340 ; supports Queen's
authority while Moray is in France,
i. 356 ; friend of Knox, i. 356-7 ;
meeting in his house to consider ques-
tion " Whether that subjects might put
to their hand to suppress the idolatry
VOL n 29
444
INDEX
of their Prince ? " and he votes in the
negative (Nov. 1561), ii. 23 ; refers
to this meeting at his house during
similar discussion in General Assembly
(June 1564), ii. 133 ; present at Privy
Council which passes Act relating to
Thirds (22 Dec. 1561), ii. 29, 326 ;
appointed to assess ministers' stipends,
ii. 30 ; appointed by Privy Council
(24 Jan. 1562) a Commissioner to deal
with Thirds, ii. 329 ; Moray and
Maitland meet Knox at his house
(Dec. 1563), ii. 92 ; present at Council
before which Knox is summoned (Dec.
^563) J ii- 94 ; attends General
Assembly (June 1564), but joins
group of Courtiers who sit apart, ii.
107 ; knowing Queen's hatred for
him, flees from Edinburgh before her
arrival (18 Mar. 1566), ii. 183 ; dis-
missed from office of Clerk Register
immediately after murder of Riccio,
i. 112, note 6
Machabeus, Johannes. See Macalpine,
John
Mackaw, John, one of the few in the
Canongate who had the " bruit of
knowledge " when Edinburgh was
drowned in superstition, i. 43
Macquhidaill, John, signs Band at Ayr
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Magdeburg, Apology of, quoted by Knox
in his debate with Lethington at the
General Assembly (June 1564), ii.
129-30
Magistrates, development of Knox's views
on lawfulness of resisting a magistrate
who enforces idolatry and condemns
true religion, i. xxxix-xliii ; Knox's
queries to Calvin and Bullinger on
right of rebellion, i. xl ; Protestants
are accused of aiming to undermine
authority rather than to reform
religion, i. 146, 173, 176, 192-3,
i94-5> 196, 218-19, 233, 234, 236,
237) 243, 246 ; Protestants differen-
tiate between the person and author-
ity of the ruler and maintain that the
wicked prince may be disobeyed, i.
168-9 j the doctrine of obedience to
magistrates as taught by the Prot-
estant preachers, i. 227-8 ; obedience
is due to a lawful authority but the
Queen Regent abuses " the authority
established by God," i. 240 ; in sus-
pending the authority of the Queen
Regent (21 Oct. 1559), the question
of obedience to magistrates is debated, .
i. 249-51 ; Willock's opinion, i. 250 ;
Knox's opinion, i. 250-1 ; obedience
due to the civil magistrate defined in
the Confession of Faith, ii. 271 ; Knox
argues before Mary that princes may
be resisted (4 Sept. 1561), ii. 16-17 !
question of obedience and " Whether
that subjects might put to their hand
to suppress the idolatry of their
Prince?" debated (Nov. 1561), ii. 23 ;
Knox tells Mary that princes may be
resisted (Apr. 1563), ii. 71-2 ; debate
in General Assembly (June 1564) on
obedience, ii. 115-34; George Hay
commanded to reason with Knox on
this subject, ii. 1 15-16 ; Knox's debate
with Lethington on same subject, ii.
116-30 ; opinion of John Douglas, ii.
131 ; of Winram, ii. 131 ; and of
John Craig, ii. 13 1-3
Mair, John. See Major, John
Maitland, James [son of William Maitland
of Lethington and Mary Fleming], his
death believed to be a fulfilment of
Knox's prophecy, i. 335, note 15
Maitland, Sir Richard, of Lethington
[?i496-i586 ; educated, St. Andrews
and France; Lord of Session, 1551 ;
Keeper of the Privy Seal, 1562-67 ;
took little or no part in the Reforma-
tion movement ; died, 1586 ; poet,
and collector of early Scottish poetry ;
" a most unspotted and blameless
Judge ; a valiant, grave, and worthy
knight " — Brunton and Haig, Senators
of the College of Justice, 97-9], Beaton
is released from prison by bribing him
(1543), i. 43 ; George Wishart stays
at Lethington, " the Laird whereof
was ever civil, albeit not persuaded in
religion " (Jan. 1546), i. 67 ; his
advice to Queen to proceed with trial
of the mass-mongers (19 May 1563),
ii. 76 ; present at Council meeting
(Dec. 1563), to decide if Knox's letter
to the Brethren (8 Oct. 1563) is
treasonable, ii. 90, 94
Maitland, Robert, Dean of Aberdeen
[succeeded Robert Erskine as Dean,
about 1560 ; attended several General
Assemblies ; died, 1579 — Laing's Anox,
ii. 442], present at debate between
Knox and Lethington at General
Assembly (June 1564), ii. 121
Maitland, William [of Lethington] [ eldest
son of Sir Richard Maitland of Leth-
ington {q.v.) ; Secretary to the Queen
Regent, 1558 ; joined the Lords of
the Congregation, 1559 ; Secretary
to Mary Queen of Scots, 1 56 1 ; Lord
of Session, 1561 ; a faithful servant
to Mary ; alter 1567 was soon at
cross-purposes with Moray and, later,
Lennox ; joined Kirkcaldy of Grange
in Edinburgh Castle, 1571 ; died soon
after the fall of the Castle, 1573 ; a
brilliant diplomat and politician ;
married, secondly, Mary Fleming,
daughter of Malcolm, third Lord
Fleming — Skelton, Maitland of Leihing-
INDEX
ton], his policy of compromise after
return of Mary, i. Ivii-lix ; its failure
sealed by Mary's marriage to Darnley,
i. Ixi ; it had made the reassembly of
the army of the Congregation impos-
sible, resulting in the Chase-about-
Raid, i. Ixii ; " of good learning, and
of sharp wit and reasoning," present
at house of Erskine of Dun to hear
Knox speak against the Mass (1555),
i. 120 ; indicates his agreement with
Knox's argument, i. 120 ; suspected
of favouring the Congregation and in
danger of his life " if he should
remain amongst so ungodly a com-
pany," he leaves Queen Regent and
joins the Lords of the Congregation
(Oct. 1559), i. xlviii, 263-4, 264,
note I ; decided at Stirling (8 Nov.
1559) that he should go to London
and explain position of Congregation
to Elizabeth, i. xlviii, 271 ; his
mission to London referred to, i. 276,
298 ; one of the Commissioners who
negotiated and signed Contract of
Berwick (27 Feb. 1560), i. 303, 307 ;
commission already given to him is
confirmed (Instructions to the Com-
missioners at Berwick, 10 Feb. 1560),
^' 309> 310 > his opinion on force
required to take Leith (Apr. 1560),
i. 313, note 4 ; letter from, to Cecil
(15 Aug. 1560), cited, i. 334, note 3 ;
his " mockage of God " on hearing
Knox preach on prophet Haggai
(Aug. 1560), and Knox's prophecy of
Maitland's own misfortune, i. 335,
marginal note and notes 14, 15 ; sent
ambassador to England to crave
assistance against all foreign invasion
and to propose marriage of Earl of
Arran and Elizabeth (1560), i. 345-6,
346, note I ; Elizabeth's answer to
marriage proposal (8 Dec. 1560), i.
350 ; letter to Cecil (6 Feb. 1561)
cited, i. 355, note i ; Knox's allusion
to him as one of the Queen's " sup-
posts," ii. 12, note 2 ; blamed (though
not mentioned by name) for not
opposing Queen's order that Edin-
burgh magistrates should be changed
(Oct. 1 561), ii. 22 and notes 2, 5 ;
on question " Whether that subjects
might put to their hand to suppress
the idolatry of their Prince ? " votes
in the negative (Nov. 1561), ii. 23 ;
proposes to write to Geneva for advice
on above question (instead of Knox,
who had offered to do so), ii. 23-4 ;
explains why he did not write, ii.
I33~4 ; questions legahty of General
Assembly (Dec. 1561), i. k, ii. 26 ;
answered by Knox, ii. 26-7 ; attacks
Book of Discipline, ii. 27 ; answered
445
by Lord Ochiltree and Knox, ii. 27 ;
present at Privy Council which passes
Act relating to Thirds (22 Dec. 1561),
ii. 29, 326 ; attacks provision made
for ministers' stipends, ii. 30, 31 ;
answered by Knox, ii. 31-2 ; ap-
pointed to assess ministers' stipends,
ii. 30 ; appointed by Privy Council
(24 Jan. 1562) a Commissioner to deal
with Thirds, ii. 329 ; that he is taking
part in negotiations between Mary
and Elizabeth referred to, ii. 33 ;
Bothwell's alleged plot to kill (re-
ported to Knox by Arran, 27 Mar.
1562), ii. 40 ; objects to petition of
General Assembly (4 July 1562) on
grounds that it is offensive to Queen
and treasonable, ii. 52 ; after debate
he is allowed to redraft the petition,
ii. 52-3 ; enmity between Huntly and,
ii. 58 ; his prayer before attacking at
Battle of Corrichie (28 Oct. 1562),
ii. 60-1 ; present at Knox's second
interview with Mary (15 Dec. 1562),
ii. 43 ; sent on embassy to England
and France, ii. 63, 64 and note i, 70 ;
accomplishes the return of Lennox to
Scotland, ii. 64, 85 ; and thus incurs
the hatred of the Hamiltons, ii. 64 ;
helps in release of Bothwell in England
" for he travailed to have friends in
every faction of the Court," ii. 64 ;
" by that means obtained promise of
his favour," ii. 85 ; " the father of all
mischief" in 1562-63, ii. 65, marginal
note ; Mary tells Knox that Lethington
blames her for admitting Ruthven to
her Privy Council, ii. 72 ; absent from
trial of Papists (19 May 1563) " so the
Protestants had the fewer unfriends,"
ii. 76 ; returns (24 June 1563) from
mission to England and France, ii.
84 ; discredits Knox by denying that
Queen had ever thought of marriage
with King of Spain, ii. 84-5 ; pro-
motes his own interest when in Eng-
land by befriending Bothwell and
Lennox, ii. 85 (and cf. ii. 64) ; and
in Scotland, on his return, by promot-
ing Atholl to disadvantage of Moray,
ii. 85 ; gives Moray an account " as
best pleased him " of Knox's summons
to answer for letter (8 Oct. 1563)
addressed to the Brethren, ii. 90 ; he
and Moray advise Knox to confess his
offence against Mary (that is, for
writing the letter of 8 Oct. 1563), but
Knox maintains he had given none,
ii. 92-3 ; present at Council before
which Knox is summoned (Dec.
1563), ii. 94 ; he is the Queen's
" faithful support " on one side of her
chair (the Master of Maxwell being
on the other), ii. 94, 99 ; cross-
446
INDEX
examines Knox, ii. 94-5 ; his aside
to the Queen, ii. 98 ; rages when
Knox is acquitted by the Council, ii.
99 ; has sharp encounter in General
Assembly (Dec. 1563) with Goodman
over Thirds, ii. loo-ioi ; promises at
General Assembly (June 1564), in
name of Mary, full satisfaction to the
ministers, ii. 103-4 > 'o'" '^he second
time defies " the servants of God "
(June 1564), ii. 104 ; when Knox
preaches against the hypocrites, he
mocks and says " We must recant, and
burn our bill ; for the Preachers are
angry," ii. 106 ; attends General
Assembly (June 1564) but joins
group of Courtiers who sit apart, ii.
107 ; debate with Knox at General
Assembly (June 1564), i. liii, Ixi, ii.
108-15, 116-30 ; insists on vote being
taken, ii. 130-1 ; Mary sends him to
Elizabeth to announce that she is
going to marry Darnley (Mar. 1565),
ii. 139 ; receives Supplication from
Brethren of Edinburgh delivered by
Spottiswoode and Willock (1565), ii.
141 ; arrives at Stirling from England
with English ambassador (15 May
'565), ii- 145 > mentioned, ii. 151 ;
sent to Argyll to inquire into rumour
that he is leading a great army against
Atholl (July 1565), ii. 154 ; present
at Council before which Knox is sum-
moned (Aug. 1565), ii. 160 ; testifies
in presence of Mary, Darnley and the
Council that there was nothing offen-
sive in Knox's publicly praying for the
banished Lords, ii. 173 ; attends
General Assembly (25 Dec. 1565), ii.
174, 176 ; " certain dryness " be-
tween Morton, Mar and Lethington
on one side and Huntly and Bothwell
on the other, ii. 175 ; but reconciled
by AthoH's mediation, ii. 175 ; leaves
Edinburgh before Queen's arrival
(18 Mar. 1566), ii. 183 ; letter to
Cecil (26 Oct. 1566) from, quoted,
ii. 191, note 3 ; Queen abdicates by
his advice, ii. 215 ; his death, i. Ixiii,
note 3
For his second wife, see Fleming,
Mary ; for his son, see Maitland,
James
Major, John [i 469-1 550 ; educated,
Cambridge and Paris ; taught in
Paris ; taught at Glasgow, 1518 ;
published ' History of Greater Britain,'
1521 ; taught at St. Andrews, 1523 ;
returned to Paris, 1525-31 ; returned
to St. Andrews, 1531 ; Provost of St.
Salvator's College, 1533-50 ; died,
1550 — Dictionary of National Biography],
that Knox was taught by him at
Glasgow University not now accepted,
i. xxxi ; maintains that there is no
heresy in sermon preached by Friar
WilHam Arth at Dundee, and a day
is appointed for Arth to repeat the
sermon at St. Andrews, i 15 ; present
at Knox's first public sermon at St.
Andrews (1547), i. 86
Malory, Sir William, captured at Raid of
Hadden Rig (24 Aug. 1542), i. 31
[must have been released before
December 1542 ; in August 1543 was
treasurer at Berwick — Hamilton Papers,
i. Nos. 248, 442]
Maltman, — [a Friar ; is said to have
preached the sermon at the martyr-
dom of Walter Myln, 1558 ; in 1563
{Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii. 10) he is
called " Friar Maltman alias Heborne,
as he now calls himself"], this
" Sergeant of Sathan " is sent to assist
Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow, in
trial of Russell and Kennedy (summer
1539), i. 27 ; he (" the idiot Doctor ")
compels Dunbar to condemn them
to death when Dunbar would have
spared them, i. 28
Mar, Annabella Murray, Countess of
[daughter of Sir William Murray of
Tullibardine ; sister of Sir William
Murray of Tullibardine, the Comp-
troller {q.v.) ; married, 1557, John,
sixth Lord Erskine, who, 1565, became
first Earl of Mar — Inventaires de la Royne
Descosse, xlii], " a very Jezebel," i.
344 ; " a sweet morsel for the Devil's
mouth," i. Ixxiv, ii. 77
Mar, James Stewart, Earl of. See Moray,
James Stewart, Earl of (2)
Mar, John Erskine, first Earl of [John, sixth
Lord Erskine ; succeeded in 1 555, when
he resigned Dryburgh, Inchmahome
and Cambuskenneth, which were then
held by him ; Keeper of Edinburgh
Castle during the 'uproar for religion ' ;
received the Queen Regent into the
Castle in her last illness, and she died
there ; aftec her death joined the
Reformers ; created Earl of Mar,
1565; in 1567, as Keeper of Stirling
Castle, was entrusted with the care of
the infant James [VT], and he guarded
the young king during the troublous
times that followed ; chosen as
Regent, 1571 ; died, 1572 — Scots Peer-
age, v. 612-15], joins Knox at Calder
House (1555), i. 121 ; orders Re-
formers to delay besieging Perth
(June 1559), i. 188-9 ; o"c of the
delegates for the Queen Regent at
conference with the Congregation at
Preston (July 1559), i. 197; Captain
of Edinburgh Castle and unfriendly
to the Congregation (July 1559), i. 201
and note 8 ; Chatelherault and the
INDEX
447
Lords of the Congregation write to,
urging him to guard the Castles of
Edinburgh and Stirhng and remain
true to the Congregation (19 Sept.
1559). i- 231-2, 231, note 5 ; fires one
shot at the French (31 Oct. 1559),
" but he suddenly repented of well-
doing," i. 261 ; "enticed " by Queen
Regent's faction " to deny us support,"
i. 262 ; declares himself enemy to the
Congregation, i. 264 ; but when Con-
gregation retreat from Edinburgh part
of their ordnance is left to his care
(Nov. 1559), i. 264 ; holds Edinburgh
Castle against flattery of Queen
Regent and treason of French, i. 275 ;
when fire breaks out in Leith (30 Apr.
1560) he warns Queen Regent that
God will expel the French " for yon
fire is not kindled by man," i. 320-1 ;
" the chief great man that had pro-
fessed Christ Jesus," refuses to sign the
Book of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), i. 344
and notes 1,5; chosen Privy Councillor
(6 Sept. 1561), ii. 20 ; present at Privy
Council which passes Acts relating to
Thirds (22 Dec. 1561), ii. 28, 326 ;
(12 Feb. 1562), ii. 329 ; prevented by
Queen from attending Moray in Edin-
burgh for trial of Bothwell (2 May
1565), ii. 144 ; created Earl of Mar
(23 June 1565), ii. 156 ; fails to per-
suade Moray to come to the Queen,
ii. 156 ; attends General Assembly
(25 Dec. 1565), ii. 174, 176; "cer-
tain dryness " between Mar, Morton
and Lethington on one side and
Hundy and Bothwell on the other, ii.
175 ; but reconciled by Atholl's
mediation, ii. 175 ; [deprived of
keepership of Edinburgh Castle]
retires to Stirling and there is given
charge of the Pnnce (20 Mar. 1567),
ii. 204 ; makes a bond with other
Lords at Stirling to defend the young
Prince (i May 1567), ii. 207 ; signs
Articles agreed upon by General
Assembly (20 July 1567), ii. 215 ;
Queen signs writ (24 July 1567)
appointing him joint Regent till
Moray's return, or on his death, or to
act with Moray if latter refuses to be
sole Regent, ii. 215 and note 2
Marburg University, i. 12, note i
March, earldom of, principal lands of,
given to Bothwell by the Queen, ii.
185 and note 5
Marischal, William Keith, fourth Earl
[succeeded his grandfather, William,
third Earl Marischal, 1527 ; Lord of
Session, 1541 ; accompanied Mary
of Lorraine to France, 1550 ; with-
drew from public life about 1567 ;
died, i^^i— Scots Peerage, vi. 46-8],
urges Wishart to stay in Dundee or go
to ihe country with him (1544), i. 61 ;
goes to France with Mary of Lorraine
(7 Sept. 1550), i. 116 ; pleased with
Knox's preaching, urges him to write
to Queen Regent to move her to hear
the word of God (May 1556), i. 122 ;
dissents on question of restoration of
glebes to ministers in Book of Discipline
(20 May 1560), ii. 305 ; Queen
Regent, during her last illness, wishes
to speak with (June 1560), i. 321 ;
his speech on the Confession of Faith
in Parliament (1560), i. 339 ; signs
the Book of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561),
i. 345, ii. 325 ; chosen Privy Coun-
cillor (6 Sept. 1 561), ii. 20 ; on the
question " Whether that subjects might
put to their hand to suppress the
idolatry of their Prince ? " votes in the
negative (Nov. 1561), ii. 23 ; present
at Privy Council which passes Acts
relating to Thirds (22 Dec. 1561), ii.
28, 326 ; (12 Feb. 1562), ii. 329 ;
(15 Feb. 1562), ii. 331 ; present at
Council before which Knox is sum-
moned (Dec. 1563), ii. 93 ; Earl of
Caithness imprisoned for murder, by
his servants, of Marischal's men (1564),
ii. 105 ; attends General Assembly
(June 1564), but joins group of
Courtiers who sit apart, ii. 107
Marjoribanks, John, elected Bailie of Edin-
burgh (8 Oct. 1 561), ii. 22, note 4
Marjoribanks, Thomas, of Ratho [admitted
advocate, 1532 ; Lord of Session and
Clerk Register, 1549 ; deprived of
office as Clerk Register, 1544 ; died
before 1560 — -Brunton and Haig,
Senators of the College of Justice, 93],
Thomas Scott, Justice-Clerk, before
his death, sends him to Balnaves to
ask his forgiveness for falsely accusing
professors of Christ's Evangel, i. 29
Marnock [Marnoc, Merna, Mernan],
Queen Mary's secret chamber-boy,
ii. 82
Marriage and divorce, regulated in the
Book of Discipline, ii. 316-19
Martigues, Sebastien de Luxembourg,
4*^ vicomte de, due de Penthievre.
See Penthievre
Martnaham, Laird of. See Chalmers,
Robert
Martyr, Peter. See Vermigli, Pietro
Martire
Mary [of Lorraine], Queen Consort of
James V, King of Scotland [1515-60 ;
daughter of Claude, first Duke of
Gaise ; married James V, 1538 ;
mother of Mary Queen of Scots, 1542 ;
became regent of Scotland, 1554 ;
died, 1560], Knox's hatred of, i. Ixxiii ;
arrives in Scotland (June 1538), i. 26
448
INDEX
and note i ; " what plagues she brought
with her . . . such as are not bHnd
may manifestly see," i. 26 ; gives birth
to Mary [Queen of Scots] at Linlithgow
(8 Dec. 1542), i. 39 ; visited by Beaton
after James V's death and the Queen's
" conjecture," i. 40 ; Beaton always
gets his " secret business sped of that
gracious Lady, either by day or by
night," i. 40 and note 3 ; opposed to
marriage of Mary to Prince Edward
[Edward VI], i. 46 ; Beaton holds
out to Lennox the " vain hope " that
she will marry him, i. 51 ; proposed
marriage referred to, ii. 140 ; bribes
Bothwell to surrender Wishart and
have him sent from Hailes Castle to
Edinburgh Castle, i. 71 ; he agrees,
for " an effeminate man can not long
withstand the assaults of a gracious
Queen," i. 71 ; Beaton boasts that he
has her " at my own devotion," i. 75 ;
Beaton's death " most dolorous " to,
for in him perished " the comfort to
all gentlewomen, and especially to
wanton widows," i. 79 ; when com-
plaints are made to her about success
of the Reformers, " the Queen and
Monsieur d'Oysel (who then was a
secretis mulierum in the Court) " promise
speedy remedy, i. 94 ; by " remedy "
she means the French fleet, i. 94 ;
breaks terms of the Appointment
(17 Dec. 1546) with " Castihans " by
bringing in French, i. 94 ; greatly
laments the death of Master of Erskine
at Battle of Pinkie (Sept. 1547), i. 101 ;
on news of ihe defeat, she leaves Edin-
burgh for Stirling, i. 10 1 ; her crafty
scheme for pacifying Chatelherault for
slaughter of Scots by French in Edin-
burgh (1548), i. 105 ; it consists of an
attack by French on Haddington, i.
105-6 ; requests King of France and
the Cardinal of Lorraine to release those
" gentlemen" among the " Castilians"
who are still in prison in France (July
1550), i. Ill ; goes to France (7 Sept.
1 550) and, when she returns, succeeds
Chatelherault as Regent (12 Apr.
1554), i. xxviii, 116; when she be-
comes Regent a crown is put on her
head " as seemly a sight ... as to
put a saddle upon the back of an un-
ruly cow," i. Ixxiv, 116; practises
" deep dissimulation " in which " she
passed the common sort of women "
to advance France and herself, i.
1 16-17 ; her testimony in praise of
Edward VI, i. 117; "that crafty
practiser " waits for " the opportunity
to cut the throats of all those in whom
she suspected any knowledge of God," i.
118; Knox being urged to tiy to " move
her to hear the word of God " writes
his Letter to the Queen Dowager (1556)
which she mockinEjly gives to Beaton,
Archbishop of Glasgow, i. xxxvi, Ixxxii,
1 22-3 ; the " crafty mother " of Mary,
who now " mischievously " reigns, i.
123 ; and the French faction declare
war on England at Newbattle (1557),
i. 124 ; Robert Ormiston presents to
her a calf with two heads, i. 124 ; at
Hume Castle (Oct. 1557), i. 125 ;
abandonment by Scots nobles of siege
of Wark Casde (Oct. 1557) " kindled
such a fire in the Queen Regent's
stomach, as was not well slakened till
her breath failed," i. 125 ; when
destruction of images begins, the
Bishops appeal to, but she hesitates
to take action, i. 125-6 ; but she
consents to preachers in Edinburgh
being summoned (July 1558), i. xxix,
126 ; when stoutly opposed by
Reformers she pacifies them and
craftily dismisses them with fair words,
i. 126-7 ) leads procession in Edin-
burgh on St. Giles's day (i Sept. 1558),
i. 127 ; when told of the death of
many of her Papist supporters she says,
" They lived as beasts, and as beasts
they die," i. 130 and note 9 ; the
bishops, disappointed at opposition oi
Argyll, stir up the Queen Regent
against the Reformers, i. 138 ; to
secure crown-matrimonial of Scotland
for Francis, she makes false promises
to both Papists and Protestants, i.
1 40- 1 ; tries to put blame on Arch-
bishop Hamilton of St. Andrews
and Duke of Chatelherault foi pre-
venting her giving freedom of religion
to Protestants, i. 141 ; Petition from
Protestants to (? 20 Nov. 1558), i.
149-52 ; " a woman crafty, dis-
simulate, and false," she grants con-
cessions conditionally to Protestants,
i. 152 ; not suspecting " her double-
ness nor falsehood," the Protestants
are contented with her answer, i. 153 ;
" as a woman born to dissemble and
deceive," she pleads that Walter
Myln was put to death without her
knowledge, i. 153 ; Protestants pre-
sent their Letter (? Nov. 1558) to
Parliament to her, but she suppresses
it, i. 156 ; professes sympathy for
Protestants who commend her to
Calvin and who rebuke all who appear
to suspect in her " any venon: of
hypocrisy," i. 158 ; but after peace
with France (preliminary treaty,
12 Mar, 1559) she " began to spew
forth and disclose the latent venom
of her double heart," i. xxxi, 158-9 ;
summons preachers and threatens to
INDEX
banish them, i. xxxi, 159 ; after inter-
cession she delays the summons, i. 159 ;
orders Provost of Perth to suppress
Protestants in that town, but he refuses
(1559), i. 159 ; orders Provost of
Dundee to arrest Paul Methven, i.
159 ; tries to impose Mass on Mon-
trose, Dundee and Perth (Easter,
1559), i. 159-60 ; summons Protestant
preachers to Stirling (10 May 1559),
i. xxxi, 160 ; whereupon Brethren
assemble at Perth and Erskine of Dun
explains to her why they have done
so, i. 160 ; she again dissembles with
false promises and solicits him to per-
suade the preachers to stay at Perth,
i. 160 ; yet, when they do not come
to Stirling, she commands them to be
put to the horn (10 May 1559), i. 161 ;
hearing of destruction of friaries at
Perth, vows to destroy the town, i. 163;
her hostility displayed, i. 163-4 5
letter (22 May 1559) to, from the
Congregation in which they threaten
" to take the sword of just defence
against all that shall pursue us for the
matter of religion," i. 164-5 » ^^e
receives the letter in Stirling, i. 166 ;
her rage against the Congregation
cannot be stayed, and she moves for-
ward against Perth, i. 166 ; Lord
Ruthven, Provost of Perth, deserts to
her side (23 May 1559), i. 172 ; sends
Argyll, Moray and Sempill to Perth
to inquire cause of convocation of
lieges there (24 May 1559), i. 173 ;
when told that Brethren desire only
freedom from persecution, they reply
that the Queen Regent had main-
tained that the Congregation's aim
was not religion but rebellion, i. 173 ;
Knox sends message to her through
Argyll, Moray and Sempill (25 May
1559), i. 173-4 ; knowing of approach
of Glencairn and his forces from the
West, she wishes to secure an Appoint-
ment with Brethren of Perth before
they know that relief is coming, i. 175 ;
she arranges, therefore, a meeting
between Chatelherault and d'Oysel
on one side and representatives of
Protestants on other at Auchterarder
to forestall relief from the West, i. 1 75 ;
Argyll, persuaded by her that they
mean nothing but rebellion, promises
her to declare himself their enemy
if they do not accept a " reasonable
appointment," i. 175-6 ; an appoint-
ment having been made, she enters
Perth (29 May 1559), i. 179 ; takes
revenge on the inhabitants of Perth,
i. 179 ; justifies her breach of faith
on ground that she is " bound to keep
no promise to heretics," i. 180 ;
449
departs from Perth for Falkland, i.
181 ; Archbishop Hamilton, hearing
of the destruction of " monuments of
idolatry " at St. Andrews, comes to
her at Falkland, his " hot fury "
kindles her choler and they decide to
invade St. Andrews, i. 183 ; in
preparation, she orders lodgings in
Cupar, i. 183 ; is forestalled by
Protestant Lords [Moray and Argyll]
from St. Andrews, i. 183 ; confident
of victory over forces of the Congrega-
tion at Cupar, i. 183 ; Chatelherault
and d'Oysel, in her name, conclude
truce with Protestants at Cupar (13
June 1559), i. 185-6 ; the Congre-
gation, " perceiving her craft and
deceit," and that she does not intend
to observe the truce, prepare to
relieve their Brethren in Perth, i.
186-7 I Argyll and Moray write
jointly (? 15 June 1559) to her com-
plaining of breach of treaty and
asking soldiers to be withdrawn from
Perth and free election of magistrates
there to be restored, i. 187-8 ; learn-
ing of what had happened at Perth
and Scone, she sends Frenchmen to
Stirling to bar way to south, i. 191 ;
her troops are forestalled by Argyll
and Moray, who capture the town,
i. 191 ; hearing of capture of Stirling,
she and her faction leave Edinburgh
for Dunbar (30 June 1559), i. 192 ;
the Queen Regent, whose " accus-
tomed manner was, and yet her
daughter's is, ever to forge lies,"
spreads report that the Congregation
seek nothing but her life and rebellion
against Mary's authority, i. 192-3 ;
issues proclamation in name of Francis
and Mary accusing Congregation of
rebellion under cloak of religion, and
ordering them to leave Edinburgh
unless they are inhabitants thereof
(i July I559)> i- 193-4 ; Lords reply,
denying this false accusation (2 July
1559). i- 194-5; Congregation send
Wishart of Pittarrow and Cunning-
ham of Cunninghamhead to her to
explain their aspirations and demands,
i. 195 ; she receives them pleasantly
and desires to speak with some of
greater authority, i. 195 ; Glencairn,
Ruthven, Ochiltree and Wishart of
Pittarrow are therefore sent with same
commission, i. 195-6 ; she then
desires to speak privately with Argyll
and Moray, but the Congregation,
fearing treachery, decline unless the
meeting is " in places void of all
suspicion," i. 196 ; persuades Chatel-
herault that Moray intends to deprive
Queen of her authority and Duke of
450
INDEX
his succession, i. 196, 234 ; she agrees
to meeting between Duke, Huntly and
others, on one side, and Argyll, Moray
and others of the Congregation on the
other, at Preston (mid-July 1559), i.
197 ; offers liberty of religion if
Protestant preachers will cease, and
Mass be maintained, wherever she is,
i. 197 ; the Congregation, " perceiv-
ing her malicious craft," reject offer,
i. 197 ; this final answer is sent
through Ruthven and Pittarrow, i.
'97^8 ; Lords of Congregation in
their letter to Cecil (19 July 1559)
complain that she " with her priests,
pretend to nothing but the suppressing
of Christ's Evangel, the ruin of us, and
the subversion of [this] poor realm,"
i. 289 ; taking advantage of dispersal
of the army of the Congregation, her
forces march from Dunbar to Edin-
burgh (23-24 July 1559), i. 200 ;
Chatelherault and Huntly promise to
join the Congregation if she breaks
the Appointment just concluded at the
Links of Leith (24. July 1559),!. 204-5 ;
Congregation sign at Stirling a
" Band of defence and maintenance of
religion" (i Aug. 1559) that, inter
alia, none shall communicate with
her without consent of the rest, i.
206-7 ; alleged to be cause of Lord
David Hamilton's imprisonment at
hands of French king, i. 208 ; indig-
nant at Moray's reply to letters of
Francis and Mary, i. 211 ; highly
offended at Chatelherault and some
others of her faction for attending
Willock's sermon at St. Giles', (27 July
1559), i. 211-12 ; wishing to set up
Mass again in St. Giles', she sends
negotiators to the Tolbooth, i. 212-13 ;
no agreement reached, each side
appealing to terms of the Appointment
(24 July 1559), i. 212 ; causes Mass to
be said in her chapel in Holyroodhouse
and then in the Abbey, i. 213 ; perse-
cutes Canons of Cambuskenneth and
Abbot of Lindores, i. 213 ; consents
to setting up again of idolatry in Kirk
of Leith, i. 213 ; instigates French to
disturb services in St. Giles', hoping to
involve Protestants in a conflict, but is
unsuccessful, i. 213-14 ; and in other
ways manifestly breaks the Appoint-
ment, i. 214 ; writes " flattering
letter" (10 Aug. 1559) to Chatel-
herault warning him of intended
gathering at Govan Muir on 21 Aug.
1559 of the Lords of the Westland
Convention, i. 215 ; writes on same
subject " to every Lord, Baron, and
Gentleman," i. 215-16 ; accuses
Congregation of breaking Appoint-
ment of Leith to justify her bringing
in more troops (Aug. and Sept. 1559),
i. 216 ; issues Proclamation warning
lieges that seditious persons are stirring
up strife between her and the Con-
gregation by accusing her of breaking
the Appointment and bringing in
Frenchmen to oppose the people ;
assuring people that " ye shall ever
find with us truth in promises, and
a motherly love towards all," and
warning Congregation not to speak
" irreverently and slanderously " of
Princes and especially of herself, and
not to meddle with politics (28 Aug.
I559)> i- 217-19 ; the Congregation's
reply to this Proclamation, i. 219-26 ;
additional answers, i. 226-8 ; to her
charge that the preachers speak
" irreverently and slanderously " of
Princes and especially of herself, they
reply, stating the doctrine taught by
preachers concerning obedience to be
given to magistrates, i. 227-8 ;
letter from Lords of the Congregation
from Hamilton, protesting against the
French fortifying Leith, sent to
(19 Sept. 1559), i. xlvi, 229-30 ; she
replies by sending Sir Robert Carnegie
and David Borthwick, i. 230 ; refers
to this letter, i. 236-7 ; accuses Con-
gregation of being in league with
England, i. 230 ; as indeed they
were, i. 230, note 6 ; Congregation
assert that they will be loyal to her
if she will have a Council of natural
Scotsmen and not " throat-cutters "
[French] and grant freedom of
religion to them, i. 230 ; spreads false
reports of the Congregation that they
" refusing all reason, pretended no
religion, but a plain revolt from the
Authority," and tries to bribe many
to join her faction, i. 233 ; tries to
win over to her side Lord Ruthven,
i. 233 ; sends Spens of Condie to
Moray to tegipt him to come over to
her faction (30 Sept. 1559), i. 233-4 ;
pleads that Congregation, under pre-
tence of religion, seek the overthrow
of the Queen's authority, and that the
fortifying of Leith is her defence
against that threat, i. 234 ; when she
receives Moray's reply (i Oct. 1559),
" she raged as hypocrisy uses, when
it is pricked," i. 235 ; issues Pro-
clamation (2 Oct. 1559), explaining
why she has fortified Leith, and
accusing Congregation of treasonable
activities, i. 235-7 > Congregation's
reply (3 Oct. 1559) to the Proclama-
tion, i. 237-44 ; Congregation's answer
to her charge that they are in league
with England, i. 239-40 ; Congrega-
tion justify opposition to her because
they only " bridle her bhnd rage, in
the which she would erect and main-
tain idolatry, and would murder our
brethren," and because she makes the
seat of justice a den of " thieves,
murderers, idolaters, whore-mongers,
adulterers, and blasphemers of God,"
i. 240 ; Congregation's interpretation
to her of what they understand by
treason, i. 243 ; Robert Lockhart
mediates between Congregation and,
i. 244-7 ; Knox's letter to her (26 Oct.
1559) defining his attitude to her — that
he was not a " proven enemy to your
Grace, but rather a friend unfeigned,"
i. 245-6 ; Robert Lockhart is so
offended at this letter that he refuses
to deliver it, i. 246 ; the Congregation
write to her from Edinburgh demand-
ing the withdrawal of the Fi ench from
Leith and the fortifying of Leith
to be stopped (19 Oct. 1559), i. 247 ;
she dismisses their messengers without
reply, i. 247-8 ; sends Robert Forman,
Lyon King, to the Congregation in
reply to their letter (19 Oct. 1559),
asserting that French are not strangers,
that she will not withdraw them from
Leith, and commanding Congregation
to depart from Edinburgh, i. 249 ;
list of crimes charged against her,
and Act of Suspension, by Nobility,
Barons and Burghs convened at Edin-
burgh (21 Oct. 1559), i. xlvi, 249-55 ;
the " Council " having decreed her
deposition by an Act of Suspension,
notify her by Forman, and demand
the withdrawal of herself and the
French from Leith as they intend to
besiege the town (23 Oct. 1559),
i. 255-6 ; accused of having spies in
the Congregation and of stirring up
mutiny among their soldiers, i. 257 ;
learning that Congregation are to
receive money from England, dis-
patches Bothwell to waylay it, i. 258 ;
rejoices with "unwomanly behaviour"
at victory of French over the Congre-
gation in the Canongate, Edinburgh
(31 Oct. 1559), i. 261 ; deserted by
William Maitland of Lethington, who
joins the Congregation and assures
them " that in the Queen there was
nothing but craft and deceit " (Oct.
1559); i- 264 and note i ; thinking
the battle won after Congregation
leave Edinburgh (6 Nov. 1559), she
calls on Duke of Guise to hasten if he
desires full conquest of Scotland, i.
275 ; proud of the French victory at
Kinghorn (7 Jan. 1560), she " burst
forth in her blasphemous railing and
said, ' Where is now John Knox's
INDEX 45 I
God ? ' " i. Ixx, 277 ; in her report
to France she exaggerates the victory
at Kinghorn, and requires a Noble-
man to be sent " to take the glory
of that victory," i. 277 ; as a result,
Martigues is sent, i. 278 ; mentioned,
i. 297 ; enraged by strength of Eng-
lish fleet in the Forth, she and the
French " began to execute their
tyranny upon the parts of Lothian
that lay nigh to Edinburgh," i. 302 ;
lays waste countryside v/hen English
army assembles on the Border, i. 310 ;
takes refuge in Edinburgh Castle
(i Apr. 1560), i. xlix, 311 and notes
8-9 ; learns of Band signed at Edin-
burgh (27 Apr. 1560), "whereat she
stormed not a little," and curses those
who counselled her to prosecute the
preachers, i. 317 ; her interview with
Croft and Howard at Edinburgh
Castle (6 Apr. 1560), i. 318 and
note 5 ; guffaws when she sees French
have repulsed English at Leith (7 May
1560), i. 319 ; and when French in-
humanly treat the slain " for mirth
she happit," i. 319 ; Knox alludes to
this in a sermon, i. 319 ; he again
alludes to it, i. 359 ; her last illness,
i. 319 and note 7 ; her illness increas-
ing, she wishes to see d'Oysel, but her
"great craft" is frustrated, i. 321 ;
then she wishes to speak with Argyll,
Glencairn, Marischal and Moray, i.
32 1 ; they see her separately, and she
tells them she regrets that her be-
haviour has compelled them to seek
English aid and blames bad advice
of Huntly, among others, which kept
her from agreeing fully with the Lords
at Preston {cf. i. 197), i. 321 ; John
Willock is sent to her with whom
" she talked a reasonable space," i.
321-2 ; her death (lo-ii June 1560),
i. xlix, 322 and note 2, 359 ; her
burial, i. 359 ; insinuated that
James V was not the father of her
daughter Mary Queen of Scots, i. 322 ;
her dead body lies in Edinburgh Castle
for many months and is then (16 Mar.
1 561) taken to Fecamp and then to
Rheims, i. 359 and note 7 ; English
ambassador warns Mary Queen of
Scots that her mother, a woman of
" great experience, of deep dis-
simulation," kept Scotland quiet till
she began to constrain men's con-
sciences, i. 367 ; Knox, before the
Council (Dec. 1563), tells Mary that
her mother found Papists " dangerous
councillors," ii. 98
Mary I, Queen of England [1553-58],
married to Philip of Spain, declares
war on France — its effect on Scottish
452
INDEX
I
policy, i. XXX ; " of cursed memory,"
i. 42 ; Knox's attack on, in his
Faithful Admonition to the Professors
of God's Truth in England (1554), i. xl-
xli ; Knox accused at Frankfurt of
treason against, for calling her, in this
work, more cruel than Jezebel, i. 1 1 1 ;
" that idolatress Jezebel, mischievous
Mary," i. 118; the "cruel persecu-
tion, used by that monster " drives
godly men from England, i. 118;
" that professed enemy of God,
mischievous Mary," i. 283 ; Knox
tells Mary Queen of Scots (4 Sept.
1 561) that his Monstrous Regiment was
written especially against " that
wicked Jezebel of England," i. xlv,
ii. 15 ; Knox's prophecy of her
death fulfilled, i. Ixxi
Mary Queen of Scots [Queen of Scotland,
1542-67 ; executed at Fotheringay,
1587], Knox's hatred of, i. Ixv and
note 5, Ixxiii ; birth (8 Dec. 1542) at
Linlithgow, of Mary who " now does
ring for a plague to this realm," i. 39 ;
James V's saying when he hears the
child is a girl, i. 39 and note 5 ; proposed
marriage between Prince Edward
[Edward VI of England] and (1543),
i. 46 ; marriage contract opposed by
Beaton, Queen Mother and French
faction, but it is signed in the Abbey
of Holyroodhouse, i. 46 ; Papists raise
forces and march to Linlithgow,
where she is, i. 47 ; but agreement is
reached and the contract is ratified
for the second time, i. 47 ; crowned
(9 Sept. 1543), i. 50 ; reference to her
who " now mischievously reigns," i.
75 ; Henry VIII's help to besieged
in St. Andrews Castle conditional on
their adherence to marriage contract
between Prince Edward and (1546),
i. 80 ; Somerset, who invades Scot-
land (1547) brings proposals from the
late king, Henry VIII, that no harm
will be done to Scotland if the mar-
riage contract is adhered to, i. 98 ;
his letter to Chatelherault is inter-
cepted by Archbishop Hamilton and
suppressed, i. 98 ; marriage with
Dauphin discussed by Parliament at
Haddington (1548), i. 102 ; by
Treaty of Haddington (July 1548) she
is to marry the Dauphin, i. xxviii ;
marriage contract referred to, i. 188 ;
to be sent to France for safety, i. xxviii,
102 ; sold to France and thus becomes
" a plague to this realm," i. xxviii,
103 ; she is a " whore " and " greater
abomination was never in the nature
of any woman than is in her," i. 103 ;
conveyed to France (Aug. 1548), i.
104 and note i ; marriage to Dauphin
(1558), i. xxix ; Francis and she as-
sume title of King and Queen of
England and Ireland within two
months of Elizabeth's accession (Nov.
1558), i. XXX ; expedient that Mary,
who is " now mischievously reigning,"
should be warned by past events lest
" she end more miserably than her
crafty mother did," i. 123 ; the Con-
gregation threaten to appeal to her
against the Queen Regent (22 May
1559)) i- 164-5 j whose accustomed
manner, like her mother's, is " ever to
forge lies," i. 192 ; writes threatening
letter to Moray, i. 209 ; letter said to
have been forged in Scotland, i. 211 ;
Moray's reply referred to, i. 2 1 1 , note 1 ;
insinuated that James V is not her
father, i. 322 ; to abstain from using
and bearing title and arms of Queen
of England and Ireland, under Treaty
of Edinburgh, i. xlix ; at Orleans
(Nov. 1560), i. 348 ; Arran's marriage
project with, i. 351 ; Moray sent by
Convention of Nobihty (15 Jan. 1561)
to her with warning that if he allowed
her to have Mass publicly or privately
in Scotland, he betrayed the cause of
God, i. 354-5, 355, note 1 ; ill requites
those who strove to maintain her
authority while Moray is in France,
i. 356 ; instructs Moray to see that
nothing is done contrary to contract
of peace made at Leith [Treaty of
Edinburgh], and that religion as
publicly established should be main-
tained till her home-coming (1561),
i. 363 ; delays ratification of Treaty
of Edinburgh, i. 364 ; text of her
conversation with Throckmorton, Eng-
lish ambassador, on the Treaty and on
religion in Scotland (18 June 1561),
i. 365-9 ; tells Throckmorton she
intends to return to Scotland shortly,
i. 365 ; proposes to embark for Scotland
at Calais and wishes safe-conduct from
Elizabeth, i. 366 ; says she will not ratify
Treaty of Edinburgh without advice of
Nobles and Estates, i. 365 ; argues that
the Treaty was made " by some of
them " [i.e. Nobles and Estates] " but
not by all," i. 366 ; (Elizabeth cites this
in her letter to Scottish Estates (i July
1 561), i. 371) ; Mary argues that
subjects should not give a law to their
sovereign in matters of religion, i.
367 ; Throckmorton reminds her that
her mother, a woman of " great
experience, of deep dissimulation,"
kept Scotland quiet till she began to
constrain men's consciences, i. 367 ;
she pleads that her own religion is the
"most acceptable to God," i. 367-8 ;
quotes Cardinal of Lorraine in sup-
,*•
INDEX
port, i. 368 ; retains title of Queen
of England, i. 369 ; " in her conceit
thinks herself Queen of both " [i.e. of
England and Scotland], i. 370 ;
arrives in Scotland (19 Aug. 1561), i. Iv,
373, ii. 7 ; backsliding of the Prot-
estants after her return, sympathy
with her religion and the evils which
followed, ii. 3-6 ; she brings with her
to Scotland " sorrow, dolour, dark-
ness and all impiety," ii. 7 ; welcomed
in Edinburgh and pardons the crafts-
men (cj. i. 355-9), ii. 8 ; triumphal
entry into Edinburgh (2 Sept. 1561,
wrongly given by Knox as Oct.), ii.
21 ; her first interview with Knox
(4 Sept. 1 561), ii. 13-20 ; he replies
to her accusations : (i) that he had
raised part of her subjects against the
Queen Regent and herself, ii. 14 ;
(2) that his First Blast was written
against her, ii. 14-15 ; (3) that he
was the cause of sedition and slaughter
in England, ii. 15 ; (4) that he
practised necromancy, ii. 15-16 ;
they argue whether subjects may adopt
different religion from their sovereign
and whether they may resist the
prince, ii. 16-17 ; Knox attacks the
Church of Rome, ii. 17-20 ; Knox's
verdict that she has " a proud mind,
a crafty wit, and an indurate heart
against God and his truth," ii. 20 ;
she goes on progresses (Sept. 1561) to
Linlithgow, Stirling, Perth, Dundee
and St. Andrews, " which all parts
she polluted with her idolatry," ii. 20 ;
orders Provost and Bailies of Edin-
burgh to be warded in the Castle
[Tolbooth] and deprived of office and
others elected (5 Oct. 1561), ii. 22
and note 2 ; some oppose the new
elections, but "Jezebel's letter and
wicked will is obeyed " (8 Oct. 1561),
ii. 22 and tiotes 3, 4 ; issues proclama-
tion contrary to that of the magistrates
whereby Edinburgh is open to all her
lieges {i.e. " murderers, adulterers,
thieves, whores, drunkards, idolaters' ' ) ,
ii. 22-3, 23, note i ; meeting of Prot-
estants in McGill's house to consider
" Whether that subjects might put to
their hand to suppress the idolatry of
their Prince?" (Nov. 1561), ii. 23;
the question is negatived by the Lords
and affirmed by the ministers, ii.
23-4 ; her fear (real or feigned) of
being attacked in Holyrood, leads to
establishment of a bodyguard (Nov.
1 561), ii. 24-5, 25, note i ; postpones
ratification of Treaty of Edinburgh
when Elizabeth sends Mewtas to
require its ratification, ii. 25 and
note 3 ; plays " the hypocrite in full per-
453
fection " and is grave in presence of
her Council, but in private there is
" skipping not very comely for honest
women," ii. 25 ; her share of the
Thirds, i. 30 ; Knox argues she is not
entitled to any, ii. 31-2 ; holds
Randolph, Elizabeth's agent, " in no
small conceit " for some time, ii. 33 ;
negotiations with Elizabeth referred
to, ii. 33 ; petition of ministers to, to
have Bothwell, d'Elboeuf and Lord
John Stewart of Coldingham punished
for their attack on Cuthbert Ramsay's
house to molest Alison Craik, ii. 33-5 ;
she evades the issue for she lacked not
" craft both to cloak and to maintain
impiety (and whoredom in especial),"
i'- 35 j " we call her not a whore . . .
but she was brought up in the com-
pany of the wildest whoremongers,"
ii. 36 ; sends Huntly and Moray to
quell tumult between Hamiltons
and Bothwell's friends in Edinburgh
(19 Dec. 1561), ii. 37 ; departs to
Fife with her court and stays in St.
Andrews and Falkland (Mar .-May
1562), ii. 37 ; Bothwell's alleged plot
to put her in Arran's custody in
Dumbarton Castle, ii. 40 ; Arran
writes to her of Bothwell's plot, ii. 41 ;
Arran's frenzy in which he affirms he
is Mary's husband, ii. 42 ; commits
to prison Arran, Bothwell and Gavin
Hamilton for alleged plot against her,
ii. 42 ; Chatelherault ordered to
surrender Dumbarton Castle to her,
ii. 42 ; returns from Falkland to
Edinburgh, ii. 42 ; she and her friends
rejoice that persecution has begun
again in France, ii. 43 ; when Knox,
having heard of this, preaches against
princes, she summons him to her
presence (15 Dec. 1562), ii. 43-6 ;
very frequent negotiations with Eliza-
beth and proposed meeting with her
at York, but meeting does not materi-
alise, ii. 46 ; postponement of meeting
referred to, ii. 53 ; she rejects marriage
proposal of Eric XIV, King of Sweden,
and [says Knox] " happy was the man
that of such a one was forsaken," ii.
46-7 ; dislikes Moray " for she hated
his upright dealing, and the image of
God which evidently did appear into
him," ii. 47 ; admonished by General
Assembly for not changing her
religion (4 July 1562), ii. 48-9 ;
proposes to visit the North and
departs from Stirling (Aug. 1562),
ii. 53 ; suggested that there was a
confederacy between Huntly and her,
ii. 54 ; at Aberdeen where she trans-
acts business, ii. 54 ; is " little
offended " at Bothwell's escape from
454
INDEX
Edinburgh Castle, ii. 54 ; Arch-
bishop Hamihon and Quintin Ken-
nedy try to stir up trouble in the
South by spreading rumour that she
has been taken, or that she had
given herself to Huntly, ii. 57 ;
comes to Aberdeen (Aug. 1562), ii.
58 ; meets Huntly and his lady at
Aberdeen, ii. 58 ; goes to Buchan
with Huntly, ii. 58 ; meets him at
Rothiemay, ii. 58 ; does not go to
Strathbogie as Huntly had hoped,
ii. 58 ; passes through Strathisla to
Inverness, where, denied access to
the Castle, she orders its surrender and
hangs the Captain (Sept. 1562), ii. 58 ;
Huntly vows to be avenged, and
though it is alleged that his malice is
not against her, she orders her forces to
gather at Aberdeen (by 5 Oct. 1562),
ii. 58 ; Findlater Castle refuses to
surrender to her, ii. 58 ; she orders
Huntly to deliver the keys, which he
does by a servant, ii. 58 ; but mean-
while she had sent against the Castle
forces which are dispersed by Sir John
Gordon, Huntly's son (15 Oct. 1562),
ii. 58-9 ; inflamed, she orders Huntly
and his son to appear before the
Council, ii. 59 ; he fails to appear, and
he is denounced rebel (17 Oct. 1562),
ii. 59 ; scarcely disguises her dis-
pleasure at victory of Corrichie
(28 Oct. 1562) because of her hatred
of Moray, " whose prosperity was, and
yet is, a very venom to her boldened
heart against him for his godliness and
upright plainness," ii. 62 ; revealed
after Battle of Corrichie that she was
to be put into the hands of Huntly,
ii. 63 ; leaves Aberdeen and returns
to Edinburgh via Dundee, Perth and
Stirhng (Nov. 1562), ii. 63 ; Lord
Gordon (afterwards fifth Earl of
Huntly) arrested on her orders, ii. 63 ;
negotiations with Elizabeth, ii. 63 ;
her marriage talked about, ii. 63 ;
requests Elizabeth to permit Bothwell
free passage to France from England
as " he was no rebel," ii. 64 ; Chaste-
lard, caught under her bed, ii. 68 ;
she orders Moray to stab him, but
he refuses, ii. 68-9 ; she consents to
his trial and execution (22 Feb. 1563),
ii. 69 ; summons Knox to Lochleven
(? Apr. 1563), ii. 71 ; her conversa-
tions with him, ii. 71-4 ; consults
Knox about a ring given to her by
Lord Ruthven, ii. 72 ; warns Knox
against appointing Gordon, Bishop of
Galloway, to office of Superintendent
of Galloway, ii. 72-3 ; urges Knox to
effect reconciliation between Earl of
Argyll and his wife, her half-sister,
ii. 73-4 ; her conference with Knox
illustrates how she can dissemble while
her heart has " nothing but venom
and destruction," ii. 74 ; promises
Knox that she will summon all
offenders, ii. 74 ; fulfils promise, and
the " mass-mongers " are summoned
for trial (19 May 1563), ii. 76 ; her
prosecution of the Papists is " deep
craft, to abuse the simplicity of the
Protestants, that they should not press
the Queen with any other thing con-
cerning matters of religion " in the
forthcoming Parliament (26 May
1563), ii. 77 ; her speech to Parlia-
ment (May 1563), well received by
her flatterers, ii. 77-8 ; Knox, in a
sermon (c. June 1563), denounces her
marriage to any Papist, i. Ix, ii. 81 ;
informed of this outspoken sermon,
she summons him, i. Ixi, ii. 81 ; inter-
view with Knox at which she fumes
and weeps and demands " what have
ye to do with my marriage ? " ii.
82-4, 98 I Knox's attitude to her
weeping, ii. 83-4, 98-9 ; desires he
should be punished, but is restrained
from taking action, ii. 84 ; makes
progress through west country and
everywhere has her Mass (1563), ii.
85 ; hunts in Argyllshire (1563), ii.
85 ; returns to Stirling, ii. 85, 87 ;
Lord John of Coldingham's dying
advice to her to give up idolatry, ii.
86 ; she declares it is invented by
Wishart of Pittarrow and John Wood,
" whom she both hated," ii. 86 ;
when Mass is said at Holyrood in her
absence and the Brethren interfere,
she is informed, and to her " satisfac-
tion for that sin was there none without
blood," ii. 87 ; she, therefore, sum-
mons the culprits, ii. 87 ; Knox's
letter (8 Oct. 1563) to the Brethren,
summoning them to be present at the
trial, betrayed to her, ii. 90 ; Secret
Council decide it imports treason,
" whereof the Queen was not a little
rejoiced," ii. 90 ; Moray and Leth-
ington urge Knox to confess his
offence, to mitigate her anger, but he
refuses, ii. 92-3 ; Knox summoned
before her and the Council (Dec. 1563),
ii. 93 ; her lack of "womanly gravity,"
ii. 94 ; she cross-examines Knox, ii.
94-9 ; upbraids Sinclair, Bishop of
Ross, for voting for Knox, ii. 99 ; on
Knox being acquitted there was
" neither dancing nor fiddling in the
Court ; for Madam was disappointed,"
ii. 100 ; disappointed that General
Assembly also acquits Knox, ii. 102 ;
the licentiousness of her Court, and
her gifts to " scoupars, dancers and
INDEX
455
dalliers with dames," i. Ixxiv, ii. 102 ;
Knox's petition to God to " deliver us
from the tyranny of that whore," ii.
103 ; banquets the Lords to remove
suspicion that she is displeased with
them for not condemning Knox (1564),
ii. 103 ; put on diet by her French
physician, ii. 105 and note i ; her
second northern progress (July-Sept.
1564), ii. 105 ; wards in Edinburgh
Castle the Earl of Caithness, ii. 105 ;
debate at the General Assembly be-
tween Knox and Lethington on
former's attitude to her (June 1564),
ii. 108-15, 116-30; form of Knox's
daily prayer for, ii. 1 10-13, iii,
note 2 ; goes hunting in Atholl (July
1564), ii. 137 ; goes to Moray and
returns to Fife (Sept.), ii. 137 ; ex-
changes compliments with Elizabeth,
ii. 137 ; graciously receives Lennox
on his return from exile (23 Sept.
1564), ii. 137 ; makes Moray promise
that nothing concerning religion
should be concluded at ensuing Parlia-
ment (Dec. 1564), ii. 137 ; returns to
Fife (Jan. 1565), ii. 138 ; receives
Darnlcy at Wemyss (17 Feb. 1565),
ii. 139 ; she likes him so well that
" she preferred him before all others,"
ii. 139 ; summons Bothwell to answer
(2 May 1565) for alleged conspiracy
against Arran (cf. ii. 40-2) and break-
ing his ward in Edinburgh Castle
(cf. ii. 54), ii. 139 ; from Stirling she
sends Lethington to Elizabeth to
announce that she is going to marry
Darnley (Mar. 1565), ii. 139 ; re-
ceives supplication from Brethren of
Edinburgh praying her to punish
adulterers and Papists who set up
their idolatry (1565), ii. 141 ; she
gives a favourable reply, and writes
to Bishops of St. Andrews, Aberdeen,
and others not to use any Mass, ii.
141 ; writes letter to magistrates of
Edinburgh, requiring them to punish
chief offenders in disturbances over
Tar hot, a priest (24 Apr. 1565), ii.
142-3 ; she orders magistrates to
release Tarbot, though he is " a
manifest whoremaster, and a common
fighter and blasphemer," and his
assisters, John Low and John Ken-
nedy, ii. 143 ; makes her servants at
Stirling use Papistical rites and
ceremonies, and threatens those of
Earl of Cassillis' house (Easter 1565),
ii. 143 ; " continually bore a great
favour towards " Bothwell, ii. 144 ;
siunmons the Lords, Superintendents
and other learned men to Stirling to
consent to crown-matrimonial being
given to Darnley, ii. 144-5 5 fails, at
first, to persuade Moray to promise
to support in Parliament act for
granting crown-matrimonial to Darn-
ley, ii. 145 ; but he finally agrees, ii.
146 ; she herself, however, refuses
Darnley the crown-matrimonial, i . Ixii ;
Elizabeth sends Throckmorton to
Mary with message that she dis-
approves of Mary's marriage with
Darnley (May 1565), ii. 145-6 ; pre-
parations for marriage with Darnley,
ii. 146 ; promises to take " final order
for Religion " at Council to be held
at Perth (31 May 1565), ii. 146 ;
summons (13 May 1565) Willock,
Winram and Spottiswoode and speaks
" fair words," assuring them of her
desire to satisfy men's consciences, etc.,
ii. 147 ; expresses willingness (13 May
1565) to hear public preachings and
especially John Erskine of Dun " for
he was a mild and sweet-natured
man," ii. 147 ; sends John Hay, Prior
of Monymusk, to Elizabeth, ii. 147 ;
then goes to Perth, ii. 147 ; persuaded
to postpone Convention at Perth
(31 May 1565), ii. 147-8 ; writes
accordingly to Lords (28 May) ; later
directs them to meet at Perth
(23 June), ii. 148 ; receives at Perth
Articles from General Assembly,
leaves Perth (26 June 1565) for
Dunkeld, and, followed there by the
Commissioners, promises answers to
the Articles at Edinburgh, ii. 150 ;
her answer to the Articles (21 Aug.
1565), ii. 151-3 ; rumour that she is
to be attacked at Path of Dron
(30 June 1565), ii. 153 ; leaves Perth
for Callendar House, where she
attends a Protestant sermon at
christening of Lord Livingstone's child
(July 1565), ii. 153 ; while at Callen-
dar is informed of assembly of Prot-
estants at St. Leonard's Craig, and
orders arrest of four leaders, ii. 153 ;
returns to Edinburgh (4 July 1565),
ii. 151 and note 2 ; she is faced with
trouble on St. Leonard's, rumoured
conflict between Argyll and Atholl,
and convention of Protestant Lords at
Stirling (15 July 1565), ii. 154-5;
she postpones Parliament (till i Sept.
1565) and summons military aid
(17 July), ii. 155-6 ; makes Proclama-
tion in Edinburgh that she will not
trouble or alter religion, ii. 156 ;
banns of marriage with Darnley pro-
claimed (23 July 1565), ii. 156 ;
summons Moray and, when he fails
to appear, puts him to the horn
(6 Aug. 1565), ii. 156-7; Proclama-
tion of her marriage to Darnley
(28 July 1565), ii. 157 ; married to
I
456
INDEX
Darnley by Dean of Restalrig (29 July
1565), ii. 158 ; the political con-
sequences of this marriage, i. Ixi-lxii ;
the marriage of our " Jezebel Mis-
tress " to Darnley referred to, i. 59
and note 3 ; Thomworth is sent by
Elizabeth to her, and is not well
received at Holyrood (7 Aug. 1565),
ii. 158 ; orders, by Proclamation
(3 Aug. 1565), all manner of men
to meet her at Linlithgow (24 Aug.)
because of the gathering of the Prot-
estant Lords at Ayr, ii. 159 ; orders
Town Council of Edinburgh to depose
their Provost and elect another (Aug.
1565), ii. 160 ; Darnley and she leave
Edinburgh (25 Aug. 1565) and go to
Linlithgow, then to Stirling, and then
to Glasgow, ii. 160 ; Protestant Lords
write to, saying they are content to
suffer according to the laws of the land
provided true religion is established
(i Sept. 1565), ii. 1 61-2 ; Darnley
and she ride out of Glasgow and,
meeting their forces at the bridge of
Gadder, march to Edinburgh, ii. 162 ;
orders Alexander Erskine to fire on
Protestant Lords from Edinburgh
Castle, " so long as he had either
powder or bullet, and not spare for
anybody," ii. 162-3 ! Darnley and
she come to Callendar House, ii. 163 ;
Master of Maxwell [later Lord
Herries] acts as mediator between her
and Protestant Lords, ii. 163 ; with
Darnley she goes to Stirling, then
Glasgow, returns to Stirling, and then
(9 Sept. 1565) goes to Fife, ii. 163 ;
orders Castle Campbell to be sur-
rendered, ii. 164 ; taxes burghs to
raise troops, ii. 164 and note 2 ; orders
two men to be hanged at Edinburgh
for taking the Lords' wages, ii. 164 ;
goes to St. Andrews and compels
Barons and Lairds of Fife to sign
Band to defend her (12 Sept. 1565),
ii. 164 ; imprisons Walter Lundie,
Thomas Scott of Pitgorno, Murray
of Balvaird and others, ii. 164 ; con-
fiscates houses of Moray, Rothes and
others, ii. 164-5 ! P^ts to the horn
Chatelherault, Glencairn, Argyll,
Boyd, Ochiltree, Cunningham and
others, ii. 165 ; Mary and Darnley
at Dundee fine the town for assisting
Lords (Sept. 1565), ii. 165 ; they
return from Dundee to St. Andrews
[but cf. ii. 165, note 4], and then come
to Edinburgh, ii. 165 ; Master of
Maxwell writes to, on behalf of
Protestant Lords, making offers, ii.
165 ; Darnley and she issue Procla-
mation, read at Edinburgh, warning
lieges that the Protestant Lords, under
cloak of religion, are trying to under-
mine the Queen's authority (13 Sept.
1565), ii. 165-7 j ^nd issue Proclama-
tion commanding ail persons to meet
at Stirling (on i Oct. 1565), ii. 168 ;
orders Master of Maxwell to surrender
house and castle of Lochmaben, ii.
168 ; graciously receives Both well on
his return to Scotland, ii. 169 ; to
pay her troops she levies money from
the burghs, ii. 169 ; has difficulty in
raising money in Edinburgh, ii.
169-70 ; she controls election of
magistrates, ii. 170-1 ; ministers of
Lothian present supplication, for pay-
ment of their stipends, to (i Oct.
1565), ii. 171 ; promises ministers of
Lothian their stipends, ii. 171 ;
restores to Gordon title and heritage
of Huntly, ii. 171 ; with Darnley,
leaves Edinburgh for Dumfries (8 Oct.
1565), ii. 1 71-2 ; they pass to Stirling
and then to Crawford, ii. 172 ; reach
Dumfries, ii. 172 ; they pass from
Dumfries to Lochmaben, where
Herries gives a banquet, then to
Tweeddale, Peebles and Edinburgh,
thus completing the Round-about-
Raid, ii. 172 ; openly encourages the
Papists (Nov.-Dec. 1565), ii. 174;
General Assembly (25 Dec. 1565)
recalls that she has promised to hear
disputation, ii. 174, 177 ; she refuses,
ii. 177 ; gives permission to Black
Friars to preach in Edinburgh
(c. Dec. 1565), ii. 175 ; attends Mass
with Darnley (Dec. 1565), ii. 175 ;
division in her Court : Morton, Mar
and Lethington on one side and
Huntly and Bothwell on other, ii.
175 ; but Atholl reconciles them, ii.
175 ; offers satisfaction on ministers'
stipends, but refuses to hear disputa-
tion on the Mass, ii. 177 ; when it
is debated in Council what arms
Darnley should have, she " bade
give him only his due ; whereby it
was perceived her love waxed cold
towards him" (Feb. 1566), ii. 178;
puts her name first in all writs, and
then leaves out Darnley's altogether,
ii. 178 ; Bothwell opposes her wish
that he should be married (to Lady
Jane Gordon) in the Royal Chapel,
Holyroodhouse, at Mass, ii. 178 and
note 4 ; comes from Holyrood to
Edinburgh (7 Mar. 1566) to draw up
Attainder against banished Protestant
Lords, ii. 1 78-9 ; when she hears that
Riccio is dead, she " left weeping,
and declared she would study revenge,
which she did," ii. 180 ; enraged at
actions of Darnley, ii. 181 ; receives
Moray, on his return from banish-
INDEX
nient, " with a singular gravity," ii.
i8i ; Lennox, Moray and other Lords,
in Council, advise her to reconcile
herself to the death of Riccio, ii. i8i ;
leaves Holyrood Palace with Darnley
for Seton and then Dunbar, ii. i8i ;
summons inhabitants throughout
country to assemble at Dunbar to
assist her, ii. 181-2, 182, note i, 182-3 ;
to be the better revenged on murderers
of Riccio, intends to pardon all who
had been attainted for whatsoever
crime, ii, 183 ; comes to Edinburgh
with 8,000 men ( 1 8 Mar. 1 566) , ii. 1 83 ;
passes to the Castle and summons all
who had absented themselves, ii. 184 ;
not appearing, they are put to the
horn by her, ii. 184 ; Argyll and
Moray summoned to Edinburgh and
banqueted by her, ii. 185 ; disposes
of the patrimony of the Kirk and
its benefices " to courtiers, dancers,
and flatterers," including Bothwell
(1566), ii. 185 ; supplication, for pay-
ment of ministers' stipends, presented
to, in Edinburgh Castle (1566), ii.
186-7 > gives birth to James VI in
Edinburgh Castle (19 June 1566), ii.
187 ; makes " fair promises " to
Bishop of Galloway that ministers'
stipends will be paid, ii. 188 ; causes
Henry Yair to be arrested and hanged
(i Apr. 1566) for being present at
murder of Riccio, ii. 189 and note 5 ;
no longer cares for Darnley, ii. 189 ;
letters from Darnley to Pope and
kings of France and Spain blaming
Mary for not " managing the Catholic
cause aright " fall into her hands, and
after that there is never " any appear-
ance of love betwixt them," ii. 190 ;
visits Bothwell, wounded, at Hermit-
age Castle and lies ill at Jedburgh
thereafter (Oct. 1566), ii. 190-1 ;
Darnley visits her at Jedburgh, but
" she would scarce speak to him "
(Oct. 1566), ii. 191 ; takes more plea-
sure in Bothwell's presence " than in all
the rest of the world," ii. 191 ; comes
within bounds of Berwick where she
is courteously received, ii. 191-2 ;
comes to Craigmillar (Nov. 1566), ii.
192 ; baptism of her son [James VI]
at Stirling Castle (17 Dec. 1566), ii.
1 92-3 ; signs a document for provision
of a reasonable portion of the Thirds
for the ministers which document is
presented to General Assembly (25 Dec.
1566), ii. 193 ; at Stirling she grants
the ministers' petitions " that they
may be quiet and not trouble her
plots," ii. 194 and marginal note ;
restores to Archbishop Hamilton his
consistorial jurisdiction, ii. 201 ; comes
457
to Edinburgh, ii. 201 ; hearing (Jan.
1567) that Darnley has recovered from
the poison, goes to him at Glasgow
and uses him " wonderfully kindly "
and brings him to the Kirk-of-Field,
Edinburgh, ii. 201 ; stays at Holyrood-
house, but visits Darnley at Kirk-of-
Field, ii. 202 ; after murder of Darn-
ley she beholds his corpse " without
any outward show or sign of joy or
sorrow," ii. 202 ; after only four
days' mourning for Darnley she goes
to Seton with Bothwell, ii. 202-3 ;
guilty of Darnley's death, the main
proof being her marriage to Both-
well, the chief murderer, ii. 203 ;
pressed by Lennox, who writes to her
(17 Mar. 1567), she appoints a day
for trial of Bothwell (12 Apr. 1567),
ii. 204 ; Bothwell secures support
from certain Lords for his marriage
with her (" Ainslie's Supper," 19 Apr.
1567), ii. 205 ; goes to Stirling to see
her son, ii. 205 ; ' kidnapped ' by
Bothwell and taken to Dunbar, ii.
205 ; pardons him by Letters Patent
for " laying violently hands upon her
Majesty," ii. 205 ; a divorce from
Darnley had been suggested, but
abandoned as too tedious and murder
substituted, ii. 205-6 ; orders John
Craig to publish banns of marriage
between her and Bothwell, ii. 206 ;
married to Bothwell (15 May 1567),
i. bcii, ii. 206-7 ; sends ambassadors
abroad to announce her marriage
with Bothwell, ii. 207 and note 1 1 ;
at Bothwell's instigation, she requires
the nobles to sign a bond to defend
the Queen and Bothwell, ii. 207-8 ;
after her marriage with Bothwell,
receives Archbishop Hamilton into
favour, ii. 208 ; promises Protestants
to keep and confirm all she had
promised on her arrival in Scotland
(23 May 1567), ii. 208 ; issues proc-
lamation that she will rule by advice
of her nobles, ii. 208 ; with Bothwell
she raises men under pretext to sup-
press robbers in the Borders, but
actually to go to Stirling to get
custody of the young Prince (28 May
1567), ii. 208 ; the Lords at Stirling
determine to prevent this and plan
to besiege her at Borthwick Castle,
but the plan fails and she and Both-
well escape to Dunbar (June lo-ii
1567), ii. 208 ; Confederate Lords at
Edinburgh issue proclamation (i2june
1567) calling for assistance to free her
from captivity and bring Bothwell to
legal trial, ii. 209 ; with Bothwell
marches from Dunbar with four or
five thousand men towards Leith
458
INDEX
(14 June 1567), ii. 209 ; issues proc-
lamation at Gladsmuir replying to
charges made by the Confederate
Lords in their proclamation of 1 2 June
1567, ii. 209-10 ; halts at Seton, ii.
210 ; her forces meet those of the
Confederate Lords at Carberry Hill
(15 June 1567), ii. 210-12 ; the
French Ambassador, on her behalf,
fails in negotiations with the Lords,
ii. 211 ; seeing that her followers are
lukewarm, she orders Bothwell to flee
and then surrenders herself to Con-
federate Lords (15 June 1567), ii.
212 ; she is taken to Edinburgh and
then to Lochleven Castle (17 June),
ii. 212 ; the " Casket Letters," ii. 212
and note 2 ; abdicates at Lochleven
Castle and sets up a regency (24 July
1567), ii. 215 and note 2 ; abdication
upheld as lawful by Parliament (Dec.
I567)> ii- 216, note 2 ; visited by
Moray at Lochleven Castle, ii. 216
and note 2
Mass, Reformation movement against the
" idolatry " of, i. xxiv ; several
articles in the charge against the
Lollards relate to, i. 8-9 ; Paul Craw
accused of denying transubstantiation
in (?i433)) i- 7 ; Sandie Furrour
accused of despising, i. 18 ; George
Wishart accused of saying " that a
priest standing at the altar saying
Mass was like a fox wagging his tail
in July," ii. 236 ; Knox refers to, in
his sermon at St. Andrews (1547),
i. 86 ; he and Rough are accused
of saying it is " idolatry " and " blas-
phemous to the death of Christ "
(1547), i. 87 ; the " Castilians " in
France resist attempts to make them
attend, i. 107-8 ; Adam Wallace
cross-examined on, at his trial for
heresy, i. 116; condemned by
Elizabeth Adamson (1558), i. 119;
at the house of Erskine of Dun, Knox
discourses on, showing it is unlawful
for a " Christian to present himself
to that idol," i. 120-1 ; men begin
to doubt if they might " give their
bodily presence to the Mass," i. 147 ;
in the Sacrament, the cup is denied
to laymen by Roman Church, i. 151,
note 2 ; Papists oflfer concessions to
Protestants if they will " admit the
Mass to stand in her former reverence
and estimation" (1558), i. 152;
Knox preaches at Perth against the
" idolatry " and " abomination " of
the Mass (11 May 1559), i. 162;
Queen Regent wishes it to be set up
again in St. Giles', Edinburgh (July
1559)) i- 212-13 ; condemned in the
Book of Discipline, ii. 321 ; to the
Queen Regent, on her deathbed,
Willock speaks of abomination of the
Mass, " but of the Mass we heard
not her confession," i. 322 ; doctrine of
transubstantiation in, condemned, i.
336 ; Act of Parliament passed against
(24 Aug. 1560), i. 339-40 ; Castle
Sempill besieged and taken (19 Oct.
1560), because Lord Sempill maintains
" idolatry " of the Mass, i. 346 ; debate
on, at Convention of Nobility (15 Jan.
1561), i. 352-4; defended by Alex-
ander Anderson, Sub-Principal of
Aberdeen, i. 352-3 ; John Leslie's
answer when asked to defend it, i.
353 ; when Moray goes to France
(1561), he is warned that he will
betray the cause of God if ever he
allows Mary to have her Mass in
Scotland either publicly or privately,
i- 354-5 ; nieeting of Brethren in
Edinburgh (27 May 1561) decide to
appeal to Lords of Secret Council
that it be punished according to the
Act, i. 360 ; controversy between
Protestants as to whether Mary should
be allowed privately to hear, ii. 5-6 ;
it is celebrated in Holyrood Chapel
(24 Aug. 1561), ii. 8 ; public concern
over, ii. 8-9 ; Act of Privy Council
(25 Aug. 1 561), against molestation of
Queen's servants who attend, ii. 9-10 ;
Earl of Arran's public protest against
saying of Mass, ii. lo-ii ; Protestants,
at first hostile, come to condone its
being attended by the Queen, ii. 1 1 - 1 2 ;
Knox's sermon against — one Mass is
more fearful than ten thousand armed
enemies — (31 Aug. 1561), ii. 12; he
later regrets his leniency and that he
did not suppress that " idol " in the
beginning, ii. 13 and note i ; Knox
tells the Queen that it is " an abomina-
tion before God," ii. 18 ; he offers
to the Queen to prove it unscriptural,
ii. 18-19 ; General Assembly petitions
Queen to abolish " that idol and bas-
tard service t>f God, the Mass ; the
fountain ... of all impiety," ii. 48 ;
General Assembly petitions Queen
(4 July 1562) that sayers and hearers
of Mass should be severely punished
according to the law, ii. 51 ; disputa-
tion at Maybole between Knox and
Quintin Kennedy on (1562), ii. 57 ;
famine in Scotland in 1563 is God's
punishment for " our wicked Queen's "
idolatry and her maintaining and
erecting of, ii. 70 ; " that idol, the
Mass," erected in divers parts (1563),
ii. 70 ; the Protestants, seeing that the
Queen's proclamation against it " did
but mock them," take the law into
their own hands and arrest certain
Papists, ii. 70 ; trial of mass-mongers
(19 May 1563), ii. 76 ; it is said in
the west country during Queen's prog-
ress (1563), ii. 85 and note 5 ; said
in Holyrood while Queen is in Stirling
and trouble with Protestants arises
(15 Aug. 1563), ii. 87-8 ; attacked
by Knox as " vile filthiness and
damnable idolatry" (8 Oct. 1563),
ii. 88-9 ; flatterers of the Court begin
openly to assert that it is not idolatry
(1564), ii. 105 ; Knox's attack on, ii.
105-6 ; Lethington's attack on Knox
for his severity against Mary's Mass
(June 1564), ii. 1 10 ; Articles given in
by Church to Parliament for abolition
of (Dec. 1564), ii. 137-8 ; letters from
brethren of Kyle complaining that by
slothfulness the Mass is suffered " not
only to be planted again, but to in-
crease " (1565), ii. 1 40-1 ; the Lords
assure Mary that " except the Mass
were abolished, there should be no
quietness in the country " (1565), ii.
146 ; request by General Assembly
(24 June 1565) to Queen to abolish by
Act of Parliament, the Mass, " not only
in the subjects, but also in the Queen's
own person," ii. 148-9 ; General
Assembly (Dec. 1565) offers to prove
that Mass is idolatry, ii. 174-5, 'V^-?
Mauchline, George Wishart excluded from
kirk at, i. 61
Maxwell, Sir John, Master of Maxwell.
See Herries, John Maxwell, fourth
Lord
Maxwell, Robert Maxwell, fifth Lord [suc-
ceeded his father, John, fourth Lord
Maxwell, 1513 ; at various dates
between 1 5 1 3 and 1 534 was Steward of
Kirkcudbright, Warden of the West
Marches, Master of the Household,
and Captain of the King's Guard ;
taken prisoner at Solway Moss, 1542 ;
supported the English alliance and
the reformed faith ; died, 1546 —
Scots Peerage, vi. 479-80], said to have
devised Raid of Solway Moss (1542),
i. 35 ; present at the battle, i. 36-7 ;
captured by English, i. 37 ; joins
Lennox's faction at Ayr (Yule, 1543),
Maxwell, Robert Maxwell, sixth Lord
[succeeded his father, Robert, fifth
Lord Maxwell, 1546 ; Warden of the
West Marches, 1550 ; died, 1552 —
Scots Peerage, vi. 481-2], goes to France
with Mary of Lorraine (7 Sept. 1550),
i. 1 16
Maxwellheugh [Kelso], combined Scots
and French army at, in preparation
for siege of Wark Castle (2 Oct.
1557), i; 125
Maybole, disputation on the Mass be-
(653)
INDEX 459
tween Knox and Quintin Kennedy,
Abbot of Crossraguel, at (1562), ii. 57
Mayenne, Claude de Lorraine, marquis de,
due d'Aumale. See Aumale
Mearns, contributes men to Scots army at
Solway Moss (1542), i. 36 ; many in,
comforted by preaching of John
Roger, i. 56 ; contributes men to
Scots army at Pinkie (1547), i. 99 ;
Knox preaches at Dun (1556) and
the gentlemen of Mearns " to this day
constantly do remain in the same
doctrine which then they professed,"
i. 122 ; Reformed clergy publicly
preach in, i. 125 ; when Queen
Regent summons preachers to Stirling
(10 May 1559) men from, assemble
at Perth to give them support, i. 160 ;
gentlemen come to aid of Perth from,
i. 172 ; explain their objectives to
Queen Regent's delegates, i. 173 ;
Congregation of, joins in defensive
confederacy at Perth (31 May 1559),
i. 178-9 ; gentlemen from, assist the
Congregation at Cupar Muir (June
^ 559)5 i- 184 ; brethren from, to con-
vene at Perth (24 June 1559) for its
deliverance, i. 187 ; unable to assist
in any number the Brethren in Edin-
burgh owing to shortness of notice
(July 1559), i. 200 ; Protestant gentle-
men of, meet English army at Preston
(4 Apr. 1560), i. 312 ; John Erskine
of Dun nominated Superintendent for
Angus and (1560), i. 334 ; Queen
raises forces in, to assemble at Aber-
deen (on 5 Oct. 1562), ii. 58 ; letters
from Brethren in Kyle to those of,
warning them of the increasing idol-
atry of the Mass (1565), ii. 140-1
Meinford, Laird of See Wallace, Hugh
Melanchthon, Philipp [1497- 1560 ; Ger-
man reformer largely responsible for
the Augsburg Confession, 1530],
Patrick Hamilton and, i. 12 and note i ;
quoted by Lethington in his debate
with Knox at the General Assembly
(June 1564), ii. 121
Meldrum. See Seton, Alexander, younger,
of Meldrum
Melrose, battle between Earl of Angus and
Scott of Buccleuch at (25 July 1526),
i. 22 and note 3
— Abbey, to be given in commendam to
Cardinal of Lorraine, i. 140 ; but he
is disappointed of the intended gift,
i. 140, note 4 ; given to Bothwell by
the Queen, ii. 185 and note 5
For Abbot of, see Durie, Andrew,
Bishop of Galloway
Melville, Andrew [1545- 162 2], mentioned,
i. xxxvii, note i ; and the second Book
of Discipline, i. liv
Melville, James [1556-1614 ; nephew of
VOL n 30
460
INDEX
Andrew Melville (q.v.)], his remi-
niscences of Knox, i. Ixvi ; his Diary
quoted, ii. 21, note 2 ; cited, ii. 290,
note I, 314, note i
Melville, James, of Carnbee, takes part in
assassination of Beaton, i. 77-8 ; dies
in Castle of Brest, and is thus the only
" Castilian " who does not return
home, i. 1 1 1 (but cf. note 10)
Melville, Sirjames, of Hallhill [1535-1607 ;
fourth son of Sir John Melville of
Raith (q.v.)], refuses barony of
Auchtermuchty, ii. 102, note 8 ; his
Memoirs quoted, ii. 43, note 3, 102,
note 8; cited, ii. 192, note 3, 211,
notes I, 3
Melville, Janet [daughter of Sir John
Melville of Raith and Helen Napier ;
married James Kirkcaldy of Grange],
receives James V at Hallyards (Nov.
1542), i. 38
Melville, John [natural son of Sir John
Melville of Raith (q.v.)], a letter to
him from his father leads to the latter's
execution, i. 106
Melville, Sir John, of Raith [Captain of
Dunbar ; a favourite of James V ;
embraced the Reformed faith ; in-
curred enmity of Cardinal Beaton ;
accused of treason ; executed, 1 548 —
Scots Peerage, vi. 86-9] , Beaton plots his
overthrow at Falkland (31 May 1546),
i. 75-6 ; is saved by Beaton's murder
(29 May), i. 76 ; condemned to death
and executed (13 Dec. 1548), i. 106
Melville, Sir Robert, of Murdocairnie. See
Melville, Robert Melville, first Lord,
of Monimail
Melville, Robert Melville, first Lord, of
Monimail [i 527-1 621 ; third son of
Sir John Melville of Raith {q.v.) ; in
the service of the Queen Regent, 1555 ;
joined the Reformers, 1559 ; sent by
Mary as ambassador to England ;
joined Kirkcaldy and Lethington in
Edinburgh Castle ; forfeited, 1571 ;
taken prisoner, 1573, but his life spared
at the intercession of Queen Elizabeth ;
rehabilitated, 1579 ; knighted, 1581 ;
favourite of James VI ; Lord of
Session, 1594 ; created Lord Melville
of Monimail, 1616 ; died, 1621—
Scots Peerage, vi. 96-9], returns from
England with Articles to be answered,
i. 275-6 ; receives a horse for Mait-
land's use from Lennox or his wife,
ii. 64 ; sent by Protestant Lords to
Queen Elizabeth for help (1565), ii.
169 ; sent by Mary as ambassador to
England to announce her marriage
with Bothwell, ii. 207, note 1 1 ; sent
by Lethington to Mary to advise her
to abdicate, ii. 215
Melville, Walter [a younger son of Sir John
Melville of Raith (q.v.) ; died young],
the Queen's messenger who summons
Knox to his second interview with
her at Lochleven (? Apr. 1563), ii. 72
Menteith, John Graham, fourth Earl of
[succeeded his father, William, third
Earl of Menteith, 1544 ; accompanied
Mary of Lorraine to France, 1550 ;
joined the Lords of the Congregation
and remained a staunch supporter of
the Reformation party ; died, 1565
— Scots Peerage, vi. 160], secretly leaves
Perth and refuses to return on Queen
Regent's order (May 1559), i. 180 ;
joins Congregation before Perth
(24 June 1559), i. 188 ; signs letter
to Queen Regent, protesting against
fortifying of Leith by French (19 Sept.
I559)> i- 230 ; signs Instructions
(10 Feb. 1560) to Commissioners sent
to Berwick to treat with Norfolk, i.
310 ; signs ratification of Contract
of Berwick (27 Feb. 1560) at Leith
(10 May 1560), i. 308 ; meets English
army at Preston (4 Apr. 1560), i. 312 ;
signs " Last Band at Leith " (27 Apr.
1560), i. 315 ; signs the Book of
Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), i. 345, ii.
325 ; present at Privy Council which
passes Act relating to Thirds (22 Dec.
1 561), ii. 326
Menteith, William Graham, fifth Earl of
[succeeded his father, John, fourth
Earl of Menteith, 1565 ; assisted at
coronation of James VI ; fought
against Mary at Langside ; died, 1578
— Scots Peerage, vi. 162], summoned
to Edinburgh by General Assembly
(June 1567) to settle true worship of
the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but excuses himself
on grounds that he could not come
with safety to Edinburgh, ii. 214
Menzies, Thomas [Provost of Aberdeen],
delivers Supplication from the
Brethren to Lords of Secret Council
(28 May 1561), i. 362
Merna [Mernan.]. See Marnock
Merse, Queen summons military aid from
(17 July 1 565), ii- 155-6
Methven, Henry Stewart, second Lord
[succeeded his father, Henry Stewart,
first Lord Methven, 1551 ; took the
side of Moray in opposition to Mary ;
killed by a shot from Edinburgh Castle,
1572 ; married Jean, daughter of
Patrick, third Lord Ruthven {q.v.) —
Scots Peerage, vi. 168-9], summoned to
Edinburgh by General Assembly
(June 1567) to settle true worship
of the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but excuses
himself on grounds that he could
not come with safety to Edinburgh,
ii. 214
Methven, Paul [received part of his educa-
INDEX
461
tion in England under Miles Cover-
dale ; appointed minister of Jedburgh,
1560 ; deposed for adultery, 1563 ;
fled to England, where he acted as a
minister ; returned to Scotland, 1566,
but, unable to face the penance im-
posed, again fled to England ; natural-
ised in England, 1570 ; subsequently
instituted to three livings in Somerset ;
in 1584 was in contact with the Earl
of Leicester and the exiled Scottish
ministers ; died before 23 Jan. 1606 —
Fasti Ecclesia ScoticantB,n. 124; Weaver,
Somerset Incumbents ; Wodrow Soc. Misc.,
i. 425, 428], publicly preaches in
Dundee, i. 125 ; openly preaches in
Dundee, Angus and Fife, i. 148 ; his
arrest by Provost of Dundee ordered
by Queen Regent, but Provost warns
Methven to avoid the town (1559), i-
159 ; denounced rebel and put to the
horn (10 May 1559), i. i&i, note 3 ; " to
whom was no infamy then known,"
appointed minister at Jedburgh ( 1 560) ,
i. 334 ; tried at Jedburgh before
Commissioners (including Knox) for
immoral conduct (3 Jan. 1563), ii.
66-7 ; sentenced at Edinburgh and
excommunicated, he leaves Scotland,
ii. 67 ; Knox's reflections on this trial,
ii. 67-8 ; supplication from him to
General Assembly (25 June 1566) to
be received again into the fellowship
of the Church, ii. 187-8 ; he fails
to complete penance prescribed by
Assembly, and returns to England,
ii. 188
Mewtas, Sir Peter, sent by Elizabeth to
Scotland to require ratification of
Treaty of Edinburgh (commissioned,
17 Sept. 1561), ii. 25
Middleton, Laird of [not identified], signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Milburn, Lairds of See Hamilton, John,
of Milburn ; Hamilton, Matthew
Ministers, Queen Regent complains that
some of the preachers speak irreverently
of princes (28 Aug. 1559), i. 218-19 ;
the Congregation's reply to that
charge, i. 227-8 ; election of, as laid
down in the Book of Discipline, ii.
283-7 j ^^ be subject to censure of
elders and deacons, laid down in the
Book of Discipline, ii. ^lo-i i ; appointed
to various charges ( 1 560) , i. 334 ; form
for election of (9 Mar. 1561), ii. 273-9;
railed upon by the Courtiers for preach-
ing against vice, ii. 64-5 ; " mocked,
and reputed as monsters " and de-
prived of their stipends (1564), ii.
103 ; for their labours they receive
" hatred and indignation " and the
defiance of Lethington, ii. 104 ;
mocked by flatterers of the Court
who begin to affirm openly that Mass
is not idolatry, ii. 105 ; stipends of,
provided for in the Book of Discipline,
ii. 288-9, 302-4 ; decide to appeal to
Lords of Secret Council for stipends
(27 May 1561), i. 360-1 ; provision
of stipends for, ii. 27-32 ; Knox's
controversy with Lethington over, ii.
31-2 ; texts of the Acts of the Privy
Council relating to the Thirds of the
benefices (1561-2), ii. 326-32 ; peti-
tion of General Assembly (4 July
1562) for stipends, ii. 49-50, 51 ;
General Assembly (25 Dec. 1562)
complains that ministers lack stipends,
ii. 65 ; complaints that they are de-
prived of stipends by claims of Queen's
Household (1564), ii. 103 ; request
by General Assembly (24 June 1565)
to Queen to make provision for
stipends by Act of Parliament, ii. 149 ;
Queen's reply (21 Aug.), ii. 152-3 ;
supplication to Queen for payment
of their stipends (i Oct. 1565), ii.
171; complaint of General Assembly
(25 Dec. 1565) that they are deprived
of stipends, ii. 1 75 ; Queen promises
satisfaction, ii. 177 ; supplication to
Queen and Council (1566) for pay-
ment of their stipends, ii. 186-7 >
complaint of non-payment made at
General Assembly (25 June 1566), ii.
188 ; Mary signs document for pro-
vision of a reasonable portion of the
' Thirds ' and the document is pre-
sented to General Assembly (25 Dec.
1566), ii. 193 ; at Stirling, she grants
ministers' petitions, ii. 194 ; ministers
brought to " extreme poverty," being
deprived by " idle bellies," ii. 197 ;
General Assembly (June 1567) pro-
poses to make provision for their
maintenance, ii. 213-14 ; provision
for manses and glebes, i. 360, ii. 50,
79, 149, 305 ; repair of their churches,
ii. 51, 79, 149
See also, Teinds ; Thirds
Mint. See Coinage
Modificators, appointed to assess amount
of ministers' stipends, ii. 30
Moncrieff", William, of Moncrieff", sides
with Ruthven in dispute over Provost-
ship of Perth (1544), i. 52
Monkredding, Laird of. See Niven, Andrew
Monluc, Jean de. Bishop of Valence [Jean
de Lasseran, Massencombe, Montes-
quiov. Seigneur de Monluc ; French
diplomat to Rome, Tunis, Con-
stantinople, Scotland, Poland ; died,
1579 — Scottish Historical Review, xxvi.
166], comes to Scotland to treat for
peace (16 June 1560), i. 322 ; trans-
acts and agrees to Articles [" conces-
sions "] granted to nobility and people
462
INDEX
of Scotland by Mary and Francis, i.
323
Mont St. Michel, " Castilians " im-
prisoned at, i. 107
Montalembert, Andr6 de, sieur d'Ess^. See
Ess6, Andre de Montalembert, sieur d'
Montgarswood. See Mountgarswood
Montgomerie, Hugh, third Earl of Eglin-
ton. See Eglinton
Montgomery, Hew, of Hesilhead, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Montgomery, Jacques de, sieur de Lorges.
See Lorges
Montgomery, William, signs Band at Ayr
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Montmorency, Henri de Montmorency,
due de [1534-16 14 ; son of Anne de
Montmorency, due de Montmorency,
Constable and Marshal of France],
comes to Scotland with Mary from
France (1561), ii. 7
Montquhanie, Laird of See Balfour, Sir
Michael
Montrose, George Wishart on his return
to Scotland (1544) preaches at, i. 60 ;
Wishart preaches at (1545), i. 64 ;
outwits here Beaton's renewed attempt
to have him murdered, i. 64 ; Wishart
leaves, i. 64 ; Queen Regent wants to
impose Mass on (1559), i. 159;
Congregation of, joins in defensive
confederacy at Perth (31 May 1559),
i. 178-g
Montrose, John Graham, third Earl of
[1547- 1 608 ; grandson of William,
second Earl of Montrose ; Master of
Graham, embraced the reformed faith ;
joined the Confederate Lords against
Mary and Bothwell ; succeeded his
grandfather as third Earl of Montrose,
1571 ; subsequently played an impor-
tant part in public affairs ; died, 1608
— Scots Peerage, vi. 231-7], summoned
to Edinburgh by General Assembly
(June 1567) to settle true worship of
the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but excuses himself
on grounds that he could not come
with safety to Edinburgh, ii. 214 ;
but he signs Articles agreed upon by
General Assembly (20 July 1567),
ii. 215
Montrose, William Graham, second Earl
of [succeeded his father, William, first
Earl of Montrose, 151 3 ; Roman
Catholic ; took little part in the
troublous affairs of the time ; died,
1 57 1 — Scots Peerage, vi. 226-8], present
at Privy Council which passes Act
relating to Thirds (22 Dec. 1561), ii.
29, 326
Monymusk, Prior of See Hay, John
Monypenny, David, of Pitmilly, im-
prisoned at Cherbourg, resists attempts
to make him attend Mass, i. 107 ;
captured by French in skirmish be-
tween Leith and Edinburgh (6 Nov.
1559), i- 263
Moray, Bishop of See Hepburn, Patrick,
Bishop of Moray
Moray, James Stewart, Earl of (i) [1500-
1544 ; natural son of James IV],
appointed one of four Regents in
" will " of James V, i. 41 ; but he is
rejected by the nobility, i. 41
Moray, James Stewart, Earl of (2) [referred
to mostly as Lord James Stewart or
the Prior of St. Andrews ; a natural
son of James V by Margaret Erskine,
daughter of John, fifth Lord Erskine ;
half-brother of Mary Queen of Scots ;
born, 1 53 1 ; Prior, in commendam, of
St. Andrews and of Pittenweem ; edu-
cated, St. Andrews ; received letters of
legitimation, 1551 ; joined the Lords of
the Congregation, 1559; was virtually
the leader of the army of the Congre-
gation ; Earl of Mar, 1562 ; defeated
Huntly at Corrichie, 1562 ; Earl of
Moray, 1563 ; opposed Mary's mar-
riage with Darnley ; forfeited, 1565 ;
returned to Edinburgh on the day
following the murder of Riccio ; prob-
ably fully aware of the plot to murder
Darnley ; left Scotland for France
before marriage of Mary and Both-
well ; on the abdication of Mary
became Regent, 1567 ; opposed Mary
at Langside, 1568 ; assassinated,
1570 ; married, 1562, Agnes Keith,
eldest daughter of William, fourth
Earl Marischal — Scots Peerage, vi.
313-16], family relations, i. 201,
7iote 7 ; joins Knox at Calder House
('555)) i- 121 ; in France at Mary's
marriage, i. 129, note 8 ; insinuated
that he escapes death by poisoning in
France, i. 130 ; his talk with Bishop
of Orkney at Dieppe before latter's
death (Sept. 1558), i. 130 ; signs
invitation to Knox at Geneva to come
to Scotland (lo Mar. 1557), i. 132 ;
conveys to Argyll the promises of
Queen Regent to Protestants if they
will support her in obtaining crown-
matrimonial for Francis, i. 141 ; comes
from Queen Regent to Perth to in-
quire cause of convocation of lieges
there (24 May 1559), i. 173; their
reply to him, i. 173; Knox's message
to her sent through, i. 173-4 '■< sent
from Stirling to hasten conclusion of
treaty at Auchterarder with Prot-
estants assembled at Perth, i. 176 ;
earnestly persuades the Congregation
to accept an Appointment, i. 177 ;
Willock and Knox accuse him of
infidelity, but he replies that he was
bound by promise to aid Queen
INDEX
463
Regent in effecting a settlement, but
if she should break her promise he
would assist the Brethren, i. 177 ;
subscribes Band drawn up by Con-
gregation at Perth (31 May 1559),
i. 179 ; perceiving Queen Regent's
tyranny and falsehood and mindful
of his promise to the Brethren, he
secretly leaves Perth, refuses (i June
1559) ^o return at Queen Regent's
order and goes to St. Andrews, i. 180 ;
writes to Protestants in Angus to meet
him at St. Andrews (on 4 June 1559)
" for Reformation to be made there,"
i. 181 ; Archbishop Hamilton and
Queen Regent decide to invade St.
Andrews where Moray and Argyll are,
i. 183 ; their opposing forces meet at
Cupar Muir, i. 183-5 ! eight days'
truce between Moray and Argyll, on
one side, and Chatelherault and
d'Oysel on the other (13 June 1559),
concluded, i. 185-6 ; goes from Cupar
to St. Andrews, i. 186 ; writes jointly
(?I5 June 1559) with Argyll to Queen
Regent complaining of breach of
treaty and asking soldiers to be with-
drawn from Perth and free election
of magistrates there to be restored,
i. 187-8 ; appointed to reply to
Huntly, Mar and Bellenden, who
had ordered Reformers to desist from
besieging Perth, i. 188-9 5 tries to
dissuade men from Dundee from
purging Scone, and saves the Palace
and Abbey for one night, i. 190 ;
with Argyll, leaves Perth secretly, i.
190, 191 ; they capture Stirling,
i. 191 ; Queen Regent and her
" crafty Council " persuade Chatel-
herault that Argyll and Moray plan
to deprive the Duke of title to Crown,
i. 196 {cf. i. 234) ; Queen Regent
desires (12 July 1559) to speak
privately with him, but the Con-
gregation fear treachery, i. 196 ; one
of the delegates of the Congregation
at the conference with the Queen
Regent's delegates at Preston (mid-
July 1559), i- 197 ; informed by Mar,
Captain of Edinburgh Castle, that he
would assist the French if their entry
into Edinburgh was opposed (July
I559)> i- 201 ; signs letter from Lords
of the Congregation to Cecil ( 1 9 July
I559)> i- 290, note 1 ; Chatelherault
and Huntly promise him that they
will go over to the side of the Con-
gregation if Queen Regent breaks
terms of Appointment made at Leith
Links (24 July 1559), i. 204 ; leaves
Stirling with Argyll (Aug. 1559), i.
207 ; Chatelherault requires him to
write " friendly and comfortable
letters " to his son, Lord David
Hamilton, in prison in France, i. 208 ;
letter from Francis H to (17 July
1559), accusing him of ingratitude to
royal family and threatening him with
severe penalties if he does not desist
from nourishing " tumults and sedi-
tions," i. 208-9 ; receives similar
letter from Mary Queen of Scots,
i. 209 ; his reply to Francis H (12 Aug.
i559)> '• 210 ; these letters from
Francis and Mary said to have been
forged in Scotland, i. 211 ; comes to
Convention at Stirling (10 Sept. 1559),
i. 229 ; Queen Regent sends John
Spens of Condie with a letter (30 Sept.
1559) to him to persuade him to join
her party, i. 233-4 ! before Chatel-
herault deserted her faction, the
Queen Regent " ceased not continually
to cry " that Moray sought to make
himself king and deprive the Duke
of his succession, but now she changes
her tune, i. 234 {cf. i. 196) ; replies
(i Oct. 1559) to Queen Regent that
he is bound by his oath [" Band "
of I Aug. 1559, i. 206] not to treat
secretly with her, i. 234-5 ; sets off to
apprehend Bothwell at Crichton after
he had despoiled Cockburn of Ormis-
ton of money obtained from England
(3 Nov. 1559), i. 259 ; his part in the
skirmishes with the French between
Edinburgh and Leith (6 Nov. 1559),
i. 262-3 ; and Arran offer to remain
in Edinburgh " if any reasonable
company would abide with them,"
i. 264 ; his ordnance is left behind
when Congregation retreat from Edin-
burgh (Nov. 1559), i. 264 ; makes
St. Andrews his headquarters when
Lords of the Congregation divide their
forces between Glasgow and St.
Andrews, i. 276, 298 ; learning that
French had left Stirling, he leaves St.
Andrews with Earl of Arran and they
assemble their forces at Cupar (Jan.
1560), i. 276 ; goes to Dysart with
Arran to prevent French from destroy-
ing the sea coast (Jan. 1560), i. 278 ;
Lords at Glasgow write to him at St.
Andrews requiring him to meet Nor-
folk at Carlisle (Feb. 1560), i. 299 ;
Knox censures (6 Feb. 1560) Lords
at Glasgow for asking Moray to leave
Fife in time of danger, i. 299-300 ;
arrests Wemyss, Seafield, Balgony and
Durie, and releases them on conditions
" they minded never to keep," i. 301 ;
sent as one of the Commissioners by
the Congregation to Norfolk at Ber-
wick (Feb. 1560), i. 302 ; his in-
structions (10 Feb. 1560), i. 308-10 ;
one of the Commissioners who negoti-
464
INDEX
ated and signed Contract of Berwick
(27 Feb. 1560), i. 303, 307 ; signs
ratification of Contract of Berwick
(27 Feb. 1560) at Leith (10 May
1560), i. 308 ; meets English army
at Preston (4 Apr. 1560), i. 312 ;
signs " Last Band at Leith " at Edin-
burgh (27 Apr. 1560), i. 315 ; Queen
Regent, during her last iUness, wishes
to speak with him, i. 321 ; accom-
panies English to Berwick when they
leave Scotland (16 July 1560), i. 332 ;
attends ' Reformation Parliament '
(1560), i. 335 ; in conference with
Chatelherault and Knox in Edinburgh
(Dec. 1560), i. 351 ; appointed by
Convention of Nobihty (15 Jan. 1561)
to go to France to the Queen, i. 354 ;
warned that, if he allowed her to have
Mass publicly or privately in Scotland,
he betrayed the cause of God, i. 354-5 ;
signs the Book of Discipline (27 Jan.
1561), i. 345, ii. 324 ; goes to France,
i. 356 ; treasonable act designed by
Papists against him in Paris, i. 362-3 ;
returns to Edinburgh, i. 363 ; letter
to Mary (10 June 1561) from, cited,
i. 355, note I ; appointed to destroy
all places and monuments of idolatry
in the north, i. 364 ; Knox is sarcastic
about him, ii. 5 and note 2 ; abets
Mary's Mass on her return from
France, i. Iviii, ii. 8 ; Knox's allusion
to him as one of the Queen's " sup-
posts," ii. 12, note 2 ; present at first
interview between Knox and Queen
Mary (4 Sept. 1561), ii. 13 ; inter-
poses, ii. 17; chosen Privy Councillor
(6 Sept. 1 561), ii. 20 ; blamed [but
not mentioned by name] by Knox for
allowing Mary to change magistrates
of Edinburgh (Oct. 1561), ii. 22 and
notes 2, 5 ; on the question " Whether
that subjects might put to their hand
to suppress the idolatry of their
Prince ? " votes in the negative (Nov.
1561), ii. 23 ; appointed Lieutenant
to suppress lawlessness in the Borders
(Nov. 1 561), ii. 24 ; his mission is
successful, he makes " sharp execu-
tion " at Jedburgh, and confers with
English Warden at Kelso, ii. 24 ;
present at meetings of Privy Council
which passes Acts relating to Thirds
(22 Dec. 1 561) [as Commendator of
St. Andrews and Pittenweem], ii. 28,
326 ; (12 Feb. 1562) [as Earl of Mar],
ii. 329 ; (15 Feb. 1562) [as Earl of
Mar], ii. 331 ; appointed to assess
ministers' stipends, ii. 30 ; created
Earl of Mar (7 Feb. 1562), ii. 32 and
note 3 ; resigns title, ii. 32, note 3 ;
marries Agnes Keith, daughter of Earl
Marischal, in Edinburgh, when Knox
warns him to be steadfast to the cause
(8 Feb. 1562), i. Ixxvi, ii. 32 ; " the
banquet, and the vanity used thereat
[the wedding] offended many godly,"
ii. 32, 33, note 1 ; sent by Mary to quell
tumult between Bothwell and d'Elboeuf
and the Hamiltons (19 Dec. 1561),
ii. 37 ; alleged that quarrel between
Hamiltons and Bothwell had as its aim
Moray's ruin, ii. 37 ; Chatelherault
apparently seeks Moray's death, ii.
37 ; accepted by Cockburn of
Ormiston as mediator in his quarrel
with Bothwell, ii. 39 ; Bothwell's
alleged plot to slay, ii. 40 ; Arran
tells Knox he will write to Moray and
reveal Bothwell's plot against him-
self, ii. 40 ; receives a letter from
Arran at Kinneil, ii. 41 ; having
received letter from Arran, convoys
him to the Queen at Falkland, ii. 41 ;
Knox warns him that Arran is stricken
with a frenzy, ii. 41 ; present at
Knox's second interview with Mary
(15 Dec. 1562), ii. 43 ; makes punitive
raid on Hawick and arrests fifty
thieves (2 July 1562), ii. 47 ; but his
success does not please the Queen " for
she hated his upright dealing," ii. 47 ;
suggested that there was a con-
federacy between Papists of North
and South or between Huntly and
the Queen or, at least, " that there
was no good will borne to the Earl
of Moray," ii. 54 ; Archbishop
Hamilton and Quintin Kennedy try
to stir up trouble in the South by
spreading rumour that he has been
slain, ii. 57 ; malice between Huntly
and, ii. 58 ; leads his company
against Huntly but " only to have
beholden the battle " [of Corrichie],
ii. 59 ; the Queen's army of Forbeses,
Hays and Leslies, feigning to attack,
fall back on his force, ii. 60 ; reports
victory at Corrichie (28 Oct. 1562)
to Mary, ii. 6 1' ; she scarcely disguises
her displeasure for Moray's " pros-
perity was, and yet is, a very venom
to her boldened heart against him
for his godliness and upright plain-
ness," ii. 62 ; that he was to be
murdered at Strathbogie revealed
after death of Huntly, ii. 63 ; inter-
cedes for Lord Gordon (later fifth
Earl of Huntly), who, however, is
tried for treason and imprisoned, ii.
63 ; ordered by Queen to stab
Chastelard, but declines to put him
to death without trial (Feb. 1563),
ii. 68-9 ; Knox reports his first
interview with Mary at Lochleven
(? Apr. 1563) to, ii. 72 ; need to have
his earldom confirmed at the Parlia-
INDEX
465
ment (1563) given as one reason why
establishment of rehgion was post-
poned, ii. 78 ; at variance with Knox,
ii. 78-9 ; Knox refers to his first
meeting with, at London, ii. 78 ;
Lethington promotes Atholl's interest
at Court, " and so began the Earl of
Moray to be defaced," ii. 85 ; goes
to North and holds justice courts
(1563), ii- 85; returns, ii. 90;
Lethington and he advise Knox to
confess his offence against the Queen
[that is, for writing the letter of 8 Oct.
1563], but Knox maintains he has
given none, ii. 92-3 ; this was first
■time Moray had spoken to Knox
since the Parliament, ii. 93, marginal
note ; present at Council before which
Knox is summoned (Dec. 1563), ii.
93 ; affirms Queen's promises to
ministers at General Assembly (1564),
ii. 104 ; attends General Assembly
(June 1564), but joins group of
courtiers who sit apart, ii. 107 ; cool-
ness between him and Knox, i. Ixi,
ii. 134 ; Queen seeks promise from,
that ensuing Parliament (Dec. 1564)
will not discuss religion, ii. 137 ;
mainly at his instigation, Parliament
grants confirmation of feus of Church
lands, ii. 138 ; complaints to, by
Brethren, of Papists holding a " super-
stitious Even-song " at Holyrood (Feb.
1565), ii. 138 ; complains to Queen
about return of Bothwell to Scotland,
that he is his deadly enemy, ii. 139 ;
convenes at Edinburgh for trial of
Bothwell (2 May J 565), ii. 143-4 5
fear of his large retinue given as
reason for Bothwell's non-appearance
at his trial, ii. 144 ; summoned by
Queen, he reaches Stirling (4 May
1565), and is asked to subscribe a
contract promising to grant in Parlia-
ment crown-matrimonial to Darnley,
but he refuses, ii. 145 ; but he agrees
when he sees that other Lords agree,
ii. 146, marginal note ; agrees to Mary's
proposals for her marriage with
Darnley provided the ' religion ' is
established by Parliament and Mass
abolished, ii. 146 ; before meeting
of Convention at Perth he writes to
principal churches desiring them to
send the most able men to attend, ii.
147 ; on his way to Perth, taken ill
at Lochleven, ii. 148 ; at Lochleven,
ii. 153 ; attends meeting of Lords at
Stirling (15 July 1565) to discuss
matters before meeting of Parliament,
ii. 155 ; summoned to Edinburgh by
Queen and, failing to appear, is de-
nounced rebel and put to the horn
(6 Aug. 1565), ii. 156-7 ; his being
put to the horn in 1565 referred to,
ii. 59, marginal note ; Lord Gordon
released from Dunbar and restored
to lands and titles so that he might
oppose Moray in the North, ii. 157 ;
joins Protestant Lords at Ayr (Aug.
1565), ii. 158, 159, note i ; one of the
Protestant Lords who march on
Edinburgh (31 Aug. 1565), ii. 161 ;
blamed by Herries for all the troubles,
ii. 162 ; his house confiscated by the
Queen, ii. 164 ; one of the banished
Lords, he goes to London, but receives
a chilly reception from Elizabeth
(Oct. 1565), ii. 172-3 ; returns to
Newcastle, ii. 173 ; Riccio, when
warned against him, boasts that
Moray will never live in Scotland in
his time, ii. 180 ; returns to Edin-
burgh (10 Mar. 1566) on invitation
of Darnley, ii. 181 ; received by
Queen " with a singular gravity," ii.
181 ; in Council, advises the Queen
to reconcile herself to the death of
Riccio, ii. 181 ; unwilling to face
Queen's fury, leaves Edinburgh (17
Mar. 1566), ii. 183 ; received into
favour by the Queen, ii. 185 ; present
at General Assembly (25 June 1566),
ii. 187 ; to be joint Regent if Mary's
illness at Jedburgh should prove fatal
(Oct. 1566), ii. 191 ; remains outside
chapel at baptism of James VI be-
cause it was according to the rites of
the Roman Church (17 Dec. 1566),
ii. 193, note 1 ; warns Provost that
Archbishop Hamilton is coming to
Edinburgh to take over restored con-
sistorial jurisdiction (Jan. 1567), ii.
201 ; alone refuses to sign bond to
defend Mary and Bothwell and, his
excuse being accepted, he is allowed
to retire to France, ii. 208 ; Queen
signs writ appointing him Regent (24
July 1567), ii. 215 and note 2 ; re-
turns to Scotland (Aug. 1567), ii. 216
and note 2 ; visits Queen at Loch-
leven, ii. 216 and note 2 ; publicly
proclaimed Regent (22 Aug. 1567),
ii. 216 ; his Regency confirmed by
Parliament (Dec. 1567), ii. 216, note 2 ;
Knox preaches his funeral sermon
(14 Feb. 1570), i. Ixv
Morayshire, Queen goes to (1564), ii. 137
Morham, Bothwell, pursued by Moray,
etc., sought at (Nov. 1559), i. 259
Morphie, Laird of. See Graham, Henry,
younger
Morton, James Douglas, fourth Earl of
[second son of Sir George Douglas of
Pittendriech (q.v.), brother of Archi-
bald, sixth Earl of Angus ; became
Earl of Morton through his marriage,
1543, with Elizabeth, daughter of
466
INDEX
James, third Earl of Morton ; joined
the Reformers, but did not openly
support them until their victory seemed
to be reasonably assured ; Chancellor,
1562; Regent, 1572; demitted office,
1 578 ; accused of complicity in murder
of Darnley, executed, 1581 — Scots
Peerage, vi. 362-3], signs " Common
Band " at Edinburgh (3 Dec. 1557),
i. xxix, 137 ; " malicious craft " of the
Queen Regent's practisers responsible
for Congregation losing his help, i.
261-2 ; signs ratification of Contract
of Berwick (27 Feb. 1560) at Leith
(10 May 1560), i. 307 ; signs " Last
Band at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560) on
6 May, i. 315 and note 1 1 ; sent as one
of the ambassadors to England to
crave assistance against all foreign
invasion, and to propose marriage of
Arran with Elizabeth (Oct. 1560),
i. 345-6 ; Elizabeth's answer to the
marriage proposal, i. 350 ; dissents
on allocation of ministers' glebes in
Bonk of Discipline, ii. 305 ; but signs
the Book (27 Jan. 1561), i. 345, ii. 325 ;
chosen Privy Councillor (6 Sept. 1 56 1 ) ,
ii. 20 ; on the question " Whether that
subjects might put to their hand to
suppress the idolatry of their Prince ? "
votes in the negative (Nov. 1561), ii.
23 ; present at Privy Council which
passes Acts for the Thirds of the bene-
fices(22Dec. i56i),ii.29,326; (i2Feb.
1562), ii. 329; (isFeb. 1562), ii. 331 ;
appointed to assess ministers' stipends,
ii. 30 ; present at Knox's second
interview with Mary (15 Dec. 1562),
ii. 43 ; attends General Assembly
(June 1564), but joins group of
Courtiers who sit apart, ii. 107 ;
commands George Hay to reason with
Knox on subject of obedience to
magistrates, ii. 115; asked by
Lethington to record votes at con-
ference at General Assembly (June
1564), ii. 131 ; prevented by Mary
from attending Moray in Edinburgh
for trial of Bothwell (2 May 1565),
ii. 144 ; marches with Mary and
Darnley to Edinburgh (Aug. 1565),
ii. 162 ; attends General Assembly
(25 Dec. 1565), ii. 174, 176; "cer-
tain dryness " between Mar, Lething-
ton and Morton on one side and
Huntly and Bothwell on other, ii. 1 75 ;
but reconciled by Atholl's mediation,
ii. 175 ; and murder of Riccio (9 Mar.
1566), i. 112 ; one of the murderers
of Riccio, ii. 1 79 ; drives off Bothwell
and Huntly from Palace the night
Riccio is murdered, ii. 179 ; in
Council, advises the Queen to recon-
cile herself to the death of Riccio, ii.
181 ; unwilling to face Queen's fury,
leaves Edinburgh (17 Mar. 1566), ii.
183 ; succeeded, as Chancellor, by
Earl of Huntly (Mar. 1566), ii. 189,
note 2 ; makes a bond with other
Lords at Stirling to defend the young
Prince (i May 1567), ii. 207 ; com-
mands, with Home, one army of Con-
federate Lords at Carberry Hill
(15 June 1567), ii. 210 ; spokesman
for Confederate Lords at Carberry
Hill, ii. 211 ; signs Articles agreed
upon by General Assembly (20 July
1567), ii. 215 ; Queen signs writ
(24 July 1567), appointing him joint
Regent till Moray's return, or on his
death, or to act with Moray if latter
refuses to be sole Regent, ii.'2i5 and
note 2 ; takes oath on behalf of infant
king at his coronation, ii. 216 and
note I ; his verdict on Knox at his
burial, i. Ixviii
Mount, The, Laird of. See Lindsay, Sir
David
Mountgarswood, Laird of. See Campbell,
George
Moutray, John, of Seafield, French, after
capture of Kinghorn (7 Jan. 1560),
lay waste his property, i. 277 ;
arrested by Arran and Moray and
released on conditions which he
" minded never to keep," i. 301
Mowat, Captain — , captured by French
in Canongate, Edinburgh (31 Oct.
1559), i. 261 ; his lieutenant captured
(6 Nov. 1559), i. 263
Mowbray, John [merchant in Edinburgh],
robbed by Gillone (1561), i. 357 ;
condemned to death but pardoned
(1566), ii. 184
Mowbray, Sir John, of Barnbougle, one
of the assize appointed to try Bothwell
for murder of Darnley, ii. 204
Murdocairnie, Laird of. See Melville,
Robert Melville, first Lord, of Moni-
mail
Mure, Helen Chajmers, wife of Robert,
of Polkellie. See Chalmers, Helen
Mure, John, of Rowallan, signs Band at
Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Mure, John, of Wole, signs Band at Ayr
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Mure, Mungo, signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept.
1562), ii. 56
Murray, Sir Andrew, of Balvaird [son of
Sir David Murray of Balvaird ; died,
1572/73 — Scots Peerage, viii. 188],
replies to Queen Regent's messengers
on cause of convocation of lieges at
Perth (24 May 1559), i. 173 ; takes
Knox, at his request, to Argyll, Moray
and Sempill (25 May 1559), i. 173;
imprisoned by Queen at St. Andrews
(Sept. 1565), ii. 164
INDEX
467
Murray, Annabella. See Mar, Annabella
Murray, Countess of
Murray, Captain David, wounded by
French in skirmish between Leith and
Edinburgh (6 Nov. 1559), i. 263
Murray, James, of Pardewis [third son of
Sir William Murray of Tullibardine ;
brother of Sir William Murray of
Tullibardine, the Comptroller — Scots
Peerage, i. 463-4], accepts Bothwell's
challenge of single combat at Car-
berry Hill, but Bothwell refuses to
fight him, ii. 211
Murray, Patrick [son of Patrick MuiTay
of Tibbermore], killed by French in
Perth (1559), i. 179
Murray, Sir William, of Tullibardine (i)
[tenth Laird, succeeded his grand-
father. Sir William Murray of Tulli-
bardine, 1525 ; joined the Lords of
the Congregation, 1559 ; died, 1562
— Scots Peerage, i. 46 1 -2] , secretly leaves
Perth and refuses to return on Queen
Regent's order (May-June 1559), i.
180 ; threatened by mutinous " un-
godly soldiers " of the Congregation
when he exhorts them to quietness
(Oct. 1559), i. 257 ; signs Instructions
(10 Feb. 1560) to Commissioners sent
to Berwick to treat with Norfolk, i.
310
Murray, Sir William, of Tullibardine (2)
[eleventh Laird, succeeded his father,
Sir Wilham Murray of Tullibardine,
1562 ; knighted, and made Privy
Councillor, 1565 ; Comptroller of
Scotland, 1565-83 ; supporter of the
Reformation party ; after Mary's
marriage with Bothwell, joined the
Confederate Lords ; died, 1 583 — Scots
Peerage, i. 465-6], mentioned, ii. 169 ;
ministers of Lothian complain to Queen
that they have been deprived of their
stipends through his appointment as
Comptroller (Oct. 1565), ii. 171 ;
same complaint made by General
Assembly (Dec. 1565), ii. 175, 176 ;
shares command of second army of
Confederate Lords at Carberry Hill
(15 June 1567), ii. 210 ; accepts
Bothwell's challenge to single combat
at Carberry Hill, but Bothwell refuses
to fight him, ii. 211
Musculus, Andreas [i 514-81 ; German
Lutheran divine], quoted by Leth-
ington in his debate with Knox at
the General Assembly (June 1564),
ii. 121
Musselburgh, the Congregation complain
that the town is oppressed by the
French (1559), i. 222 ; joint Scots-
English army to assault Leith from,
if Edinburgh Castle proves hostile
(Instructions to Commissioners at
Berwick, 10 Feb. 1560), i. 309 ; army
of Confederate Lords march to, and
rest there (June 1567), ii. 210
Myll, Robert, drives George Wishart from
Dundee at instigation of Beaton ( 1 544),
i. 60
Myln, Alexander, Abbot of Cambuskenneth
[educated, St. Andrews ; Abbot of
Cambuskenneih, 151 7 ; first Presi-
dent of the College of Justice, 1532;
died, 1548 ; an exemplary Church-
man, learned, pious, and full of good
works, both spiritual and temporal —
Cartulary of Cambuskenneth, Ixxxviii-
xcvi], earnest for reform, i. xix ;
present at William Arth's sermon at
St. Andrews, i. 15
Myln, Walter [priest of the church of
Lunan, Angus ; embraced the re-
formed faith and abandoned his cure
— Laing's Knox, i. 550-5], martyred at
St. Andrews (28 Apr. 1558), i. xxxviii,
1 53 ; Dundee blames Bishop of Moray
for his death, i. 190 and note 1
Nantes, French galleys with Scots prisoners
from St. Andrews Castle lie all winter
at (1547-48), i. 97 ; opposition to
Mass by " Castilians " at, i. io8
Naristoun, Laird of. See Boyd, John
Navarre, King of. See Anthony [of Bour-
bon], King of Navarre
Nemours, Jacques [de Savoie], due de
[1531-85 ; married Anne d'Este,
widow of Francis de Guise, 1566],
suggested husband for Mary, ii. 63
Nether Rankeillor, Laird of. See McGill,
Sir James
New Grange, Laird of. See Whitelaw,
Alexander
New Mylns, Laird of. See Campbell, John
Newbattle, Queen Regent and French
faction decide on war with England
^t (1557)5 i- 124 ; given to Bothwell
by Mary (1566), ii. 185
For Abbot of, see Ker, Mark
Newcastle, Knox appointed preacher to,
i. xxxiv, no; he recalls to Queen
Mary his ministry at, ii. 15 ; pledges
under Contract of Berwick (27 Feb.
1560) taken to, i. 310 ; Protestant
Lords at (1565), ii. 172
Nisbet, Alexander, signs Band at Ayr
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Nisbet, George, signs " Last Band at
Leith" (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316
Nithsdale, Knox goes to (after 4 Sept.
1562), ii. 57
Niven, Andrew, of Monkredding, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Noailles, Gilles de [1524-97 ; French
ambassador on important missions to
England, Scotland, Poland and Con-
stantinople], sent as ambassador from
468
INDEX
France (Mar .-June 1561) to demand
that league with England be broken,
league with France renewed, and
Bishops restored to their former
positions, i. 356 and note 2 ; negative
answers returned to each petition
(i June 1561), i. 363-4; returns to
France (7 June 1561), i. 364
Nobility, letter from Congregation to
(?22 May 1559), i. 167-71
Norfolk, Thomas Howard, third Duke
of [1473-1554 ; was in charge of
the vanguard at Flodden, 1513 ;
commanded the English forces against
the Scots, 1542 ; died, 1554 — Dic-
tionary of National Biography], sent
by Henry VHI to invade Scotland
(1542), i. 32
Norfolk, Thomas Howard, fourth Duke
of [1536-72 ; son of Thomas
Howard, third Duke of Norfolk ;
pupil of John Foxe ; Elizabeth's prin-
cipal officer in her intervention in
Scotland, 1560 ; involved in project
for his marriage with Queen Mary ;
imprisoned ; implicated in Ridolfi
Plot ; executed for treason, 1572 —
Dictionary of National Biography], sent
by Elizabeth to Berwick to assist the
Congregation (Jan. 1560), i. 298 ;
asks Congregation to send Commis-
sioners, i. 298 ; Lords at Glasgow
decide to meet him at Carlisle, i. 298 ;
Knox rebukes Lords at Glasgow for
naming Carlisle and making Norfolk
" travel the most wearisome and
fashions gait that is in England "
(6 Feb. 1560), i. 300 ; Lords decide
to meet him at Berwick, i. 301 ;
Commissioners sent by the Congrega-
tion to Berwick to treat with (Feb.
1560), i. 302 ; their instructions
(10 Feb. 1560), i. 308-10 ; concludes
treaty with the Congregation at Ber-
wick (27 Feb. 1560), i. 302-7 ; com-
mands Lord Grey to continue siege of
Leith and promises reinforcements,
i. 320
Norham Castle, Captains of. See Bowes
Richard (i) ; Bowes, Richard (2)
North Berwick, the Congregation complain
that the town is oppressed by the
French (1559), i. 222
Northumberland, Henry Percy, eighth
Earl of [? 1532-85 ; brother of Sir
Thomas Percy, seventh Earl of
Northumberland ; one of the leaders
of the English army in Scotland, 1560 ;
intrigued with Queen Mary, 1571 ;
arrested, 1571 ; released, 1573 ; again
intrigued on behalf of Mary ; sent to
the Tower, where he shot himself, 1 584
— Dictionary of National Biography],letter
to, from Kirkcaldy (? 24 May 1559),
referred to, i. 187, note i ; letter from
Knox to (i July 1559), quoted, i. xlvi ;
this letter referred to, i. 194, note 2 ;
letter from Kirkcaldy to (i July 1559),
referred to, i. 194, note 2 ; Kirkcaldy
negotiates with, for English aid, i. 287 ;
he approaches Cecil who returns
favourable reply (4 July 1559), i. 287,
288 and note i ; writes to Knox
inviting him to confer with him at
Alnwick (on 3 Aug. 1559), i. 294 ;
he is absent from the north of England
when Knox arrives with Robert
Hamilton, i. 295 ; Knox's reason for
not visiting, i. 296 ; comes with
English army into Scotland (2 Apr.
1560), i. 311
Northumberland, John Dudley, Duke of
[created Viscount Lisle, 1542 ; Earl
of Warwick, 1547 ; Earl Marshal
and Duke of Northumberland, 1551 ;
executed, 1553 — Dictionary of Na-
tional Biography], letter (12 Dec. 1542)
from, cited, i. 39, note 3 ; in command
of English fleet which invades Scotland
(May 1544), i. 56 ; with English army
in Scotland (Sept. 1547), i- 98
Norwell, Robert, guards Tolbooth, Edin-
burgh, against rioters (21 July 1561),
i. 358 ; " a merry man," he carries steel
hammer instead of Bishop's cross
before Archbishop Hamilton at his
trial (19 May 1563), ii. 76
Nydie, Laird of. See Forsyth, James
Ochiltree, Knox preaches at (1556), i.
121
Ochiltree, Andrew Stewart, second Lord
[born about 1521 ; an early adherent
to the reformed faith ; a supporter
of Knox in 1555, and thereafter one
of his closest friends ; played a leading
part in the Reformation movement ;
died about 1592 ; his daughter,
Margaret, was Knox's second wife ;
known, because of his zeal for the
reformed faith, as " the good Lord "
— Scots Peerage, vi. 512-13], Knox
" teaches " in his house (1556), i. 121 ;
his daughter becomes Knox's second
wife, i. 121, note 8 ; coming to aid
Perth (May 1559), i. 175 ; subscribes
Band drawn up by Congregation at
Perth (31 May 1559), i. 179 ; sent by
the Congregation as delegate to the
Queen Regent ( 1 2 July 1 559) , i. 1 95-6 ;
one of the delegates of the Congrega-
tion at the Conference with the Queen
Regent's delegates at Preston (July
1559), i. 197 ; signs letter from Lords
of the Congregation to Cecil ( 1 9 July
1559), i. 290, note I ; Argyll requires
him, with other Lords, to meet in Kyle
to protect the Brethren (Aug. 1559), i.
INDEX
469
207 ; signs letter to Queen Regent
protesting against fortifying of Leith
by the French (19 Sept. 1559), i. 230 ;
approached by Robert Lockhart, who
had offered his services as mediator to
Queen Regent, he declines to treat
with him, i. 244-5 ; decided that he
should make Glasgow his head-
quarters, when Lords of the Congrega-
tion divide their forces between
Glasgow and St. Andrews, i. 298 (and
cf. i. 276) ; signs Instructions (10 Feb.
1560) to Commissioners sent to Ber-
wick to treat with Norfolk, i. 310 ;
signs ratification of Contract of Ber-
wick (27 Feb. 1560) at Leith (10 May
1560), i. 308 ; meets English army
at Preston (4 Apr. 1560), i. 312 ;
signs " Last Band at Leith " at Edin-
burgh (27 Apr. 1560), i. 315 ; sub-
scribes Book of Discipline (27 Jan.
1561), i. 345, ii. 324 ; present at
Privy Council which passes Act
relating to Thirds (22 Dec. 1561), ii.
326 ; Campbell of Kinzeancleuch
warns him that his anger against the
Mass will vanish when " the holy
water of the Court " is sprinkled on
him (1561), ii. 12 ; supports Book
of Discipline when Maitland of Leth-
ington attacks it, ii. 27 ; his part in
the " incident " in Edinburgh be-
tween Hamiltons and friends of Both-
well (19 Dec. 1 561), ii. 36 ; signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56 ;
accompanies Knox to Holyrood when
he is summoned by Mary (between
26 May and 6 June 1563), ii. 82 ;
remains with Knox outside Mary's
chamber after Knox is dismissed, ii.
84 ; joins Protestant Lords at Ayr
(Aug. 1565), ii. 159 ; one of the
Protestant Lords who march on Edin-
burgh (31 Aug. 1565), ii. 161 ; de-
nounced rebel and put to the horn
(Sept. 1565), ii. 165 ; in Council,
advises the Queen to reconcile herself
to the death of Riccio, ii. 181 ;
summoned to Edinburgh by General
Assembly (June 1567) to settle true
worship of the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but
excuses himself on grounds that he
could not come with safety to Edin-
burgh, ii. 214; but signs Articles
agreed upon by General Assembly
(20 July 1567), ii. 215
For his daughter, second wife of
John Knox, see Stewart, Margaret
Ochiltree, Andrew Stewart, Master of.
See Stewart, Andrew
Ogilvy, Alexander, of Boyne, one of the
assize appointed to try Bothwell for
murder of Darnley (12 Apr. 1567), ii.
204 ; marries Lady Jean Gordon,
divorced wife of Bothwell and widow
of Earl of Sutherland (1599), ii. 205,
note 3
Ogilvy, James Ogilvy, fifth Lord, of Airlie
[? 1 54 1- 1 606 ; succeeded his grand-
father, James, fourth Lord Ogilvy of
Airlie ; joined the Lords of the Con-
gregation ; later, his adherence to the
reformed faith was at times ques-
tioned ; died, 1606 — Scots Peerage, i.
119], signs ratification of Contract of
Berwick (27 Feb. 1560) at Leith
(10 May 1560), i. 308 ; signs " Last
Band at Leith " at Edinburgh (27 Apr.
1560), i. 315 ; attacked and wounded
severely [in Edinburgh] by Sir John
Gordon of Findlater (27 June 1562),
Ogilvy, John, of Inverquharity, sent to
Auchterarder to treat with Chatel-
herault and d'Oysel (May 1559),
i. 176
Ogilvy, Marion [daughter of Sir James
Ogilvy of Airlie, who was created
Lord Ogilvy of Airlie, 1491 ; mistress
of Cardinal Beaton ; died, 1575 ; her
daughter, Margaret, married, 1546,
David, later tenth Earl of Crawford —
Laing's Knox, i. 174-5], Beaton " busy
at his accounts " with, on night before
his assassination, i. xviii, 76
Oliphant, Andrew [confidential agent of
Cardinal Beaton at Rome ; notary
public ; again at Rome, 1553-54, i^
the service of Archbishop Hamilton ;
" chaplain to the Archbishop of St.
Andrews," was taken prisoner by the
Congregation, 1560 — Laing's Knox, i.
64, vi. 666], taunts Sandie Furrour who
is being tried for heresy at St. Andrews,
i. 18 ; is spat at by Furrour, i. 19 ;
this " Sergeant of Sathan " is sent to
assist Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow,
in trial of Russell and Kennedy (1539),
i. 27 ; he (" the idiot Doctor ") com-
pels Dunbar to condemn them when
he would have spared them, i. 28
Oliphant, Laurence Oliphant, fourth Lord
[succeeded his father, Laurence, third
Lord Oliphant, 1566 ; Roman
Catholic and a supporter of Queen
Mary, but took little active part in
the war between the ' Queensmen '
and the ' Kingsmen ' ; died, 1593 —
Scots Peerage, vi. 546-8], one of the
assize appointed to try Bothwell for
murder of Darnley (14 Apr. 1567),
ii. 204 ; summoned to Edinburgh by
General Assembly (June 1567) to settle
true worship of the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but
excuses himself on ihe grounds that he
could not come with safety to Edin-
burgh, ii. 214
Orkney, Superintendent of, to reside in
470
INDEX
Kirkwall, laid down in the Book of
Discipline, ii. 292
For Bishops of, see Bothwell, Adam ;
Reid, Robert
Orkney, James Hepburn, Duke of. See
Bothwell, James Hepburn, fourth
Earl of
Orkney, Robert Stewart, first Earl of
[1533-93 j natural son of James V
by Euphemia Elphinstone, daughter
of Alexander, first Lord Elphinstone ;
Abbot, in commendam, of Holyrood,
1539 ; joined the Lords of the Con-
gregation ; Earl of Orkney and Lord
of Zetland, 1581 ; married, 1561,
Jean Kennedy, eldest daughter of
Gilbert, third Earl of Cassillis ; died,
1593 — Scots Peerage, vi. 572-3], first to
pursue French from Canongate as
they retire to Leith (31 Oct. 1559),
i. 260 ; signs ratification of Contract
of Berwick (27 Feb. 1560) at Leith
(10 May 1560), i. 308 ; attends
'Reformation Parhament ' (1560), i.
335 ; abets Mary's Mass in Holyrood
Chapel after her return from France by
protecting her priest (24 Aug. 1561),
ii. 8 ; guards Queen's person in Holy-
rood after she " took a fray " that the
Palace was to be attacked (Nov.
1 561), ii. 24 ; his part in the " inci-
dent " in Edinburgh between the
Hamiltons and Bothwell's friends
(19 Dec. 1 561), ii. 36 ; goes to North
and holds justice courts (1563), ii. 85
Orleans, Francis H, Mary Queen of Scots,
the Guises and all their faction assemble
at (Nov. 1560), i. 348 ; sheriff of,
arrested, i. 348 ; licentiousness of the
French Court at, ii. 35
Ormiston [seat of John Cock burn], George
Wishart stays at, i. 66 ; Wishart
captured at (Jan. 1546), i. 68-70 ;
letter from Sir John Melville of Raitti
to his son in England alleged to have
been found at (1548), i. 106
For Laird of, see Cockburn, John ;
for " Lady Ormiston," see Sandilands,
Alison
Ormiston [village], Lord Seton pursues
Alexander Whitelaw and William
Knox from Preston to (1559), i. 214
Ormiston, Robert, presents to Queen
Regent a calf with two heads, i. 124
Ormond, Lord. See Chalmers, David
Oxford, Cecil's letter to Knox (28 July
1559) dated from, i. 296
Oysel, Henri Cleutin, sieur d' [Sieur d'Oysel
et de Villeparisis et Saint-Aignan ;
French ambassador and Lieutenant
in Scotland, 1 546-60 ; was the Queen
Regent's principal adviser ; left Scot-
land, 1560 ; served as French am-
bassador in Germany and Italy ; died
at Rome, 1 566] , his relations with Mary
of Lorraine, i. 94 ; promises remedy
[meaning the French fleet] against
growing success of Reformers, i. 94 ;
his advice to Chatelherault against
the " Castilians," i. 241 ; on news
of defeat at Pinkie (Sept. 1547), goes
with Mary of Lorraine to Stirling
from Edinburgh, i. loi ; his crafty
scheme for pacifying Chatelherault,
who demands justice for slaughter of
Scots by French in Edinburgh (1548),
i. 105-6 ; forced by Scots to abandon
siege of Wark Castle (Oct. 1557),
i. 125 ; bribed by bishops and priests,
i. 163 ; the Congregation appeal to
him to mitigate the rage of Queen
Regent and of the priests against them,
and declare he is no friend of King
of France if he compels them " to
take the sword of just defence " (May
1559)) i- 166 ; his reaction to the
appeal, i. 166 ; with Frenchmen and
priests marches against Perth (May
^559)) i- 172 ; learns of succour
coming to Perth from the West, i. 175 ;
meeting between Protestants on one
side and Chatelherault and d'Oysel
on other, at Auchterarder, i. 175-6 ;
his advice to Brethren of Perth, i. 176 ;
enters Perth (? 30 May 1559), i. 179 ;
receives intelligence of number and
order of Protestant forces at Cupar,
i. 184 ; sends mediators, i. 184-5 >
eight days' truce concluded, i. 185 ;
the text of the Assurance signed by
him and Chatelherault on Queen
Regent's behalf at Cupar (13 June
1559). i- 185-6 ; his meeting at
Cupar (13 June 1559) with Argyll
and Moray referred to by them in
their letter to Queen Regent (? 15 June
i559)> i- 187 ; Sir Robert Logan of
Restalrig surrenders to (July 1559),
i. 200 ; signs (25 July 1559) Appoint-
ment of Links of Leith, i. 205 ; his
part in the- Appointment of Leith
mentioned, i. 215 ; if he pays wages
to Frenchmen in Scotland out of
France, then he is a traitor to the
King and Council, i. 226 ; leads the
French in skirmish at Kinghorn
(7 Jan. 1560), i. 277, note i ; Kirk-
caldy of Grange sends defiance to,
i. 279 ; is called a coward, i. 279
(but of i. 279, note 2) ; mistakes
English ships for French, i. 281 ; his
consternation when he learns his
mistake, and that they are sent to
assist the Congregation, i. 281 ;
Queen Regent during her last illness
uses " great craft " that he might be
permitted to speak with her, but Lord
Grey frustrates her scheme (May
1560), i. 321 ; Mary sends him to
Elizabeth before she leaves France
for Scotland, i. 365, 366, note 2, 368 ;
quoted, i. 193, note 5, 201, note 8
Paisley Abbey, burnt by the Protestants
under Arran, Argyll and Glencairn
(1561). i. 364 ; Archbishop Hamilton
and Kennedy, Abbot of Crossraguel,
keep secret convention at (1562), ii.
54 ; Protestant Lords at (Aug. 1565),
ii. 160
For Abbot of, see Hamilton, John,
Archbishop of St. Andrews
Paniter [Panter], David, Bishop of Ross
[apparently a natural son of Patrick
Paniter, Abbot of Cambuskenneth ;
Prior of St. Mary's Isle ; Scottish
ambassador to France, 1544-52 ;
provided to Ross, 1547 ; died, 1558
— Dowden, Bishops of Scotland, 226-8],
arrives from France (Apr. 1543), i. 48 ;
the hopes that he would be a comfort
to the Kirk of God proved false, i. 48 ;
sent by Chatelherault and Beaton to
Rothes, Gray and Balnaves outside
Dundee to request a parley (Nov.
1543)> i- 54 ; in France at Mary's
marriage, i. 129, note 8 ; advises the
clergy not to dispute or " else all is
lost," i. 131 ; death of "that belly-
god " {c. Oct. 1558), i. 129, 137,
note 5
Papists, their joy is in full perfection after
surrender of St. Andrews Castle and
imprisonment of the " Castilians " in
France (1547), i. 97 ; hold procession
on St. Giles's Day in Edinburgh and
a riot ensues (i Sept. 1558), i. Ixxv,
127-9 ; draw up Articles of recon-
ciliation but the Protestants refuse
them, i. 152 ; while Queen Regent
is promising concessions to Prot-
estants she is assuring Papists (clergy)
that they will not long be troubled by
the Protestants, i. 152 ; letters from
the Congregation to the " pestilent
Prelates and their shavelings," threat-
ening open war if persecution does not
cease (? 22 May 1559), i. 17 1-2 ; some
in Fife plundered by the French
(1560), i. 277; they are "proud,"
for they expect French help next year
(1561)) i- 346 ; their pride begins to
be abated, i. 350-1 ; their assertions
that they were not given opportunity
to defend their religion is false, i. 354 ;
plot to take Edinburgh before meeting
of Parliament (20 May 1561), i. 356 ;
they stir up the " rascal multitude "
to make a Robin Hood and thus cause
a riot, i. 357 ; gather in Edinburgh
to disturb the Protestants, i. 359-60 ;
Protestants hold their own against
INDEX 471
them, i. 360 ; Supplication of Brethren
to Lords of Secret Council (28 May
1561) for effective suppression of" the
pestilent generation of that Antichrist
within this realm," i. 360-2 ; on the
sudden return of Mary from France,
they " troubled what they might," i.
373 ; causes of revival of Popery
(May 1566), whereas before Mary's
arrival (1561) no Papists " durst have
been seen in public," ii. 4-5 ; refuse
to reason and " are never able to
sustain an argument, except fire and
sword and their own laws be judges,"
ii. 19 ; proclamation of Edinburgh
Acts against, and Queen's counter-
proclamation, ii. 21-2 ; " mur-
derers, adulterers, thieves, whores,
drunkards, idolaters " get protection
because they are of the Queen's
religion, ii. 22-3 ; Petition from
General Assembly (4 July 1562) that
they be restrained from molesting the
Protestants, ii. 50-1 ; and that
Papists should be punished by law,
ii. 51 ; suggested that there was a
confederacy between those of the
South and Huntly and the Papists in
the North, ii. 54 ; they hold secret
convention at Paisley, ii. 54 ; they
set up " that idol, the Mass," in divers
places (Easter 1563), ii. 70 ; Prot-
estants take law into their own hands
and arrest several in the west, ii. 70-1 ;
Knox, in his interview with Mary,
defends this action (Apr. 1563), ii.
71-2 ; Queen promises Knox that she
will summon all offenders, ii. 74 ;
trial of Papists (19 May 1563), ii.
76-7 ; those that are imprisoned are
set at liberty, ii. 84 ; " all Papists are
infidels," ii. 81 ; they attend Mass in
Holyrood during Queen's absence and
trouble with Protestants arises ( 15 Aug.
1563), ii. 87-9 ; Knox's attack on,
before Council (Dec. 1563), ii. 97 ;
" bloodthirsty men and Papists . . .
are best subjects to the Queen," ii.
105 ; supplication from Protestants
to Queen complaining that Papists
intend to set up their idolatry, especi-
ally at Easter (1565), ii. 141 ; they
are openly encouraged by Mary
(Nov.-Dec. 1565), ii. 174; Darnley
issues proclamation ordering all
Papists to leave Edinburgh (10 Mar.
1566), ii. 180 ; many attend Mass at
Holyrood (Easter 1566), ii. 185 ;
highly offended when Glencairn
breaks down the altars and images
in Holyrood Chapel (1567), ii. 213
See also Mass ; Roman Catholic
Church, Clergy, Doctrine
Pardewis, Laird of. See Murray, James
472
INDEX
Paris, letter from Francis II to Moray
(17 July 1559), dated from, i. 209 ;
treasonable act by Papists designed
against Moray when in (1561), i.
362-3
Parkhead, Laird of. See Douglas, James
Parkhill, Laird of. See Leslie, John, of
Parkhill
Parliament, forbids " strangers " to bring
in any Lutheran books or works (1525),
i. xxiii ; Act concerning conventicles
in private houses (Mar. 1541), i. 43,
note 6 ; apportions certain church
revenues between king's illegitimate
sons and the state (1543), i. xvi ;
passes Act allowing Bible to be read
in the vernacular (12 Mar. 1543), i.
43~5 ) sends commissioners to
Henry VIII to treat of marriage
between Queen Mary and Prince
Edward (1543), i. 46 ; held at
Haddington Abbey, it discusses
marriage of Mary to the Dauphin
(7 July 1548), i. 102 ; tries to censor
ballads, etc., concerning the faith
(1552), i. xxi ; grants crown-matri-
monial to Francis (Nov. 1558), i. 141,
'56 ; Queen Regent promises (Nov.
1558) to assist the Protestant preachers
" until some uniform order might be
established by a Parliament," i. 152 ;
letter from Protestants, intended to be
presented to (1558), i. 154-6 ; Prot-
estants' Protestation to (?5 Dec. 1558),
i. 156-8 ; the Bishop of Moray prom-
ises (June 1559) to vote against the
rest of the clergy in, i. 189 ; Queen
Regent says (i July 1559) she offered
to fix a Parliament for Jan. 1560 to
settle religion (" this was a manifest
lie "), i. 193 ; Protestants demand
freedom from persecution till contro-
versies in religion may be decided by,
i. 195 ; the Congregation offer to
submit themselves to, provided the
Bishops were removed from judgment
in (July 1559), i. 198 ; the congrega-
tion of Edinburgh draw up terms for
an Appointment with Queen Regent
(? 24 July 1559), one of which relates
to a proposed Parliament of 10 Jan.
1560, i. 202 ; Articles in Appoint-
ment of Leith (24 July 1559) provide
for a truce in religious matters till
meeting of Parliament (on 10 Jan.
1560), i. 203-4 ; Protestants appeal
to this truce, i. 212, 223 ; Queen
Regent is deposed (21 Oct. 1559) by
the Congregation " unto the next
Parliament to be set by our advice
and consent," i. 254 ; references to
the Parliament to be held according
to the " Concessions " [" annex " to
Treaty of Edinburgh, 1560], i. 325-6,
328, 330-1, 332 ; meeting of the
' Reformation Parliament,' i. 334-5 ;
names of some who attend, i. 335 ;
Supplication for reformation of religion
presented to, i. 335-8 ; debates and
ratifies the Confession of Faith, i. 1, 338-9 ;
passes Acts against the Mass (24 Aug.),
i. 340 : and for abolishing jurisdiction
of the Pope, i. 341 ; Acts not ratified
by Mary Queen of Scots and King
Francis, i. Ivi, 342 ; arguments
against those who say it was not a
lawful Parliament, i. Ivi, 342-3 ;
Knox upholds its legality, ii. 81, 196 ;
appointed to meet on 20 May 1561,
i. 354 ; Elizabeth writes to, on non-
ratification by Scots of Treaty of
Edinburgh (i July 1561), i. 369-72 ;
as Parliament could not be quickly
assembled, the reply is sent by the
Council (16 July), i. 372-3 ; Mary
hopes (25 Aug. 1 561) that final order
will be taken for religion by Parliament
" to the contentment of the whole,"
ii. 10 ; Arran alludes to this promise,
ii. II ; meets (26 May 1563), ii. 76
and note 2, 77 ; " such stinking pride
of women as was seen at that Parlia-
ment, was never seen before in Scot-
land," ii. 77 ; Mary's speech well
received by her flatterers, ii. 77-8 ;
insistence on secular matters leads to
postponement of establishment of
religion (1563), ii. 78 ; passes Act of
Oblivion and Acts against adultery
and witchcraft, ii. 79-80, 79, note 5,
80, note I ; dissolved (6 June 1563),
ii. 80 and note 3 ; meets (Dec. 1564)
and restores Lennox to his lands, li.
137 ; Articles given by the Church
for abolishing the Mass and for
punishment of vice, " but there was
little thing granted," ii. 137-8 ; con-
firmation of feus of Church lands
granted by, ii. 138 ; Lords asked to
sign contract to procure crown-
matrimonial for Darnley from, ii. 145 ;
proclaimed, to be held at Edinburgh
(20 July 1565), ii. 148 ; postponed to
later date Ci Sept. 1565"). ii. 155, 161 ;
believed if it had met, Protestantism
would have been wrecked and Popery
erected (Mar. 1566), ii. 182 ; Acts of
(24 Aug. 1560), touching religion, to
have the force of public law, resolved
at General Assembly (20 July 1567),
ii. 214 ; Knox preaches at the open-
ing of (Dec. 1567), i. Ixv ; Acts of the
' Reformation Parliament ' ( 1 560), rati-
fied (Dec. 1567), i. Ixiii, ii. 216, note 2
See also General Council
Path of Dron, alleged conspiracy against
Mary at (1565), ii. 153
Paul III, Pope, thanks Chatelherault and
INDEX
King of France for avenging death
of Beaton, i. 97
Peebles, Mary and Darnley at (Oct. 1565),
ii. 172
Pellevd, Nicolas de, Bishop of Amiens
[1518-94; Bishop of Amiens, 1552;
Archbishop of Sens, 1562 ; Cardinal,
1564], comes to Scotland with more
French troops (19 Sept. 1559) with
object of exterminating the Protestants,
i. 2 1 6 and note 5 ; makes large promises
to any who would leave the Congrega-
tion, i. 230 ; his commission is to secure
Chatelherault's submission to Queen
Regent's will, i. 230 ; Queen Regent
in her Proclamation (2 Oct. 1559)
denies that he came to Scotland as
part of French plan to fortify Leith,
i. 235 ; the Lords of the Congregation
in their reply to Queen Regent (3 Oct.
1559) say that whatever she may
allege, Leith fortifications began after
he and La Brosse arrived, i. 238
Penthievre, Sebastien de Luxembourg,
4*^ vicomte de Martigues, due de
[second son of Francis, second
Viscount Martigues, succeeded his
brother as fourth Viscount Martigues,
1553 ; came to Scotland in command
of French forces, 1559-60 ; Duke of
Penthievre, killed at siege of St. Jean-
d'Angeli, 1569 — Inventaires de la Royne
Descosse, xxxvii], sent by Duke of
Guise with army to Scotland, but his
ship is driven back to Dieppe (Dec.
1559), i. 275 ; sent to Scotland again,
i. 278 ; arrives at Leith, i. 280 ; but
loses two ships to tiie Congregation
(10 or II Jan. 1560), i. 280; his
cruelty exemplified (Mar. 1560), i. 31 1
Percy, Sir Henry, afterwards eighth Earl
of Northumberland. See North-
umberland
Perth, James Resby burnt for heresy at
(1407), i. 7, note 2 ; Beaton tries to
force on town John Charteris as
Provost (1544), i. 52 ; the town,
under Lord Ruthven, resists intrusion
and repels the faction of Charteris and
Lord Gray (22 July 1544), i. 52-3 ;
Chatelherault persuaded by Beaton to
set off from Dundee for (Nov. 1543),
i. 53 ; meeting Rothes, Gray and
Balnaves, Chatelherault and Beaton
persuade them to go with them to
Perth, where they are arrested, i.
54-5 ; Beaton puts to death four men
and a woman for heresy there and
banishes others (Jan. 1544), i. 55 ;
George Wishart at (1545), i. 65 ;
embraces new Faith and thus provokes
Queen Regent's fury, i. 159 ; the
Provost, Lord Ruthven, disobeys her
order to suppress the Protestants
473
(1559). i- 159 ; Queen Regent wants
to impose Mass on (Easter, 1559), i.
160 ; when she summons preachers
to Stirling (10 May 1559), men from
Dundee, Angus and Mearns assemble
at, to give them support, i. xxxi, 160 ;
they are persuaded not to go to
Stirling, where Queen Regent is, and
remain at Perth, i. 160-1 ; Knox
joins the brethren assembled there
and preaches (May 1559), i. 161 ;
the preachers there, for not appearing
at Stirling, are put to the horn (10 May
1559), i. 161 ; Erskine of Dun, coming
to, exposes Queen Regent's duplicity
and the multitude, inflamed, destroy
the" places of idolatry," i. 161 ; Knox
preaches (11 May 1559) against
idolatry and destruction of the friaries
by the " rascal multitude " follows,
i. xliii, xliv, 162 ; the Charterhouse
is destroyed, i. 162, note 5, 163 ; Queen
Regent, hearing of the destruction of
the friaries, vows to destroy the town,
i. 163 ; the destruction of the Charter-
house especially enrages her, i. 163-4 5
the preachers, not suspecting " such
beastly cruelty," return to their own
homes, leaving Knox to instruct the
people of Perth " because they were
young and rude in Christ," i. 163 ;
Queen Regent sends for French troops
and makes other preparations against
the town, i. 164 ; realising their error,
some of the preachers return and put
the town in a state for defence (22 May
1559), i. 164 ; the Congregation write
to Queen Regent from (22 May 1559),
i. 164-5 ; in spite of appeals, she pro-
ceeds against the town, i. 166 ; Con-
gregation write to the Nobility from
(22 May 1559), i. 167-71 ; and to the
" Pestilent Prelates " (22 May), i.
1 7 1 -2 ; Brethren of Cunningham and
Kyle march to, to support Brethren
there, i. 171 ; d'Oysel and the French
and Papistical friends march against,
i. 172 ; men from Fife, Angus, Mearns
and Dundee come to relief of the
Congregation at, i. 172 ; Ruthven,
the Provost, deserts to the Queen
Regent (23 May), i. 172 ; envoys sent
by Queen Regent to inquire cause of
" that convocation of lieges there,"
i- 173 ; Queen Regent issues Procla-
mation charging all men to avoid the
town under pain of treason (28 May
1559)? i- 175 j Glencairn and other
Lords from the West come to their aid,
i. 175 ; terms discussed at Auchter-
arder for surrender of Perth, i. 1 75-6 ;
further parleying, i. 176-7 ; Appoint-
ment for surrender of town concluded
(29 May), i. 177 and ?iote 2 ; Con-
474
INDEX
gregation depart, i. 177-8 ; successful
stand made against Queen Regent and
the French at, recalled by them, i. 223 ;
Knox preaches at (30 May), i. 178 ;
Band drawn up by the Congregation
at (31 May), i. 178-9 ; Queen Regent
and her followers enter the town
(? 30 May), i. 179; and bring in
Frenchmen, i. 179 ; which was con-
trary to terms of the Appointment,
i. 179, note 4 ; John Charteris of Kin-
fauns forced on inhabitants as their
Provost, i. 179 and note 9 ; Lord
Ruthven comes to aid of Reformers
at Cupar (June 1559) from, i. 183 ;
Congregation concert plans for deliver-
ing town (June 1559), i. 186-7 '> for
that purpose. Brethren of Fife, Angus,
Mearns and Strathearn are to convene
at (24 June 1559), i. 187 ; Argyll and
Moray (? 15 June) write jointly to
Queen Regent complaining of breach
of treaty and asking that soldiers be
withdrawn from the town and free
election of magistrates be restored,
i. 187-8 ; the Brethren, having con-
vened at, summon town to surrender,
i. 188 ; summons defied, i. 188 ;
Reformers then prepare for siege,
i. 188 ; ordered to desist by Huntly,
Mar and Bellenden, i. 188-9 > nego-
tiations with Huntly, etc., breaking
down, Reformers begin assault on
town, i. 189 ; it surrenders (25 June
'559)> i- 189 ; assists men from
Dundee in sacking and burning Scone
Palace and Abbey, i. 190, 191 ; Knox's
letter (6 Aug. 1559) to Cecil, dated
from, i. 297 ; Lords of the Congrega-
tion plead (3 Oct. 1559) that they
captured Broughty Castle to forestall
the French and safeguard Perth, i.
240-1 ; Knox refers to letters written
by him from, i. 245 ; that Queen
Regent assembled her army against
the town (May 1559) is given as one
reason for deposing her (21 Oct. 1559),
i. 251 ; that, further, she oppressed
the town with her garrisons (June)
and forced on town. Provost and
Bailies " against all order of election,"
i. 252 ; Knox recalls (8 Nov. 1559)
" the dolour and anguish of my own
heart " when, at Perth, " those cruel
murderers . . . threatened our pres-
ent destruction," i. 269-70 ; he again
refers to this (1563), ii. 80 ; John
Row appointed minister at (1560),
i. 334 ; Mary visits (Sept. 1561),
which " she polluted with her
idolatry," ii. 20 ; Queen passes
through on way from Aberdeen
to Edinburgh (1562), ii. 63 ; Queen
agrees to hold Convention at (31 May
1565) to take final order for religion,
ii. 146 ; Mary goes to, ii. 147 ;
before meeting of the Convention,
Moray writes to principal churches
desiring them to send the most able
men to attend, ii. 147 ; the Conven-
tion is postponed (28 May) by Mary,
ii. 147-8 ; she calls a new Convention
to meet at (23 June) " to consult upon
such things as concerned Religion,"
ii. 148 ; but the Convention is not
held, ii. 147, note 3 ; Mary receives
Articles from General Assembly at,
ii. 150 ; she leaves town for Dunkeld
(26 June), ii. 150 ; she summons
military aid from (17 July), ii. 155-6 ;
town taxed by Queen to pay troops,
ii. 164, note 2 ; Mary and Darnley
return to Edinburgh from St. Andrews
via (Sept.), ii. 165, note 4
Pettycur. See Kinghorn
Philippe, Jean, comte de Salm. See Salm
Philp [Philips], John, Abbot of Lindores
[Abbot of Lindores, 1523; coadjutor of
Kelso, 1 540 ; Lord of Session, 1 544 ;
resigned, in favour of John Leslie (g.v.),
1566 — Chartulary of Lindores, Scot.
Hist. Soc, 311-13], persecuted by
Queen Regent (1559), i. 213 ; attends
' Reformation Parliament ' (1560), i.
. ,335
Piedmont, Laird of. See Boyd, Robert
Pinkie, Battle of, i. xxviii ; skirmish
(Friday, 9 Sept. 1547), i. 98-9 ; the
main battle (Sat. lo Sept.), i. 99-101 ;
mentioned, i. 128
Piper, Walter, banished from Perth by
Beaton (Jan. 1544), i. 55
Pitcur, Tutor of. See Haliburton, James
Pitgorno, Lairds of See Scott, Thomas,
of Pitgorno ; Scott, Thomas, of Pit-
gorno and Abbotshall
Pitmilly, Laird of. See Monypenny, David
Pittarrow, Laird of See Wishart, Sir John
Pittendreich, Laird of. See Balfour, Sir
James
Pittendriech, Laird of. See Douglas, Sir
George
Pittenweem, Knox and Robert Hamilton
leave, by sea, for conference with
Percy at Alnwick (July 1559), i. 294
— Abbey. For Commendators of, see
Haliburton, James, Tutor of Pitcur ;
Moray, James Stewart, Earl of (2)
Placentia, Vincentius de, supported resolu-
tion at University of Bologna (1554)
that subjects may depose their prince,
ii. 132
Plato, quoted by Knox, ii. 14
Poissy, Colloquy of (Sept. 156 1), i. 368
and note 2
Polkellie, Helen Chalmers, wife of Robert
Mure of See Chalmers, Helen
Polkemmet, Laird of. See Shaw, Andrew
Pont, Robert [1524-1606 ; educated at
St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews ;
embraced the reformed faith ; present
at the first General Assembly, 1560 ;
preacher, successively, at Dunblane
and Dunkeld, 1562 ; Commissioner
of Moray and minister at Elgin, 1563 ;
Provost of Trinity College, Edinburgh,
1571 ; Lord of Session, 1572 ; pre-
sented to St. Cuthbert's, Edinburgh,
1578 ; six times Moderator of the
Genera) Assembly — Fasti Ecclesice
Scoticants, i. 93-4], candidate with
Bishop of Galloway for office of
Superintendent of Galloway (1563),
ii. 73 ; struck on the head with a
whinger by Captain Lauder, ii. 88,
marginal note ; translates Helvetian
Confession, ii. 190, note 3
Poor, defrauded and tyrannously sup-
pressed by usurped authority of the
Pope, i. 337 ; provision for, in the
Book of Discipline, ii. 290-1, 302-4 ;
General Assembly petitions Queen
(4 July 1562) that provision should
be made for, ii. 49-50 ; preachers are
vehement against all manner of vice,
including oppression of the poor
(winter 1562-63), ii. 64 ; request from
General Assembly (24 June 1565) to
Queen that provision should be made
for, ii. 149-50 ; her reply (21 Aug.),
ii. 153 ; remonstrance from Kyle
relating to teinds and maintenance of
(1566), ii. 194 ; resolution of General
Assembly (1567) relating to exaction
of teinds from poor labourers, ii. 214
Portents, strange fire which descends from
heaven and calf with two heads, i.
124 ; abnormal weather when Mary
arrives from France (1561), ii. 7 ;
great wet and frost, etc., sent by God
to show his displeasure with the great
iniquity of this realm (J an. -Feb. 1564),
i. Ixix-lxx, ii. 103
See also Famine ; Fiery besom
Porterfield, James, accompanies Bothwell
when he escapes from Edinburgh
Castle (28 Aug. 1562), ii. 54
Preachers. See Ministers
Preston [East Lothian], English army at
(Sept. 1547), i. 98 ; conference
between delegates of the Congrega-
tion and of the Queen Regent at
(July 1559). i- 197 ; Queen Regent,
on her death-bed, regrets that,
owing to bad advice, she did not agree
fully to the Lords at this conference,
i. 321 ; Lord Seton pursues Alexander
Whitelaw and William Knox to
Ormistonfrom (1559), i. 214 ; Chatel-
herault and other Lords meet English
army, coming to their aid, at (4 Apr.
1560), i. 311
(653)
INDEX 475
Preston, Laird of. See Hamilton, Sir David,
of Singleton
Preston, John [Bailie of Edinburgh], with
other magistrates, makes proclama-
tion against " monks, friars, priests,
nuns, adulterers, fornicators, and all
such filthy persons " (2 Oct. 1561),
ii. 21-22, 21, note 8
Preston, Sir Simon, of Craigmillar [Provost
of Edinburgh, 1538-43, 1544-45, and
again 1565-68], surrenders Craig-
millar Castle to the English (1544),
i. 57 ; " for his reward " he is made
to march on foot to London, i. 57-8 ;
"a right epicurean," i. 113; Mary
and Darnley order Council of Edin-
burgh to make him Provost (Aug.
1565), ii. 160 ; tries to prevent Prot-
estant Lords from entering Edin-
burgh (31 Aug. 1565), ii. 161 ;
negotiates with Mary for amount of
money to be lent by town, ii. 170 ;
though he " showed himself most
willing to set forward Religion, etc.,"
he remains Provost of Edinburgh, ii.
171 and note 2 ; when he hears of
murder of Riccio, he sounds the
alarm, and with a large force goes to
Palace, but is ordered home by
Darnley, ii. 180 ; persuades Arch-
bishop Hamilton to desist from coming
to Edinburgh in connection with dis-
charge of the new Commissaries, who
were exercising the former consistorial
jurisdiction of the Roman Church,
ii. 201
Prestonpans, English army at (Sept. 1547),
i. 98 ; the Congregation complain
that the town is oppressed by the
French (1559), i. 222
Printing, influence of, on progress of the
Reformation, i. xx-xxi
Privy Council [Acts of, and Supplications
to], Act against despoiling abbeys and
other religious houses (1546), i. xxiv ;
authorises Kirks of Lothian to choose
a Superintendent (1561), ii. 273 ;
Articles and Supplication presented
to, by the Brethren (28 May 1561),
i. 360-2 ; Act and Ordinance answer-
ing to every head of the foresaid
Articles passed, i. 362 ; Act for
destruction of all places and monu-
ments of idolatry (1561), i. 364 ; Act
against alteration in religion and
molestation of Queen's servants who
had come with her from France
(25 Aug. 1561), ii. 9-10 ; Petition of
ministers to, to have Bothwell,
d'Elboeuf and Lord John Stewart of
Coldingham punished for their attack
on Cuthbert Ramsay's house (Dec.
1 561), ii. 33-5 ; Acts relating to
Thirds (22 Dec. 1561), ii. 326-8 ;
VOL n 31
476
INDEX
(24 Jan. 1562), ii. 328-9; (12 Feb.
1562), ii. 329-30; (15 Feb. 1562),
ii. 331-2 ; Articles presented to,
requiring suppression of idolatry,
churches to be planted with true
ministers and provision made for
them, ii. 27-8
Privy Kirk, term explained and names
of some who composed it, i. 148 ;
form and order of election of elders
and deacons in the Privy Kirk of
Edinburgh, ii. 277-9
Protestant Lords, convene at Stirling
(15 July 1565), ii. 155 ; go to Argyll,
ii. 158 ; send Nicolas Elphinstone to
England for help, ii. 158 and note 7 ;
meet at Ayr (Aug. 1565) and decide
to be ready with their whole forces
(on 24 Aug.), ii. 158-9 ; come to
Paisley, then Hamilton, ii. 160 ; then
to Edinburgh (31 Aug.), ii. 161 ; fail
to get support in Edinburgh, ii. 161,
163 ; write to Queen (i Sept. 1565),
saying they are content to suffer
according to the laws of the land
provided true religion is established,
ii. 1 6 1-2 ; leave Edinburgh (2 Sept.)
for Lanark and Hamilton, ii. 163 ;
meet Herries and Douglas of Drum-
lanrig there, ii. 163 ; go to Dumfries
(5 Sept. 1565), ii. 163 ; two of their
troops captured and, on Queen's com-
mand, are hanged at Edinburgh, ii.
164 ; Herries writes to Mary on behalf
of the Lords, making offers, ii. 165 ;
Royal Proclamation read at Edin-
burgh warning lieges that the Lords,
under cloak of religion, are trying to
undermine the Queen's authority
(13 Sept. 1565), ii. 165-7 ; they
desire establishment of religion and
that the Queen should govern by her
Nobility and not by favourites, ii. 167 ;
continually appeal, through Herries,
to Queen to have true religion estab-
lished. Mass abolished, and govern-
ment by counsel of the Nobility, ii.
168 ; send Robert Melville to Eliza-
beth for help, ii. 168-9 '■> ride to
Annan and then to Carlisle, ii. 172 ;
banished to England and received by
Bedford, ii. 172 ; remain at Newcastle
while Moray goes to London to seek
aid from Elizabeth (Oct. 1565), ii.
172 ; though Elizabeth refuses aid to
Moray, she later sends help and writes
to Mary in their favour, ii. 173 ;
Knox publicly calls them " the best
part of the Nobility, chief members
of the Congregation," ii. 173 ; sum-
moned (Nov. 1565) to appear for
treason (4 Feb. 1566), ii. 173-4;
while in banishment, they endeavour
by all means possible, to be received
into favour by Mary, ii. 174 ; sus-
pected that Queen's severity towards,
was by advice of Riccio alone, ii. 177 ;
difficulty in proving their treason, but
Queen is determined they should be
attainted, ii. 178-9 ; return to Scot-
land (Mar. 1566) on invitation of
Darnley, i. Ixii, ii. i8i ; formal
appearance of, at Tolbooth, Edin-
burgh (12 Mar. 1566), ii. 182
For the previous history of the
Reformation movement, see Reformers,
Congregation and General Assembly ;
and for the subsequent combined
Protestant and Catholic opposition
to Mary, see Confederate Lords
Provincial Council, i. xv ; no Council held
between 1470 and 1536, i. xviii ;
(i549)> i- xvii, xxi ; (1559), i. xviii,
139 and note 5 ; " this unhappy
assembly of Baal's shaven sort," i. 75
Pullar, Laurence, banished from Perth by
Beaton (Jan. 1544), i. 55
Purves, William, slain in fracas with the
French in Edinburgh (i Oct. 1548),
i. 105
Railton, Gregory, Knox's letters to (23 Oct.
1 559), quoted, i. Ixxxviii, ii. 280, note 3 ;
(29 Jan. 1560), i. 279, note i, 281,
note 3
Raith, Laird of. See Melville, Sir John
Rambouillet, Jacques d'Angennes, sieur
de [French ambassador], arrives in
Scotland (Jan. 1566), with Order of
the Cockle from King of France for
Darnley, ii. 177
Ramsay, Cuthbert [a younger brother of
George Ramsay of Dalhousie ; ad-
mitted burgess of Edinburgh, 1560;
married, as his second wife, Janet
Fleming, relict of William Craik —
Scots Peerage, iii. 94], his house in Edin-
burgh attacked by Bothwell, d'Elboeuf
and Lord John Stewart of Coldingham
to molest his step-daughter, Alison
Craik, said te be Arran's mistress
(Dec. 1 561), ii. 33 ; ministers petition
Queen and Pri\'y Council to have the
perpetrators of this crime punished,
ii- 33-5
Randan, Charles de la Rochefoucault,
sieur de [Miles et Eques Auratus ;
brother of Francois, third comte de
Rochefoucault : gentilhomme ordin-
aire de la Chambre du roi Frangois H],
comes to Scotland to treat for peace
(16 June 1560), i. 322 ; transacts and
agrees to Articles [" concessions "]
granted to nobility and people of
Scotland by Mary and Francis, i. 323
Randolph, Thomas [1523-90 ; employed
by Queen Elizabeth on various diplo-
matic missions to Scotland — Diction-
ary of National Biography], mentioned,
i. 264, note 2 ; his comment, in a letter
to Cecil (7 Sept. 1561), on Knox's
oratorical powers, i. xlvii ; present at
marriage of Moray to Agnes Keith
(8 Feb. 1562), ii. 32, note 4, 33 ; that
he is taking part in negotiations be-
tween Mary and Elizabeth referred to,
ii- 33
Rankin, Laurence, of Shiel, " one of the
most wicked men " in Kyle, he is
converted by Wishart's sermon at
Mauchline (1545), i. 62
Rankin, Robert, signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept.
1562), ii. 56
Rannelt [Ranoldsone], James [skmner m
Perth], put to death for heresy at
Perth by Beaton (Jan. 1544), i- 55
and note 6
For his wife, see Stirk, Helene
Ranoldsone, James. See Rannelt, James
Raploch, Laird of. See Hamilton, Gavin,
of Raploch, Abbot of Kilwinning
Ratho, Laird of. See Marjoribanks,
Thomas
Raulet [Roulet, Raylie], Pierre, Mary's
secretary for French affairs displaced
by Riccio, ii. 106, note 6
Raulet [Roulet, Raylie], Madame Pierre
[wife of Mary's French secretary],
sends for Pittarrow when trouble arises
at Holyroodhouse (1563), ii. 87
Raylie. See Raulet
Read. See Reid
Readers, meeting of Brethren in Tolbooth
of Edinburgh (27 May 1561) decide
to appeal to Lords of Secret Council
that provision should be made for,
i. 360 ; stipends of, ii. 30 ; Book of
Discipline lays down rules for election
of, ii. 287-8 ; and for election and
stipends of, ii. 289-90
Reformers, martyrdom of Paul Craw
(? 1433), i. 7 ; Lollards of Kyle (1494),
i. 7-1 1 ; martyrdom of Patrick
Hamilton (1528), i. 11-14; Logie
and Winram at St. Andrews, i. 15 ;
Arth, i. 15-17 ; Sandie Furrour
forced to burn his bill, i. 18-19 ;
Richard Carmichael likewise, i. 19 ;
Alexander Seton driven into exile, i.
19-21 ; Henry Forrest martyred, i.
21-2 ; lull in persecution due to
political turmoil, i. 22 ; many Scots
find refuge in England, i. 22-3 ; and
in Germany, i. 23 ; a number of
people in Edinburgh and Leith
summoned before James Beaton, i. 24 ;
martyrdom of David Stratoun and
Norman Gourlay (27 Aug. 1534), i.
24-5 ; increased, chiefly because mer-
chants and mariners who frequented
foreign countries had heard the true
doctrine, i. 25 ; chief towns of, are
INDEX 477
Dundee and Leith where Cardinal
Beaton makes divers burn their bills,
i. 25-6 ; Sir John Borthwick burned
in effigy (28 May 1540), i. 26 and
note I ; martyrdom of Kyllour,
Beveridge, Simson, Forster and Forret
(28 Feb. 1539), i. 26 ; martyrdom
of Russell and Kennedy (Summer
1539), i. 27-8 ; persecution of, ceases
during war with England (1542), i.
32 ; after Chatelherault becomes
Governor (Dec. 1542), some reformers
are called to preach, i. 42 ; the
struggle for a time favours them and
Beaton is imprisoned, i. 43 ; freedom
given to read Scriptures in vernacular,
i. 43-5 ; with return to Scotland of
John Hamilton and David Paniter,
Guilliame and Rough are suppressed,
i. 48 ; martyrdom at Perth of Hunter,
Lamb, Anderson and Rannelt (Jan.
1544), i. 55 ; martyrdom of John
Roger, a Black Friar, at St. Andrews,
i. 56 ; account of life and martyrdom
of George Wishart, i. 60-74 > ^^'^
others, besieged in St. Andrews Castle
(1546-47), 1 79-81, 94-6; Knox
comes to St. Andrews, i. 81-4 ; his
first public sermon is preached there,
i. 84-6 ; Rough and Knox are
summoned before Winram, i. 87-92 ;
the " Castilians " taken prisoners to
France, i. 96-8, 107-10 ; at Battle
of Pinkie (Sept. 1547), Angus and
the Reformers are left by Chatel-
herault and Huntly to bear the main
brunt of the battle, i. 100 ; Ormiston,
Brunstane and the " Castilians " are
banished, i. loi ; martyrdom of
Adam Wallace at Edinburgh (1550),
i. 1 14-16; during war with England
" the Evangel of Jesus Christ began
wondrously to flourish," i. 125 ; they
invite Knox to Scotland (10 Mar.
1557), i. 132 ; Knox's reply (27 Oct.
1557), censuring and exhorting them,
i. 133-6 ; calling themselves the
Congregation, they sign a Band (3 Dec.
1557), i. xxix, xxxviii, 136-7
For subsequent history of the
Reformation movement, see Con-
gregation ; General Assembly ; Prot-
estant Lords ; Confederate Lords
Regents. See Arran, James Hamilton,
second Earl of ; Mary [of Lorraine],
Queen Consort of James V, King of
Scotland ; Moray, James Stewart,
Earl of (2)
Reid, Family of. Archbishop Hamilton tries
to stir up trouble in the south by setting
the Crawfords against (1562), ii. 57
Reid, Adam, of Barskimming ( i ), one of the
Lollards of Kyle, accused of heresy
before Robert Blacader, Archbishop
478
INDEX
of Glasgow (1494), i. 8 ; cross-
examined by Blacader and James IV,
i. lo-i I, II, note 2
Reid, Adam, of Barskimming (2), signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Reid, George, of Chapelhouse, signs Band
at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Reid [Read], George, of Daldinning, mans
Mauchline kirk to the exclusion of
George Wishart, i. 61
Reid, James, signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept.
1562), ii. 56
Reid, John, signs Band at Ayr (4 Sept.
1562), ii. 56
Reid, Matthew [minister of North Ber-
wick], early owner of the Laing MS.
of the History, i. xcv
Reid, Robert, Bishop of Orkney [educated,
St. Andrews ; Abbot of Kinloss, 1528 ;
Abbot, in commendam, of Beauly, 1 530 ;
employed on diplomatic missions to
England and France ; made many
improvements at Kinloss and Beauly ;
provided to Orkney, 1541 ; made
many improvements at Kirkwall ;
succeeded Alexander Myln, Abbot of
Cambuskenneth, as President of the
College of Justice, 1548 ; died, 1558 ;
his bequest to the magistrates of Edin-
burgh led to the foundation of the
present university — Dowden, Bishops
of Scotland, 265-7], earnest for reform,
i. xix ; at trial for heresy of Adam
Wallace (1550), i. 115 ; in France at
Mary's marriage, i. 129, note 8 ; his
illness at Dieppe, talk with Moray,
and death (6 Sept. 1558), i. 130 ;
Knox unjust to, i. Lxxiii
Reid, Walter, Abbot of Kinloss [nephew
of Robert Reid (q.v.), Abbot of Kin-
loss, Bishop of Orkney ; Abbot of
Kinloss, 1553 ; embraced the re-
formed faith ; died before 1589 —
Records of Kinloss, Ii, Ivi], signs ratifica-
tion of Contract of Berwick (27 Feb.
1560) at Leith (10 May 1560), i. 308
Renti, Battle of (1554), mentioned, i. iii,
note 10
Resby, James, burned at Perth (1407),
i. 7, note 2
Restalrig, Sinclair, Bishop of Brechin and
Dean of Restalrig, begins to preach
in his kirk there, i. 131 ; Paniter at,
i. 131 ; skirmish between forces of the
Congregation and the French at
(6 Nov. 1559), i. 262-3 ; English
army comes to, for siege of Leith
(6 Apr. 1560), i. 312 ; English camp
moved from, to west side of Water
of Leith, i. 317
For Deans of, see Hay, — ; Sinclair,
John, Bishop of Brechin. For Laird
of, see Logan, Sir Robert
Rheims, Queen Regent buried there, i.
359, note 7 ; Moray visits Mary Queen
of Scots at (1561), i. 362
Riccarton [Kincardineshire], Laird of.
See Hepburn, Alexander, of Whitsome
and Riccarton
Riccarton [Linlithgow], Laird of. See
Drummond, Henry
Riccio, David [? 1533-66 ; Italian ;
accompanied the ambassador of the
Duke of Savoy to Scotland, 1561 ;
became French secretary to Queen
Mary, 1564 ; obtained considerable
influence over Mary and probably
persuaded her to a policy independent
of Moray and Lethington ; hated by
Darnley ; murdered, 1566 — Dictionary
oj National Biography^, " that knave
Davie," i. 44 ; " that poltroon and
vile knave Davie " — his assassination
referred to, i. 11 2 and note 2 ; alleged
that Mary gave Great Seal to, i. 253,
marginal note, and note 2 ; Mary loses
" her trusty servant Davy," ii. 5 ; his
great influence at Court, ii. 106 and
noto 5-6, 14.1, marginal note, 148 ; with
other favourites, his counsel preferred
by Queen rather than that of her
Nobility,ii. 167; his influence at Court
increases, ii. 173 ; Mary especially
governed by, ii. 1 75 ; his " over-great
familiarity " with the Queen already
suspected, and her severity towards
Protestant Lords held to be by his
advice alone, ii. 177 ; Queen gives
him a seal " like the King's " to use at
" the Queen's command, alleging that
the King being at his pastime, could
not always be present," ii. 178 ; mur-
dered (9 Mar. 1566), i. Ixii, ii. 179-80 ;
was to be made Chancellor at next
Parliament, ii. 179 ; a bond made
against him, signed by Darnley and
his father, ii. 179-80 ; Lennox,
Moray and other Lords, in Council,
advise the Queen to reconcile herself
to his death, ii. 181 ; through Both-
well, most of his murderers get
" remission and relief," ii. 189, 191 ;
Henry Yair, servant of Lord Ruthven,
having been present at murder of
Riccio, is condemned to death ( i Apr.
1566), ii. 189 and note 5 ; Darnley is
buried beside him, ii. 202
Riccio, Joseph [brother of David Riccio],
one of the murderers of Darnley, ii.
203
Richardson, Robert [burgess ot Edin-
burgh ; Clerk of the Treasury, acted
as Lord High Treasurer after 1558 ;
oflficially appointed as Treasurer,
1561 ; Prior, in commendam, of St.
Mary's Isle, 1559— Laing's Knox, i.
372-3], Congregation say he can bear
witness to their proper use of the
i.
minting-irons, i. 199 ; by terms of
Appointment of Leith (24 July 1559)
the Congregation agree to return
minting-irons to, i. 203 ; attends
' Reformation Parliament ' (1560), i.
335 ' present at Privy Council which
passes Act for the Thirds of the
benefices (22 Dec. 1561), ii. 29, 326 ;
appointed by Privy Council (24 Jan.
1562) a Commissioner to deal with
Thirds, ii. 329 ; mentioned, ii. 169
Ridpath, Andrew, capturer of Huntly at
Battle of Corrichie (28 Oct. 1562), ii.
61, note I
Rigg, Hugh, of Carberry [admitted
advocate, 1537 ; obtained the lands
of Carberry, 1543], Thomas Scott,
Justice-Clerk, sends him to Balnaves
to ask his forgiveness for falsely accus-
ing professors of Christ's Evangel, i.
29 ; said that he advised Scottish
army to abandon its position before
Battle of Pinkie (Sept. 1547), i. 99
Rochefoucault, Charles de la, sieur de
Randan. See Randan
Rochester, Bishopric of, Knox declines,
i. XXXV
Roger, — [a Black Friar], receives per-
mission from Queen to preach (c. Dec.
1565), ii. 175
Roger, John [a Black Friar], murdered at
St. Andrews by order of Beaton, i. 56
and note i
Roman Catholic Church, corruption in,
i. xv-xx ; all reference to the Pope
omitted in Hamilton's Catechism ( 1 552),
i. xix ; influence on, of expanding
knowledge through printing, i. xx-
xxiv ; economic causes of the Refor-
mation, i. XXV— xxvii ; political con-
sequences— Papists allied with France,
Protestants with England — i. xxvii-
xxxi ; Provincial Council of, called
by Knox " their unhappy assembly of
Baal's shaven sort," i. 75 ; Knox
attacks, i. 83-92 ; Popery condemned
in the Letter to the Nobility from the
Congregation (22 May 1559), i.
167-8 ; the clergy not to be molested
in any way by the Congregation till
meeting of Parliament (on 10 Jan.
1560) agreed to in Appointment of
Leith (24 July 1559), i. 203 ; Papists
complain that this clause is omitted
by the Congregation in their Proc-
lamation (26 July), i. 205-6 ; con-
demned in Supplication to ' Refor-
mation Parliament,' i. 336-8 ; Act,
abolishing jurisdiction of the Pope,
passed by Parliament (24 Aug. 1560),
^- 3395 341 ; Bishops hold council at
Stirling (1561), i. 356 ; meeting of
Brethren in Edinburgh (27 May
1 561) decide to appeal to the Lords
INDEX 479
of Secret Council " that punishment
be appointed against such as
purchase, bring home, or execute
within this Realm, the Pope's Bulls,"
i. 361 ; Knox, before the Queen,
denounces the Roman Church (4 Sept.
1 561), ii. 16 ; she maintains it is the
true kirk, ii. 17 ; he retorts that it is
the " Roman harlot . . . polluted
with all kind of spiritual fornication,"
ii. 17-19 ; to receive two Thirds of
their benefices, ii. 28 ; texts of the
Acts of the Privy Council relating to
the Thirds of the benefices (1561-62),
ii. 326-32 ; regulation of the two
Thirds for " those idle bellies " sought
by the General Assembly (4 July
1562), ii. 50 ; General Assembly
petitions (25 June 1565) the Queen
to ratify in Parliament suppression
of papal jurisdiction, ii. 148-9 ;
Darnley writes to the Pope, blaming
Mary for not " managing the Catholic
cause aright," ii. 190 ; that popery
should be abolished, with arms
if necessary, resolved by General
Assembly (20 July 1567), ii. 215
Knox's terms for the Pope (by
which he means the Roman Church
as a whole) : " that Roman Anti-
christ," i. 5, 45, 81, 87, 223, ii. 6, 14 ;
" that harlot of Babylon, Rome," i.
49-50 ; " Roman harlot," i. 373 ;
" lieutenant to Sathan," i. 228 ; " that
man of sin," i. 223, ii. 3
Roman Catholic Clergy in Scotland, Reid
of Barskimming tells the Bishops that
they do not preach the Evangel but
" play the proud prelates " (1494), i.
10 ; Friar Alexander Seton's mocking
reply to accusation that he said that
a Bishop who does not preach was
a " dumb dog," i. 20-1 ; Rough and
Knox accused of saying that a Bishop
who does not preach is no Bishop
(1547), i. 87 ; Petition of Protestants
to Queen Regent (20 Nov. 1558) that
the " wicked, slanderous and detest-
able life of prelates " should be re-
formed, i. 151 ; " whoredom and
idolatry agree well together," i. 319 ;
immorality of Papistical rabble, ii.
68 ; Knox asserts that " a Bishop
that receives profit, and feeds not the
flock ... is both a thief and a
murderer," ii. 90 ; the Papists flock
to Edinburgh and get permission from
the Queen to preach (c. Dec. 1565),
Knox's terms for them : " Baal's
bleating priests," ii. 23 ; " Baal's
Priests," i. 128, marginal note ; " Baal's
shaven sort," i. 15 ; " beasts," i. 28,
74 ; " bloody bands," i. 22 ; " bloody
480
INDEX
beasts," i. 13, 22, 23, 26, 28 ; " those
bloody butchers," i. 27 ; " bloody
men of war," i. 172 ; " bloody
wolves," i. 6, 170; "cruel beasts,"
i. 28, 165 ; " cruel murderers," i. 149 ;
"cruel wolves," i. 15; "dumb
doctors and the rest of that foresworn
rabble," i. 20 ; " dumb dogs," i. 9,
115, ii. 31 ; "foresworn shavelings,"
i. 223 ; " generation of Antichrist,"
i. 128, 171 ; " generation of Sathan,"
i. 7 ; " godless tyrants," i. 27 ;
"horned bishops," ii. 31 ; "idiot
doctors," i. 28 ; " idle bellies," i.
126, 223, 225, ii. 31, 50 ; " idle bellies
and bloody tyrants," i. 243 ; " mes-
sengers of Sathan," i. 14 ; " pestilent
generation of that Roman Antichrist,"
i. 361 ; " pestilent Papists," i. 164,
167, 171, ii. 4, 79, 97; "pestilent
Prelates," i. 171 ; "rabble," i. 114,
168 ; " rotten Papists," i. 127 ; " ser-
vants of the devil, dumb dogs and
horned bishops, idle bellies," ii. 31 ;
"shavelings," i. 127, 171, 206, 223;
" stinking harlots," i. 223 ; " thieves
and murderers," i. 337 ; " tyrants
and dumb dogs," i. 361 ; " vermin of
shavelings," i. 242 ; " wolves, thieves,
murderers and idle bellies," i. 363
See also Papists
Roman Catholic Doctrine, Confession to
priests, i. 7, ii. 237 ; Holy water, i. 131 ;
Indulgences, i. 9, 236 ; Miracles, i. 9,
15, 16; Pardons, i. 9, 20, 85, 131 ;
Pilgrimages, i. 13, 20, 85, 131, 336 ;
Prayers for the dead, i. 13, 87, 1 15-16,
152 ; Prayers to the dead, i. 13, 87,
152 ; Prayers to saints, i. 7, 13, 20,
"5> 152, 336 ; Purgatory, i. 9, 13, 20,
86, 87, 91, 92, 115, 1 15-16, 130, 131,
152, 336, ii. 241
Ross, Superintendent of, to reside in
Fortrose, laid down in the Book of
Discipline, ii. 292
For Bishops of, see Leslie, John,
Bishop of Ross ; Paniter [Panter],
David ; Sinclair, Henry
Ross, Henry Stewart, Earl of. See Darnley,
Henry Stewart, Lord
Ross, James Ross, fourth Lord [succeeded his
father, Ninian, third Lord Ross, 1556 ;
is said to have been neutral during
the Reformation struggle ; supporter
of Queen Mary ; adhered to the
Roman faith; married Jean, daughter
of Robert, third Lord Sempill {q.v.) ;
died, 1581 — Scots Peerage, vii. 252-4],
one of the assize appointed to try
Bothwell for murder of Darnley
(12 Apr. 1567), ii. 204
Ross, John, of Craigie, aids Beaton and his
faction to turn James V against a
large number of the nobles, i. 34
Rothes, Andrew Leslie, fifth Earl of [suc-
ceeded his father, George, fourth Earl
of Rothes, 1 558, confirmed 1565; joined
the Lords of the Congregation, 1 559 ;
died, 161 1 — Scots Peerage, vii. 292-5],
comes to aid of Reformers at Cupar
(June 1559), i. 183 ; decided that he
should stay in Fife when Lords of the
Congregation divide their forces be-
tween Glasgow and St. Andrews, i.
298 (and cf. i. 276) ; signs Instruc-
tions (10 Feb. 1560) to Commissioners
sent to Berwick to treat with Norfolk,
i. 310 ; signs ratification of Contract
of Berwick (27 Feb. 1560) at Leith
(10 May 1560), i. 308 ; signs " Last
Band at Leith " at Edinburgh (27 Apr.
1560), i. 315 ; subscribes Book of
Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), i. 345, ii.
324; present at Privy Council which
passes Act relating to Thirds (22 Dec.
1 561), ii. 326 ; attends General
Assembly (June 1564), but joins group
of Courtiers who sit apart, ii. 107 ;
attends meeting of Lords at Stirling
(15 July 1565) to discuss matters
before meeting of Parliament, ii. 155 ;
Lindsay's rivalry with, for Sheriffship
of Fife, exploited by Papists, ii. 157 ;
put to the horn (7 Aug. 1565), ii. 158
and note 4 ; joins Protestant Lords at
Ayr (Aug. 1565), ii. 158 ; one of the
Protestant Lords who march on Edin-
burgh (31 Aug.), ii. 161 ; his house
confiscated by Mary, ii. 164 ; in
Council, advises the Queen to recon-
cile herself to the death of Riccio, ii.
181 ; unwilling to face Queen's fury,
leaves Edinburgh (17 Mar. 1566), ii.
183 ; one of the assize appointed to
try Bothwell (12 Apr. 1567), ii. 204,
note 2 ; summoned to Edinburgh by
General Assembly (June 1567) to
settle true worship of the Kirk, ii. 213 ;
but excuses himself on grounds that
he could not come with safety to
Edinburgh, ii„2i4
Rothes, George Leslie, fourth Earl of [suc-
ceeded his father, William, third Earl
of Rothes, 1513 ; accused of com-
plicity in the assassination of Cardinal
Beaton, but was acquitted ; sup-
ported the policy of the ' auld alliance,'
but, nevertheless, had earlier inclined
towards an alliance with England ;
died at Dieppe, 1558 — Scots Peerage,
vii. 281-92], at Huntly Castle, i. 53 ;
commanded by Chatelherault to come
with Lord Gray and Henry Balnaves
to Dundee (Nov. 1543), i. 53 ; they
are met by Chatelherault and Beaton
outside Dundee on their way to Perth,
i. 53-4 ; after parleys they are cajoled
into going to Perth with Chatelherault,
INDEX
481
i. 54-5 ; on reaching Perth they are
arrested and sent to Blackness Castle
(Nov. 1543), i. 55 ; in France at
Mary's marriage, i. 129, note 8 ; his
death, i. 130
Rothes, Norman Leslie, Master of. See
Leslie, Norman, Master of Rothes
Rothiemay, Huntly meets Mary at (1562),
ii. 58
Rouen, the " Castilians " taken in French
galleys to, where the principal gentle-
men are dispersed in sundry prisons
and rest kept in the galleys, i. 97 ;
Henry Balnaves imprisoned in Castle
of, i. 107 ; Knox imprisoned in a
galley at, i. 107, note 7 ; WiUiam and
Robert Leslie escape from prison at
Mont St. Michel to, i. no ; Scottish
merchants lose some of their privileges
there, i. 140
Rough, John [1510-57 ; educated, St.
Leonard's College, St. Andrews ;
entered the order of the Dominicans
at Stirling ; embraced the reformed
faith ; one of the chaplains to Chatel-
herault, 1 543 ; withdrew to Ayr, 1 543 ;
entered the Castle of St. Andrews,
1 546 ; passed to England and became
a Protestant preacher in London,
1547 ; martyred at Smithfield, 1557
— Dictionary of National Biography],
preaches under protection of Chatel-
herault after he becomes Governor,
i. 42 ; maligned by the Grey Friars,
i. 42-3 ; after return of John Hamil-
ton, Abbot of Paisley, to Scotland
(Apr. 1543), he is forbidden to preach
and departs to Kyle, i. 48 ; one of the
" Castilians," he preaches in the
town of St. Andrews after the first
siege is raised (17 Dec. 1546), i. 81 ;
urges Knox to preach at St. Andrews
( 1 547) , i. 82 ; in a sermon publicly calls
on Knox to preach, i. 83 ; troubled
in his preaching by John Annand,
" a rotten Papist," and fortified by
Knox's pen, i. 83 ; summoned before
John Winram, Sub-prior of St.
Andrews (1547), i. 87
Roulet. See Raulet
Roundabout Raid (1565), ii. 17 1-2
Row, John [? 1 526-80 ; educated, St.
Leonard's College, St. Andrews ;
appointed as agent for the Scottish
clergy at Rome, 1550 ; returned to
Scotland and embraced the reformed
faith, 1559 ; admitted to Kennoway,
1560 ; played an important part in
drafting the Book of Discipline and the
Confession of Faith, 1560 ; translated
to Perth, 1 560 ; four times Moderator
of the General Assembly ; died, 1 580
— Fasti Ecclesia Scoticante, iv. 229],
appointed minister at Perth (1560),
i. 334 ; appointed, with others, to
draw up the Book of Discipline, i. 343 ;
on question " Whether that subjects
might put to their hand to suppress
the idolatry of their Prince ? " votes
in the affirmative (Nov. 1561), ii. 23 ;
appointed to confer with Lords at
General Assembly (June 1564), ii.
108 ; appointed by General Assembly
(Dec. 1565) to draw up Answers to
the Queen's Answers to their Articles,
ii. 151, note 5 ; appointed by General
Assembly (Dec. 1565) a Commissioner
to seek from the Queen redress of
grievances, ii. 1 76 ; General Assembly
(25 Dec. 1566) appoints him to assist
Bishop of Galloway in putting into
effect Queen's offer of portion of
Thirds for ministers' stipends, ii. 194 ;
his mission to Queen at Stirling is
successful, ii. 194 ; sent by General
Assembly (June 1567) to certain Lords
requiring them to come to Edinburgh
to settle true worship of the Kirk, ii.
213
Rowallan, Laird of. See Mure, John, of
Rowallan
Rubay, Yves de [in contemporary French
documents is described as " Conseiller
du Roy et Maistre des Requestes
Ordinaires de son hostel et garde des
sceaulx d'escosse "], Andrew Durie's
rhyme on, i. 129 and note 5 ; Keeper
of the Great Seal, i. 140, 153 and
note I
Russell, Francis, second Earl of Bedford.
See Bedford
Russell, Jerome, a Franciscan friar, appre-
hended in Diocese of Glasgow and
burned (summer 1539), i. 27-8
Rutherford, John, of Hunthill, identified
with " Hunthill," who signs " Last
Band at Leith " (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316
Ruthven, Patrick Ruthven, third Lord
[? 1 520-66 ; educated, St. Andrews ;
succeeded his father, William, second
Lord Ruthven, 1552 ; Provost of Perth,
supported the Lords of the Congre-
gation, 1559 ; played a leading part
in the murder of Riccio, 1566 ; fled
to England, where he died the same
year — Scots Peerage, iv. 261], defends
Perth successfully against forces of
Charteris and Lord Gray, who are
trying to force the town to accept
Charteris as Provost (22 July 1544),
i. 52-3 ; refuses to execute Queen
Regent's order to suppress Protestants
in the town ( 1 559) , i. 159; deserts town
and goes to Queen Regent (23 May
1559), i. 172 ; secretly leaves Perth
and refuses to return at Queen
Regent's order, i. 180 ; comes from
Perth to aid of Reformers at Cupar
482
INDEX
(June 1559), i. 183 ; takes charge
of cavalry at Cupar Muir, i. 184 ;
appointed to reply to Huntly, Mar
and Bellenden, who had ordered
Reformers to desist from besieging
Perth (June 1559), i. 188-9 ; begins
assault on Perth (24 June 1559), i.
189 ; sent by the Congregation as
delegate to the Queen Regent ( 1 2 July
1559), i. 195-6 ; one of the delegates
of the Congregation at the conference
with the Queen Regent's delegates at
Preston (July 1559), i. 197 ; mediator
for Congregation in Edinburgh with
Queen Regent (July 1559), i. 200;
signs letter from Lords of the Con-
gregation to Cecil (19 July 1559), i.
290, note I ; pledge for observing parts
of Appointment agreed upon at Links
of Leith (24 July 1559), i. 203 ; signs
letter to Queen Regent protesting
against fortifying of Leith by the
French (19 Sept. 1559), i. 230 ;
Queen Regent tries to win him over
to her side, i. 233 and note 3 ; states
case for deposition of Queen Regent
(21 Oct. 1559), i. 249 ; " a man of
great experience, and inferior to few
in stoutness," sent by Arran and
Moray to Kinghorn (Jan. 1560),
i. 276 ; renders valuable assistance in
skirmish at Petty cur, Kinghorn (7 Jan.
1560), i. 277 ; sent as one of the
Commissioners by the Congregation to
Norfolk at Berwick (Feb. 1 560) , i. 302 ;
his instruction (10 Feb. 1560), i. 308-
310; one of the Commissioners who
negotiated and signed Contract of
Berwick (27 Feb. 1560), i. 303, 307 ;
meets English army at Preston (4 Apr.
1560), i. 312 ; signs " Last Band at
Leith " at Edinburgh (27 Apr. 1560),
i. 315 ; Mary consults Knox about
a ring he has offered to her, ii. 72 ;
present at Council before which Knox
is summoned (Dec. 1563), ii. 93 ;
supports Knox before the Council,
ii. 95, 96 ; Mary's Council consists
of Lennox, AthoU and (May 1565),
ii. 148 ; present at Council before
which Knox is summoned (Aug.
1565), ii. 160 ; one of the murderers
of Riccio (9 Mar. 1566), ii. 179;
" prudently gave counsel to take just
punishment upon that knave Davie "
[Riccio], i. 44 ; in Council, advises
the Queen to reconcile herself to the
death of Riccio, ii. 181
For his wife, see Stewart, Lady Janet
Ruthven, William Ruthven, second Lord
[succeeded his grandfather, William,
first Lord Ruthven, 1528 ; Keeper
of the Privy Seal, 1546 ; died, 1552
— Scots Peerage, iv. 259], supports
reading Bible in vernacular (1543),
i. 44 ; Beaton, who hates him " by
reason of his knowledge of God's
word," stirs up trouble between him
and Lord Gray, i. 52
Ruthven, William Ruthven, fourth Lord,
and first Earl of Gowrie. See Cowrie
Sacraments, opinions on, of the Lollards,
i. 9, 10 ; abused and profaned by the
Papists, i. 18, 336, 339, 340, ii. 48,
49, 51, 88 ; Brethren in Edinburgh
petition Lords of Secret Council that
abusers and contemners of, should be
punished (27 May 1561), i. 360 ;
according to the Confession of Faith, ii.
268-71 ; right ministration of, one
of the " certain and infallible signs
of the true Kirk," ii. 271 ; according
to the Book of Disciplitie, ii. 282-3 ;
Knox's emphasis on the ' right
ministration " of, i. 87, 145, 146, 148,
i54> 157, 165, 172, i95> 197. 212,
314, 340, H. 3
See also Baptism ; Excommunica-
tion ; Lord's Supper ; Marriage ;
Mass
Sadler, Sir Ralph [1507-87 ; English
diplomatic envoy to Scotland ; sent
to reside in Edinburgh on death of
James V to counteract influence of
Cardinal Beaton ; played a leading
part in the English diplomacy in
Scotland, 1 559-60 — Dictionary of
National Biography], his insinuations
against Mary of Lorraine (1543)
cited, i. 40, note 3 ; sent as ambassador
to Scotland (Mar. 1543) to contract
perpetual amity between England and
Scotland, i. 45 ; marriage contract
between Mary Queen of Scots and
Prince Edward solemnised by Chatel-
herault and (1543), i- 46 ; receives
Scots copy of marriage contract be-
tween Mary and Prince Edward, i.
47 ; commissioned by Henry VIII to
demand from Chatelherault causes of
his desertion from English alliance
and to threaten him with war, i. 50 ;
recalled to England by Henry VIII,
i. 51 ; letter to Cecil from (8 Sept.
1559), cited, i. 236, note 5 ; letter from
Balnaves to (23 Sept. 1559), cited,
i. 232, note 6 ; supplies money to
Congregation but their agent. Cock-
burn of Ormiston, is waylaid by
Bothwell and despoiled of it, i. xlvii,
258 ; mentioned, i. xlv, note 5, 264,
note 2, 279, note 1
St. Andrews, Castle, Beaton keeps Chatel-
herault's son, as a hostage for his father's
allegiance, at, i. 50 and note 7 ; John
Roger murdered by order of Beaton
at, i. 56 ; fortified by Beaton, i. 59 ;
Beaton strengthens his " Babylon,"
i. 75 and note i ; George Wishart
imprisoned in (Jan. 1546), i. 72 ;
Wishart taken there after his trial in
the Abbey, ii. 244 ; murder of Car-
dinal Beaton at (29 May 1546), i.
76-8 ; to win favour of Chatelherault,
Angus and his brother. Sir George
Douglas, are the first to suggest that it
should be besieged, i. 79 ; first siege
of (Sept.-Dec. 1546), i. 79-81 ; siege
of, decided upon, i. 79 ; duration of
siege, i. 80 and note i ; negotiations for
a truce between Governor and mur-
derers of Beaton besieged in (17 Dec.
I546),i. 8o-i ; agreed ( 1 7 Dec. 1546)
that " Castilians " should keep the
Castle till Pope gives absolution for
murder of Beaton, that they should not
be proceeded against by law, and that
they should retain Governor's son as
hostage, i. 81 ; Knox comes to (Apr.
1547), i. 81 ; absolution for murder
of Beaton comes, but is rejected by
" Castilians," i. 94 ; besieged by
French galleys (1547), i. 95 ; French
galleys, failing in attack, withdraw to
Dundee, i. 95 ; siege of, by land,
begun (24 July 1547), i. 95 ; de-
fenders boast of strength of the walls,
but Knox prophesies that they
should be " but egg-shells," i. Ixx, 95 ;
sufTers heavily from enemy's cannon
(31 July 1547), i. 96 ; " Castihans "
surrender to French (31 July 1547),
and accept terms that, on being taken
to France, they will have freedom to
go anywhere except to Scotland, i. 96
they refuse to treat with Chatelherault
i. 96 ; siege of, referred to, i. 241
razed to the ground, i. 98 ; Bothwell
Arran and Gavin Hamilton im^
prisoned by Queen in (1562), ii. 42
For history of the " Castilians "
after final surrender of the Castle, see
Castilians
St. Andrews, Diocese, Arran loses his part of
the revenues of (i 561), ii. 28 ; consis-
torial court of, restored, ii. 201 and
note 2 ; Bothwell receives decision
from this court that his marriage with
Lady Jean Gordon had been null,
ii. 205, note 4
For Bishops of, see Beaton, David,
Cardinal, Archbishop of St. Andrews ;
Forman, Andrew ; Hamilton, John,
Archbishop of St. Andrews
— Priory, John Winram, Sub-prior,
begins work of Reformation among
the novices after martyrdom of Patrick
Hamilton, i. 15 ; ordnance for siege
of Castle placed " high upon the
Abbey Kirk" (1547), i. 95
For Priors of, see Hepburn, Patrick,
INDEX 483
Bishop of Moray ; Moray, James
Stewart, Earl of (2). For the Sub-
prior, see Winram, John
St. Andrews, St. Leonard's College, Refor-
mation work begins at, through labours
of Gavin Logic, after martyrdom of
Patrick Hamilton, i. 15
— St. Salvator's College, Patrick Hamil-
ton burnedinfront of (1528), i. 13-14 ;
ordnance for siege of Castle placed
there (1547), i. 95
— Town, Paul Craw burned for heresy
at (?i433), i- 7 ; martyrdom of
Patrick Hamilton at (1528), i. 12-14 ;
Sandie Furrour tried for heresy at,
i. 18-19 ; Henry Forrest of Linlith-
gow burned at, for possessing a New
Testament in English (?I533), i.
21-2, 22, note 2 ; Cardinal Beaton
compels divers in, to burn their bills,
i. 25-6 ; Beaton, after being released
from prison, returns to (1543), i. 43 ;
martyrdom of George Wishart at
(i Mar. 1546), i. xxxiii, 74 ; John
Rough, one of the " Castilians,"
preaches in the town after first siege
is raised (17 Dec. 1546), i. 81 ; John
Knox's first public sermon is preached
at (1547), i. 84-6 ; Papists' crafty
plan to foil Knox, by occupying the
pulpit each Sunday, and preaching
inoffensive sermons, i. 93 ; Knox,
who " smelled out the craft," preaches
on weekdays and warns the people
against it, i. 93 ; Knox, a prisoner
in a French galley off the town, fore-
tells his release, and that he will again
preach there, i. xxxiv, xliv, 109 (and
cf. i. 182) ; Walter Myln martyred at
(28 Apr. 1558), i. xxxviii, 153 ;
Argyll and Moray come from Perth
to, and call a meeting there (for
4 June 1559) for ' reformation,' i. 181 ;
Knox proposes to preach at, and
Archbishop Hamilton warns him not
to, i. 181 ; Knox's friends advise him
to heed the warning, i. 181 ; but he
declares his intention to preach in
spite of threats, i. 181-2 ; preaches
(11 June 1559), i. xliv, 182; and
thus fulfils a prophecy [see i. xxxiv,
xliv, 109) ; destruction of " all
monuments of idolatry " follows
" with expedition," i. 182 ; Arch-
bishop Hamilton and Queen Regent,
enraged at the said destruction,
decide to invade the town, i. 83 ;
the townsmen support Reformers at
Cupar (June 1559), i. 183, 184 ; after
signing of Assurance at Cupar ( 1 3 June
1559), some discreet men are to be
sent to Lords of the Congregation at
St. Andrews " with further knowledge
of the Queen's mind," i. 185 ; after
484
INDEX
truce at Cupar (13 June), Argyll and
Moray go to, i. 186 ; Knox and
Kirkcaldy of Grange decide to seek
aid from England in conference at
(June 1559), i. 287 ; Knox's letter
(15 Aug. 1559) to Cecil, dated from,
mentioned, i. 296, note 2 ; letter from
Moray to Queen Regent ( i Oct. 1 559)
dated from, i. 235 ; that Queen
Regent " invaded the persons of
sundry Noble men and Barons " con-
vened at (June 1559), given as one
reason for deposing her (21 Oct.
I559)> i- 252 ; French determine to
capture and fortify the town, Abbey
and Castle (Jan. 1560), i. 276 ;
Moray and Arran go from Stirling to,
i. 276 ; hearing that French have
marched from Stirling, they leave
St. Andrews and assemble their forces
at Cupar, i. 276 ; French vow to
destroy the town, i. 280 ; scheme
foiled by loss of victuals and ordnance,
i. 281 ; Knox's letter to Lords at
Glasgow (6 Feb. 1560), dated from,
i. 301 ; thanks given to God at, for
delivery of Fife " from the bondage
of those bloody worms " [the French],
i. 301 ; pledges for English help to be
ready (24 Feb. 1560) at (Instructions
to Commissioners at Berwick, 10 Feb.),
i. 308 ; Superintendent of Fife to
reside in, laid down in the Book of
Discipline, ii. 292 ; Christopher Good-
man appointed minister at, i. 334 ;
Queen visits (Sept. 1561), which " she
polluted with her idolatry," ii. 20 ;
Mary and her Court at (Mar.-May
1562), ii. 37 ; Council held at (18 Apr.
1562), following Arran's accusations
against his father, ii. 42 ; Chastelard
tried and executed at (22 Feb. 1563),
ii. 69; Moray at (1565), ii. 156;
taxed by Queen to pay her troops, ii.
164, note 2 ; Barons and Lairds of Fife
compelled by Queen to subscribe a
Band at, for defence of Fife (12 Sept.
1565), ii. 164 and note 5 ; Lundie,
Scott of Pitgorno, Murray of Balvaird
and others imprisoned by Queen at
(Sept. 1565), ii. 164 ; Chatelherault,
Glencairn, Argyll, etc. summoned to,
and failing to appear are put to the
horn (Sept. 1565), ii. 165 ; Mary
and Darnley leave, for Edinburgh
(Sept. 1565), ii. 165 (but cf. ii. 165,
note 4) ; Superintendents meet at
(Sept. 1566), and reply to Reformed
churches of the Continent that they
agree in all points of doctrine with
them, ii. 190 ; Knox living at (1571-
1572), i. Ixvi-lxvii
For Provosts of, see Learmonth, Sir
James ; Learmonth, Sir Patrick
St. Andrews University, Knox may have
attended, as a student, i. xxxii ; courses
of study at, proposed in the Book of
Discipline, ii. 297-9 '■> bursars, ii. 300 ;
stipends, ii. 300-1
St. John, James Sandilands, first Lord.
See Torphichen, James Sandilands,
first Lord
Saint Johnston. See Perth
St. Mary's Isle, Priors of. See Paniter
[Panter], David, Bishop of Ross ;
Richardson, Robert
St. Michael, Order of [Order of the
Cockle], given to Chatelherault, i.
102 ; and to Huntly, Argyll and
Angus, i. 103 ; and to Darnley
(10 Feb. 1566), ii. 177-8, 177, note 2
Salm, Jean Philippe, comte de, called the
Rhinegrave, befriends Moray in Paris
(1561), i. 362-3
Sanderson, John, apprehended in Edin-
burgh for adultery and sentenced to
be carted, but the " rascal multitude "
break the cart and rescue him (Nov.
1560), i. 355-6 ; the craftsmen are
responsible for that uproar, i. 358
Sandilands, Alison [daughter of Sir James
Sandilands of Calder, and wife of
John Cockburn of Ormiston ; died,
1584], her children instructed by
Adam Wallace and his wife, i. 1 14
Sandilands, Sir James, first Lord Tor-
phichen. See Torphichen
Sandilands, Sir James, of Calder [was
apparently chosen by the barons to
intercede with the Queen Regent
against her proposal to establish a
standing army by means of a tax, 1 555 ;
died, Dec. 1559 — Scots Peerage, viii.
385-6], commissioned to present peti-
tion to Queen Regent (20 Nov. 1558),
i. 148-9
Sandilands, James, of Lauder, Bothwell
shows him favour, ii. 184-5
Sandilands, John, of Calder [eldest son
of Sir James Sandilands of Calder ;
brother of Lord Torphichen ; was a
follower of George Wishart ; joined
the army of the Congregation, 1 559 ;
died, 1565 — Scots Peerage, viii. 387-8],
accompanies Wishart from Hadding-
ton to Ormiston (Jan. 1546), i. 69 ;
makes pact with Bothwell for life and
liberty of Wishart, who is then
surrendered to Bothwell, i. 70 ;
Beaton orders his arrest, i. 70 ; is
imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle, i.
71 ; comes to aid of Reformers at
Cupar (June 1559), i. 183 ; assists
Protestants at Edinburgh (July 1559),
i. 201
Sands, Andrew, boards two ships of
Martigues offLeith and takes them to
Dundee (11 or 12 Jan. 1560), i. 280
INDEX
485
Sanquhar, Laird of. See Hamilton, Sir
William
Sanquhar, Parson of. See Crichton, Robert
Sanquhar, Edward Crichton, seventh Lord
Crichton of. See Crichton
Sanquhar, Robert Crichton, sixth Lord
Crichton of. See Crichton
Sarlabous, Corbeyran de, the Congregation
appeal to him and all other French not
to fight against Scots (1559), i. 166
Schang, Patrick [Deacon of the Wrights,
Edinburgh], asks Knox to influence
Provost to delay execution of James
Gillone, but Knox refuses (21 July
1561), i. 358
Schools, provision made for, in the Book
of Discipline, ii. 295-6, 302-4 ; com-
plaint made to Parliament (Aug.
1560) that they are unprovided for,
owing to usurped authority of the
Pope, i. 337 ; General Assembly (Dec.
1562), complains " that wicked men
were permitted to be Schoolmasters,
and so to infect the youth," ii.
65 ; Robert Cumin, schoolmaster
at Arbroath, is sentenced by the
Assembly, ii. 66 ; request from the
General Assembly (24 June 1565) to
Queen that she should ratify and
approve in Parliament that none
should be admitted teachers in, but
such as shall be tried by the Super-
intendents, ii, 149 ; same conditions
laid down in Articles resolved by
General Assembly (1567), ii. 214 ;
Remonstrance by General Assembly
relating to schools, etc. (Dec. 1566),
ii. 194
See also Colleges ; Education ; Uni-
versities
Scone, the Abbey and Palace burned by
men from Dundee and Perth (June
1559)) i- 188-91 ; they fall as a
judgment of God as testified by an
ancient matron who called them a
" den of whoremongers . . . and . . .
filthy beasts," i. 191
Scotland. For Kings or Queens of, see
James I to James VI ; Mary
Scott, John [Grey Friar ; apparently
acquired a reputation for his long
fastings ; was still alive, 1553—
Laing's Knox, i. 96], cries out vehe-
mently against Guilliame and Rough
as heretics, i. 42 ; urges speed in
trial of Wishart (Jan. 1546), ii. 242 ;
after Wishart's trial Scott asks him to
confess to him, ii. 244
Scott, Thomas [son of Sir William Scott
of Balwearie], one of the Queen
Regent's " solisters," to be numbered
among the " enemies to God, and
traitors to their commonwealth," i. 219
Scott, Thomas, of Abbotshall, sent to
Auchterarder to treat with Chatel-
herault and d'Oysel (May 1559),
i. 176
Scott, Thomas, of Cambusmichael [Sheriff-
depute of Perth], hanged for imprison-
ing Queen, though on King's [Darn-
ley's] command (2 Apr. 1566), ii. 184
Scott, Thomas, of The Haining, subscribes
Book of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), ii.
324
Scott, Thomas, of Pitgorno [second son
of Sir William Scott of Balwearie ;
Justice-Clerk, 1535 ; died, 1539—
Brunton and Haig, Senators of the
College of Justice, 40-1], death of, at
Edinburgh, seen in a vision by James V
at Stirling, i. 29
Scott, Thomas, of Pitgorno and Abbotshall,
arrested by Queen's troops at Falside
and imprisoned at St. Andrews (Sept.
1565), ii. 164
Scott, Sir Walter, of Buccleuch [' Wicked
Wat ' ; defeated by Angus in an
attempt, near Melrose, to free
James V from the Douglases, 1526 ;
forfeited ; rehabilitated, 1528 ;
Warden of the Middle Marches,
1550 ; killed, by the Kerrs, in Edin-
burgh, 1552 — Scots Peerage, ii. 228-9],
defeated by Angus at Melrose (25 July
1526), i. 22 and note 3 ; sent by
Chatelherault and Beaton to Rothes,
Gray and Balnaves outside Dundee
to request a parley (Nov. 1543), i. 54 ;
" a bloody man, with many God's
wounds," supports marriage of Mary
to the Dauphin (1548), i. 102
Scott, William [son of Sir William Scott
of Balwearie], one of Queen Regent's
" solisters," to be numbered among
the " enemies to God, and traitors to
their commonwealth," i. 219
Scott, Sir William, of Balwearie, the
French, after capture of Kinghorn
(7 Jan. 1560), lay waste his property,
i. 277 ; bribed by French to put
victuals secretly on Inchkeith (19 Apr.
1560), i. 277, note 2
Scrope, Henry Le Scrope, ninth Baron,
of Bolton [1534-92 ; Marshal of the
army sent by Elizabeth to help in the
attack on Leith, 1560 ; Governor of
Carlisle and Warden of the West
Marches of England, 1563-92 —
Dictionary of National Biography], comes
with English army into Scotland
(2 Apr. 1560), i. 311
Seafield, Laird of See Moutray, John
Sebastien, one of the murderers of Darnley,
ii. 203
Sempill, Grisel [eldest daughter of Robert,
third Lord Sempill ; married James
Hamilton, eldest son of James Hamil-
ton of Raploch, who had acquired the
486
INDEX
lands of Stanehouse by his first wife,
Margaret Mowat ; divorced before
1546, she having become the mistress
of John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley,
later Archbishop of St. Andrews ;
apparently known as ' Lady Gilton ' ;
died, 1575— &o<5 Peerage, vii. 545-7],
mistress of John Hamilton, Archbishop
of St. Andrews, i. xviii, 59 and note 4,
ii. 248
Sempill, John, of Beltries [natural son of
Robert, third Lord Sempill ; legiti-
mated, 1546 ; married Mary, daughter
of Alexander, fifth Lord Livingstone ;
died, 1579 — Scots Peerage, vii. 548], his
marriage to Mary Livingstone, i.
Ixxiv, ii. 102
Sempill, Robert Sempill, third Lord
[? 1 505-?! 574 ; succeeded his father,
William, second Lord Sempill, 1552 ;
Roman Catholic ; supported the
Queen Regent against the Lords of
the Congregation ; supported Mary
against Moray, 1 565 ; although a
Roman Catholic, joined the Confed-
erate Lords after the murder of Darn-
ley, and opposed Mary at Carberry
and at Langside ; died about 1574 —
Scots Peerage, vii. 538-43], comes from
Queen Regent to Perth to inquire
cause of convocation of lieges there
(24 May 1559), i. 173 ; their reply
to him, i. 173 ; Knox's message to
Queen Regent sent through, i. 1 73-4 ;
though " a man sold under sin, enemy
to God," he reports Knox's words to
Queen Regent, i. Ixxiv, 174 ; his
castle of Sempill is besieged and taken
because he had disobeyed Council,
maintained Mass, and molested Earl
of Arran (19 Oct. 1560), i. 346 ; may
have assisted at baptism of James VI,
ii. 192, note 7 ; one of the assize
appointed to try Bothwell for murder
of Darnley (12 Apr. 1567), ii. 204 ;
shares command of second army of
Confederate Lords at Carberry Hill
(15 June 1567), ii. 210
For his daughter, see Sempill, Grisel
Sermoneta, Cardinal. See Caetani,
Niccolo
Seton, Beaton imprisoned at (1543), i. 43
and note 2 ; Protestant Lords refer to
a letter written to Queen at (1565),
ii. 155 ; Mary and Darnley at (Mar.
1566), ii. 181 ; after murder of
Darnley, Mary and Bothwell go to
(Mar. 1567), ii. 203 ; Mary and her
army, on their march from Dunbar
to Edinburgh, halt at (June 1567),
ii. 210
Seton, Alexander [Black Friar ; son of Sir
Alexander Seton of Touch and Tully-
body ; educated, St. Andrews ; mem-
ber of the Dominican convent at
St. Andrews ; Prior, 1530 ; fled to
England, ?I536 ; recanted, 1541 ;
chaplain in the house of Charles
Brandon, Duke of Suffolk ; died, 1542
— Laing's Knox, i. 531-3], preaches
against corrupt doctrine of the
Papistry, i. 19-20 ; his enemies work
against him while he is absent at
Dundee, i. 20 ; he returns and takes
up the challenge, preaching publicly
at St. Andrews, i. 20 ; is summoned
before the Bishop, i. 20-1 ; is dis-
missed, but flees to England when
he finds the Bishop has secured the
King's enmity against him (?i536),
i. 21 ; writes to the King from
Berwick, i. 21 ; text of his letter to
James V, ii. 230-2 ; exiled in Eng-
land, preaches the Evangel in aU
sincerity, i. 23 ; the victim of the
" craftiness " of Gardiner, Bishop of
Winchester, he affirms at St. Paul's
Cross, London, " certain things that
repugned to his former true doctrine,"
i. 23 ; his death, i. 23
Seton, Alexander, younger, of Meldrum,
signs " Last Band at Leith " (27 Apr.
1560), i. 316
Seton, George Seton, fourth Lord [suc-
ceeded his father, George, third Lord
Seton, 1513 ; Lord of Session, 1533 ;
died, 1549 — Scots Peerage, viii. 581-3],
with the Scots army on the Border
(1542), i. 32 ; Beaton released from
imprisonment at Seton by bribing him
(1543), i. 43 ; in France at Mary's
marriage, i. 129, note 8
Seton, George Seton, fifth Lord [? 153 1-86 ;
succeeded his father, George, fourth
Lord Seton, 1549 ; Provost of Edin-
burgh, 1557-59 ; Roman Catholic,
and supporter of Queen Mary ;
Master of the Royal Household, 1563 ;
taken prisoner by the Confederate
Lords at Langside, 1568 ; released,
and went to France, 1569 ; submitted
to the Government of James VI, 1573,
but still intrigued on behalf of Mary ;
died, 1586 — Scots Peerage, viii. 585-8],
mentioned, i. 114, note 5 ; he listened
to preaching of John Willock, but of
those who have " fallen back " he is
the chief, i. 125 ; "a man without
God, without honesty, and oftentimes
without reason," deserts the friars,
whom he had protected, on the
approach of the Congregation to
Edinburgh (June 1559), i. bcxiv, 192 ;
Queen Regent, wishing to set up the
Mass again in St. Giles', sends him
with others to negotiate with the Con-
gregation (29 July 1559), i. 212-13 ;
pursues Alexander Whitelaw and
INDEX
487
William Knox (mistaken for John
Knox) from Preston to Ormiston
(Aug. 1559). i- 214, 296 ; Congre-
gation accuse Queen Regent of com-
pelling Edinburgh to retain him as
Provost though a man " most un-
worthy of any regiment," i. 242 ;
he loses his office, i. 242, note 3 ;
sent by France to stir up new troubles
in Scotland (1560), i. 346 ; present at
Privy Council which passes Act relat-
ing to Thirds (22 Dec. 1561), ii. 326 ;
assists at baptism of James VI [error
for Robert, third Lord Sempill ?],
ii. 192 and note 7 ; summoned to
Edinburgh by General Assembly
(June 1567) to settle true worship of
the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but excuses him-
self on grounds that he could not
come with safety to Edinburgh, ii.
214
Seton, Mary [daughter of George, fourth
Lord Seton], arrives in Scotland with
Queen Mary from France (1561), ii.
7 and note i
Seymour, Edward, Earl of Hertford, after-
wards Duke of Somerset. See Somer-
set
Sharp, Sir John, of Houston [educated, St.
Leonard's College, St. Andrews ; at the
time of the Reformation apparently
exercised the office of a minister with-
out being appointed to any particular
church ; left the ministry and became
an advocate ; at the General Assembly
of 1562 was ordered to re-enter the
ministry and to serve in a kirk
appointed by the Superintendent of
Lothian, but did not obey ; knighted,
1604 — Laing's Knox, ii. 337], one of
the ministers who had deserted their
charges for " vocations more profit-
able for the belly," ii. 47 ; becomes
a lawyer, ii. 47, marginal note
Shaw, Andrew, of Polkemmet, one of the
Lollards of Kyle, accused of heresy
before Robert Blacader, Archbishop
of Glasgow (1494), i. 8
Shaw, John, of Haily, subscribes Book of
Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), ii. 324
Shaw, Robert [Burgess of Ayr], signs Band
at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Shiel, Laird of. See Rankin, Laurence
Sibbald, John, one of the " Castilians "
released from French galleys, i. 1 1 1
Simson, Duncan, burned for heresy at
Edinburgh (28 Feb. 1539), i. 26
Sinclair, George, fourth Earl of Caithness.
See Caithness
Sinclair, Henry, Bishop of Ross [1508-65 ;
a younger son of Sir Oliver Sinclair
of Roslin ; brother of Oliver Sinclair
{q.v.) ; educated, St. Andrews ; Lord
of Session, 1537 ; Abbot of Kilwin-
ning, 1 541 ; exchanged Kilwinning,
with Gavin Hamilton, for the Deanery
of Glasgow, 1550 ; succeeded Robert
Reid as President of the College of
Justice, 1558 ; provided to Ross,
1561 ; died, 1565 — Laing's Knox, i.
274-5 > Dowden, Bishops of Scotland,
228-9], Gray goes to Rome (1558)
to expedite bulls of provision to See
of Ross in favour of, i. 137 and
note 5 ; offers to the Queen only
fourth part of his revenues out of
which to pay ministers' stipends
(22 Dec. 1561), ii. 327, 328 ; his
advice to Queen to proceed with trial
of the mass-mongers (19 May 1563),
ii. 76 ; receives from Robert Cunning-
ham at Ayr a copy of Knox's letter
to Brethren (8 Oct. 1563), and, being
an enemy of Knox, sends it to the
Queen at Stirling, ii. 90 ; present at
Council meeting (Dec. 1563) to
decide if Knox's letter to the Brethren
(8 Oct. 1563) is treasonable, ii. 90,
94 ; upbraided by Queen for voting
for Knox, ii. 99 ; he justifies his
action, ii. 99-100 ; President of the
Court of Session now, though before
he " durst not have sat in judgment,"
ii. 109 ; "a perfect hypocrite, and a
conjured enemy to Christ Jesus, whom
God after struck according to his
deservings," dies at Paris (Jan. 1565),
ii. 90 and note 3, 185
Sinclair, John, Bishop of Brechin [fourth
son of Sir Oliver Sinclair of Roslin ;
younger brother of Henry Sinclair,
Bishop of Ross {q-v.), and of Ohver
Sinclair {q.v.) ; Lord of Session,
1540 ; Dean of Restalrig, 1549 ;
Bishop of Brechin, 1566 ; succeeded
his brother, Henry Sinclair, as Presi-
dent of the College of Justice, 1565 ;
died, 1566 — Laing's Knox, i. 265-6 ;
Dowden, Bishops of Scotland, 191-2],
" blind of one eye in the body, but of
both in his soul," i. Ixxiv, 11 2-1 3;
" that perfect hypocrite " begins to
preach at Restalrig, and falsifies hope
that he would side with the Reformers,
i. 131 ; one of the French faction who
instigates France to take revenge on
Scotland, i. 347 ; " the lying Dean
of Restalrig called Sinclair," i. 354,
marginal note ; for denying that the
religion was established by Parliament
(1560) he " deserves the gallows," ii.
81 ; persuades Queen to postpone
Convention at Perth (31 May 1565),
ii. 147 ; celebrates marriage of Mary
and Darnley (29 July 1565), ii. 158;
his death (Apr. 1566), ii. 185
Sinclair, Oliver [son of Sir Oliver Sinclair
of Roslin ; taken prisoner at Solway
488
INDEX
Moss, 1542 ; released, 1543 ; opposed
the English alliance ; died some time
after i ^66— Scottish Historical Review,
ii. 372-7], a pensioner of the priests
and a flatterer of James V, i. 28 ; aids
Beaton and his faction to turn James V
against a large number of the Nobles,
i. 34 ; to be general lieutenant of
forces to raid England (1542), i. 35 ;
declared general lieutenant of King's
forces at Solway Moss, i. 36 ; " stout
Oliver was without stroke taken, flee-
ing full manfully," i. Ixxiv, 37, 38,
note I ; his capture bemoaned by
James V, i. 38, 39
Singleton, Laird of. See Hamilton, Sir
David
Skeldon, Laird of. See Campbell, William
Skene, Loch of, Huntly, marching towards
Aberdeen, reaches (22 Oct. 1562),
ii- 59
Slater, Andrew, Queen orders him to be
imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle, ii.
153 ; magistrates disobey order, ii.
153-4 ; he is summoned for trial
(26 July 1565), ii. 154
Slater, Thomas, " a Papist and drunken
priest," slain by French in Canon-
gate, Edinburgh (31 Oct. 1559), i. 261
Smailholm, raided by English (1542), i. 32
Solway Moss, Battle of (1542), planned in
secrecy, i. 35 ; account of the battle,
i. 35-8 ; English forces were small,
i- 36, 37 ; proof that defeat of Scots
was judgment of God, i. Ixx, 37-8,
38, note I ; effect of the defeat on
James V, i. 38-9 ; Henry VHI
releases prisoners without ransom to
secure their support for marriage of
Mary Queen of Scots and his son
Edward, i. 46 ; Knox's inaccuracy
in his account of, i. Ixxxi
Somer, David [Bailie of Edinburgh], with
other magistrates makes proclamation
against " monks, friars, priests, nuns,
adulterers, fornicators, and all such
filthy persons" (2 Oct. 1561), ii.
21-2, 21, note 8, 22, note i
Somer [Sommer], John [an English agent
in France], mentioned, i. 365
Somerset, Edward Seymour, Duke of
[? 1 506-52 ; first Earl of Hertford ;
Protector of England, 1547; deposed
from protectorate, 1 550 ; executed for
felony, 1552 — Dictionary of National
Biography], expedition to Scotland in
which he destroys Edinburgh and Leith
(1544), i. xxvii, 56-8, 57, note 4 ; his
invasion is " part of the punishment
which God took upon the realm for
infidelity of the Governor," i. Ixx, 58 ;
with English army in Scotland (1547),
i. xxviii, 98
Somerville, Hugh Somerville, fourth Lord
[? 1 486-1 549 ; succeeded his brother
John, third Lord Somerville, 1522 ;
a favourite of James V ; died, 1549 —
Scots Peerage, viii. 15-18], captured by
English at Battle of Solway Moss
(1542), i. 37 ; joins Lennox's faction
at Ayr (Yule, 1543), i. 51
For Hugh, Lord Somerville, given
as being present at Privy Council
(22 Dec. 1 561), see Somerville, James
Somerville, fifth Lord
Somerville, James, of Cambusnethan [son
of John Somerville of Cambusnethan ;
grandson of Sir John Somerville of
Quothquan], one of the assize ap-
pointed to try Bothwell for murder of
Darnley (12 Apr. 1567), ii. 204
Somerville, James Somerville, fifth Lord
[? 1 5 1 8-69 ; succeeded his father, Hugh,
fourth Lord Somerville, 1549 ; sup-
ported Queen Mary ; died, 1569 —
Scots Peerage, viii. 20-21], one of the
delegates of the Queen Regent at
conference with the Congregation at
Preston (July 1559), i. 197 ; signs
" Last Band at Leith " at Edinburgh
(27 Apr. 1560), i. 316 ; signs ratifica-
tion of Contract of Berwick (27 Feb.
1560) at Leith (10 May 1560), i. 308 ;
votes against Confession of Faith in
Parliament (1560), i. 338 ; refuses
to subscribe the Book of Discipline,
i. 344, note 5 ; present at Privy Council
which passes Act relating to Thirds
(22 Dec. 1 561) [where his name is
given as Hugh], ii. 326 ; summoned
to Edinburgh by General Assembly
(June 1567) to settle true worship of
the Kirk, ii. 213 ; but excuses himself
on grounds that he could not come
with safety to Edinburgh, ii. 214
Somerville, John, captain of Crichton
Castle, i. 259
Sommer, John. See Somer
Souls Seat [Sauls Seaton], i. 347
Spadin, William, supplies Knox with in-
formation ab®ut George Wishart's
agonised devotions at Invergowrie
(1545), i. 64
Spens, John, one of the murderers of
Darnley, ii. 203
Spens, John, of Condie [? 1520-73 ; joint
advocate with Henry Lauder, 1555 ;
on Lauder's death, became his suc-
cessor, and was raised to the Bench,
1561 ; continued as King's Advocate
until his death in 1573 — Brunton and
Haig, Senators of the College of Justice,
105], sent with instructions (dated
30 Sept. 1559) by Queen Regent to
Moray to persuade him to join her
party, i. 233-4 '■> appointed by Privy
Council (24 Jan. 1562) a Com-
missioner to deal with Thirds, ii. 329 ;
INDEX
489
visits Knox privily to inquire cause of
the " great bruit " over his letter to
the Brethren (8 Oct. 1563), and is
satisfied Knox has committed no
crime, ii. 92 ; present at Council before
which Knox is summoned (Dec. 1563),
ii. 93 ; commanded by Queen to make
accusation against Knox which " he
after did, but very gently," ii. 95 ;
sent by Queen to Edinburgh to deal
with Tarbot incident (Apr. 1565), ii.
142 ; examines alleged conspirators of
St. Leonard's Crags (July i565),ii. 154;
sent to Stirling to inquire why Lords
convened there (July 1565), ii. 155 ;
present at Council before which Knox
is summoned (Aug. 1565), ii. 160
Spittal, John [Official of St. Andrews ;
Rector of the University of St.
Andrews, 1547-50 — Laing's Knox, i.
201], preaches at St. Andrews, as part
of Papists' crafty plan to foil Knox,
i- 93.
Spott, Laird of. See Home, George
Spottiswoode, John [1510-85 ; educated,
Glasgow ; went to London, where he
embraced the reformed faith ; re-
turned to Scotland, 1543 ; joined the
Reformers ; took an active part in
drawing up the Book oj Discipline and
the Confession of Faith ; Superintendent
of Lothian, 1561 ; died, 1585 ; his
eldest son was John Spottiswoode,
the historian. Archbishop of St.
Andrews and Lord Chancellor of
Scotland — Fasti Ecclesia Scoficana, i.
175], nominated Superintendent of
Lothian (1560), i. 334; appointed,
with others, to draw up the Book of
Discipline, i. 343 ; form and order of
his election as Superintendent of
Lothian (9 Mar. 1561), ii. 273-7 5
presents Supplication of General
Assembly (4july 1562) to Queen, ii. 53 ;
refers later to this, ii. 66 ; appointed
by General Assembly (Dec. 1562) to
hear report on trial of Paul Methven
at Jedburgh, ii. 66 ; appointed to
confer with Lords at General Assembly
(June 1564), ii. 108 ; delivers Supplica-
tion to Queen from Brethren of Edin-
burgh praying for punishment of
adulterers and Papists who set up
their idolatry (1565), ii. 141 ; as-
sured by Queen in " fair words " of
her desire to satisfy men's consciences
(13 May 1565), ii. 147 ; convenes at
Edinburgh ministers of Lothian (i Oct.
1565), ii- 171 ; presents SuppHcation
to Queen for payment of ministers'
stipends, ii. 171 ; appointed by
General Assembly (Dec. 1565) a
Commissioner to seek from the Queen
redress of grievances, ii. 176 ; presents
Supplication to Queen for payment of
ministers' stipends (1566), ii. 186-7 ;
General Assembly (25 Dec. 1566)
appoints him to assist Bishop of
Galloway in putting into effect
Queen's offer of a portion of the
Thirds for ministers' stipends, ii. 194 ;
his mission to Queen at Stirling is
successful, ii. 194
Spottiswoode, John, Archbishop of St.
Andrews [eldest son of John Spottis-
woode, Superintendent of Lothian
{q.v.) ; historian], on Knox's History,
i. Ixxviii
Stair, Lairds of. See Dalrymple, James ;
Dalrymple, William
Stamford, meeting between Knox and
Cecil at, arranged (July 1559), i. 294 ;
meeting does not take place, i. 295
" Stanehouse, Lady." See Sempill, Lady
Grisel
Stanehouse, Laird of. See Hamilton,
James, of Stanehouse
Steill, George, sudden death of this
" greatest flatterer " of James V, a
warning to the King, i. 29
Steven, Sandy, convicted of blasphemy
(i565)> ii- 138
Stewart, Alexander [son of James Stewart
of Cardonald], sent by Queen with
a force against Findlater Castle and
is captured by John Gordon (Oct.
1562), ii. 58-9
Stewart, Sir Alexander, of Garlics, signs
the Book of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561),
i. 345, ii. 325
Stewart, Andrew, second Lord Ochiltree.
See Ochiltree
Stewart, Andrew, Master of Ochiltree
[predeceased his father, Andrew
Stewart, second Lord Ochiltree, about
1578], his part in the " incident "
between the Hamiltons and Both-
well's friends in Edinburgh (19 Dec.
1561), ii. 36
Stewart, Elizabeth, slain in a fracas between
Scots and French in Edinburgh (i Oct.
1548), i. 105
Stewart, Henry, Lord Darnley. See
Darnley
Stewart, Henry, second Lord Methven.
See Methven
Stewart, Lord James [primus] [natural son
of James V], held Melrose and Kelso
in commendam, i. 140, note 4
Stewart, Lord James, Earl of Moray
[natural son of James IV]. See
Moray (i)
Stewart, Lord James [secundus']. Earl of
Moray [natural son of James V]. See
Moray (2)
Stewart, James, Master of Buchan [second
son of John Stewart, third Earl of
Buchan ; became Master of Buchan
490
INDEX
in 1547, when his elder brother, John,
was killed at Pinkie — Scots Peerage, ii.
268-9], captured by French in skirmish
between Leith and Edinburgh (6 Nov.
1559), i- 263
Stewart, James, of Cardonald, appointed
Captain of Queen's bodyguard ( 1 561 ),
ii. 25, note i ; said to have treated
harshly Arran in Edinburgh Castle,
ii. 42 ; mentioned, ii. 54 ; " to this
day " he " has neither been stout,
happy, nor true," ii. 58-9
Stewart, Sir James, of Doune, afterwards
Lord Doune. See Doune
Stewart, Lady Jane, Janet or Jean [natural
daughter of James V by Elizabeth
Beaton, probably daughter of Sir John
Beaton of Creich ; married to Archi-
bald, fifth Earl of Argyll ; divorced,
1573 ; died, 1588 — Irivenf aires de la
Royne Descosse, xxxviii], mentioned, i.
201, note 7 ; Queen engages Knox to
effect reconciliation between her and
her husband, the Earl of Argyll (1563),
ii. 73 ; Knox writes to Argyll, censur-
ing him for his conduct in relation to
her (7 May 1563), ii. 74-6
Stewart, Lady Janet [daughter of John,
second Earl of Atholl ; married
(i) Alexander Gordon, Master of
Sutherland ; (2) Sir Hugh Kennedy
of Girvanmains ; (3) Henry Stewart,
first Lord Methven ; (4) Patrick, third
Lord Ruthven], mentioned, i. 233,
note 3
Stewart, John, indweller in Leith, sum-
moned by Beaton to burn his bill
(1534). i- 24
Stewart, John, fourth Earl of Atholl. See
Atholl
Stewart, John, third Earl of Lennox. See
Lennox
Stewart, John, fourth Lord Innermeath.
See Innermeath
Stewart, Lord John, Prior of Coldingham
[natural son of James V by Elizabeth,
daughter of Sir John Carmichael ;
born about 1531 ; Commendator of
Coldingham, 1541 ; died, at Inver-
ness, about October or November,
1563 ; father of Francis Stewart, the
" madcap Earl " — Scots Peerage, ii.
168-9], attends ' Reformation Parlia-
ment ' (1560), i. 335 ; abets Mary's
celebration of Mass in HoKTOod chapel
(24 Aug. 1 561) by protecting her
priest, ii. 8 ; guards Queen's person
in Holyrood after she " took a fray "
that the Palace was to be attacked
(Nov. 1561), ii. 24 ; attacks Cuthbert
Ramsay's house in Edinburgh, the
home of Alison Craik, said to be
Arran's mistress (Dec. 1561), ii. 33 ;
ministers petition Queen and Privy
Council to have the perpetrators of
this crime punished, ii. 33-5 ; married
to Bothwell's sister, " a sufficient
woman for such a man," ii. 36 and
note 9 ; his part in the " incident " in
Edinburgh between the Hamiltons and
Bothwell's friends (19 Dec. 1561), ii.
36 ; joins Queen after Knox is dis-
missed from his interview with her
(1563), ii- 84 ; goes to North to hold
justice courts (1563), ii. 85 ; dies at
Inverness (Oct. or Nov. 1563), ii. 86 ;
his dying advice to Queen to give up
idolatry, ii. 86 ; Knox's strong con-
demnation of ii. 86
For his wife, see Hepburn, Jean
Stewart, Margaret [daughter of Andrew
Stewart, Lord Ochiltree], second wife
of John Knox (married Mar. 1564),
i. Ixiii and note 5, Ixxxiii, note 4, 121,
note 8 ; after Knox's death, marries
Andrew Ker of Faldonside, i. 112,
note 2, ii. 325, note 28
Stewart, Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox.
See Lennox
Stewart, Lord Robert, Abbot of Holyrood,
afterwards first Earl of Orkney. See
Orkney
Stewart, William, slain in fracas with the
French in Edinburgh (i Oct. 1548),
i- 105 . .
Stewart, William, of Halrig, signs Band ai
Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Stichill, raided by English (1542), i. 32
Stirk, Helene [wife of James Ranneh
(Ranoldsone), skinner in Perth], put
to death for heresy at Perth by Beaton
(Jan. 1544), i. 55 and note 6
Stirling, Richard Carmichael, a singer in
the Chapel Royal, is compelled to
burn his bill, i. 19 ; James V witnesses
Passion play by Friar Kyllour at, i.
26 ; Beaton and his party take Mary
Queen of Scots and her mother from
Linlithgow to (26 July 1543), i. 49 ;
Chatelherault subjects himself to
Beaton at (8 Sept. 1543), i. 50 and
note I ; Mary of Lorraine and d'Oysel,
hearing of defeat at Pinkie (Sept.
1547) go from Edinburgh to, i. loi ;
Protestant preachers summoned by
Queen Regent to (10 May 1559), i.
xxxi, 160 ; the order revoked, they
stay at Perth, i. 160-1 ; Queen
Regent then commands them to be
put to the horn for not appearing
(10 May 1559), i. 161 ; Queen
Regent at the Chapel Royal in (May
1559), i. 166 ; Queen Regent and her
forces bar the way of Glencairn and
his forces going to reliel of Perth via
(May 1559), i. 175; Argyll, Moray
and Gavin Hamilton sent by Queen
Regent from, to conclude Appointment
with Congregation holding Perth, i.
176, 187 ; Queen Regent, learning
of what had happened at Perth and
Scone, sends Frenchmen to, to bar
way to south, i. 191 ; but her troops
are forestalled by Argyll and Moray,
who capture the town, i. 181 ; but
not before " the rascal multitude "
had destroyed the friaries, i. 191-2 ;
the Congregation, having left Edin-
burgh (26 July 1559), draw up here
a " band of defence, and maintenance
of religion " (i Aug. 1559), i. 206-7 ;
this Band referred to, i. 234-5, 244-5 J
Knox delivers answer from Cecil
(28 July 1559) to Lords of Congrega-
tion at (Aug.), i. 296 ; Congregation
appoint next Convention to be held at
(on 10 Sept. 1559), i. 207 ; meeting
of Convention at (10 Sept. 1559), i.
228-9 5 Mar, Keeper of the Castle,
urged to show faithfulness to the
Congregation (19 Sept. 1559), i.
231-2 ; Lords appoint whole forces
to convene at (15 Oct. 1559), i. 232,
244 ; Congregation leave Edinburgh
and reach (7 Nov. 1559), i. xlvii,
265 ; Knox's sermon (on 8oth Psalm)
on the disasters which have befallen
the Congregation, begun at Edin-
burgh, continued at (8 Nov. 1559),
i. xlvii-xlviii, 265, 266-71 ; Conven-
tion (on 16 Dec. 1559) fixed to meet
at, i. 271 ; Lords of Congregation
convene at, the French, learning this,
come to the town, and Lords disperse
to Glasgow and St. Andrews, i. 276 ;
French depart from, for Fife, i. 276 ;
French pass through, in their retreat
from Fife to Leith (Jan. 1560), i. 282 ;
Knox censures (6 Feb. 1560) Lords
at Glasgow for not having attacked
the French at, i. 299 ; consideration
of alternative rendezvous for Scots-
English army if Stirling be held by
enemy, deferred (Instructions to Com-
missioners at Berwick, 10 Feb. 1560),
i. 309 ; Kirk of, warned by public
edict to be present at election of John
Spottiswoode as Superintendent of
Lothian (Mar. 1561), ii. 273 ; Bishops
hold council in (1561), i. 356 ; Queen
visits (Sept. 1561), which " she
polluted with her idolatry," ii. 20 ;
Arran at (? Apr. 1562), ii. 41 ; Mary,
proposing to visit the North, departs
from (Aug. 1562), ii. 53 ; John
Gordon fails to re-enter ward in the
Castle, as his father, Huntly, had
promised the Queen (1562), ii. 58 ;
Queen raises forces in, to meet at
Aberdeen (on 5 Oct. 1562), ii. 58 ;
Queen passes through on way from
Aberdeen to Edinburgh (1562), ii.
(653)
INDEX 491
63 ; Mary at (1563), ii. 85, 87, 90 ;
she is again there (1565), ii. 139 ;
Mary's letter to magistrates of Edin-
burgh (24 Apr. 1565), dated from,
ii. 143 ; Queen makes her servants
use Papistical rites and ceremonies at
(Easter 1565), ii. 143 ; Lords, Super-
intendents and others summoned by
Queen to, to consent to crown-
matrimonial being given to Darnley
(May 1565), ii. 144-5 ; Chatel-
herault, Argyll, Moray, Rothes and
other Lords convene at (15 July
1565) to discuss matters before meet-
ing of Parliament, ii. 155 ; enmities
stirred up among those Lords who
had convened there, ii. 157 ; Mary
and Darnley at (Aug. 1565), ii. 160 ;
(Sept. 1565), ii. 163, 164 ; Queen
issues Proclamation commanding all
men to meet her at (on i Oct. 1565),
ii. 168 ; Lord Gordon, coming to
Edinburgh, leaves most part of his
people at (1565), ii. 171 ; Mary and
Darnley at (Oct. 1565), ii. 172 ;
Darnley goes to, " where he was
shriven after the Papist manner "
(Easter 1566), ii. 185 ; Darnley some-
times visits the Prince at, ii. 189 ;
Darnley goes to Jedburgh (Oct. 1566)
from, to visit Mary during her illness,
returns and then goes to Glasgow, ii.
191 ; James VI baptised in the
Castle (17 Dec. 1566), ii. 192 ; Mary
goes to, to see her son (Apr. 1567),
ii. 205 ; Bothwell kidnaps her there
and carries her to Dunbar, ii. 205 ;
Nobility convene at, and inquire of
Mary if Bothwell had taken her hence
by force, ii. 205 ; after marriage of
Bothwell and Mary the Confederate
Lords sign Bond at, to defend young
Prince (i May 1567), ii. 207; Mary
and Bothwell plot to go to, to have
the Prince in their custody, ii. 208 ;
Confederate Lords there, hearing
this, devise counter-measures, which
failing, they come to Edinburgh, ii.
208 ; James VI crowned at, ii. 216
For Keeper of Stirling Castle, see
Mar, John Erskine, first Earl of
Strang, Richard, Arran tells him that
Bothwell is plotting to involve him
[Arran] in a treasonable act and then
betray him to the Queen (27 Mar.
1562), ii. 40 ; taken by Arran to his
lodging, ii. 41
Strathbogie, Sir John Gordon makes great
preparations at, to receive the Queen
(1562), ii. 54 ; Huntly hopes Queen
will go with him to, but the Queen
is offended at Huntly and will not go
(Aug. 1562), ii. 58 ; Huntly avoids
capture by Queen at (Oct. 1562), ii.
VOL n 32
492
INDEX
59 ; plot to murder Moray at, re-
vealed, ii. 63
Strathearn, Brethren from, to convene at
Perth (24 June 1559) for its deliver-
ance, i. 187 ; unable to assist in any
number Brethren in Edinburgh owing
to shortness of notice (July 1559), i.
200 ; Queen raises forces in, to meet
at Aberdeen (on 5 Oct. 1562), ii. 58 ;
Mary and Darnley summon forces
from, to meet at Linlithgow (24 Aug.
1565), ii. 159
Strathisla, Mary at (Sept. 1562), ii. 58
Stratoun, Andrew, of Lauriston, instructs
David Stratoun in the Scriptures,
i. 24-5
Stratoun, David, his " haterent against the
pride and avariciousness of the
priests," i. 24 ; refusing to pay a
tithe of fish caught at sea to Prior of
St. Andrews (Patrick Hepburn, later
Bishop of Moray), is summoned for
heresy, i. 24 ; frequents company of
Erskine of Dun, i. 24 ; is instructed
in the Scriptures by Andrew Stratoun
of Lauriston, i. 24-5 ; tried for heresy
at Abbey of Holyroodhouse and,
though king would have saved him,
the bishops condemn him to death,
i. 25 ; hanged and burned (27 Aug.
1534), i. 25
Strozzi, Leon [a captain of the French
galleys ; a Knight of Malta and Prior
of Capua ; a great sailor ; fought in
the Levant and against the Turks ;
killed, 1554 — Brantome, Qiuvres Com-
pletes (ed. Lalanne), iv. 120-39],
treats with Kirkcaldy of Grange for
surrender of St. Andrews Castle
(31 July 1547), i. 96
Strozzi, Pierre [a captain of the French
galleys ; fought in the French wars
in Italy ; came to Scotland, 1549 ;
Mar^chal de France ; died, 1558 —
Bran'ome, Qiuvres Completes (ed.
Lalanne), ii. 239-82], one of the
commanders of French army in Scot-
land (1549), i. 102
Superintendents, appointment of (1560),
i. 334 ; meeting of Brethren in
Tolbooth of Edinburgh (27 May
1561), decide to appeal to Lords of
Secret Council that provision should
be made for, and their authority
upheld, i. 360 ; stipends of, ii. 30 ;
disobeyed by " certain wicked
persons," ii. 50, 52 ; Mary's advice
to Knox on election of, for Dumfries
(Apr. 1563), ii. 72-3 ; meet at St.
Andrews (Sept. 1566) and reply to
Reformed Churches of the Continent
that they agree in all points of doctrine
with them, ii. 190 ; form and order
of election of, ii. 273-7 > stipends lor,
provided in the Book of Discipline, ii.
289 ; election and duties of, as laid
down in the Book of Discipline, ii.
291-5
Sutherland, Alexander Sutherland, eleventh
Earl of, marries Lady Jean Gordon,
divorced wife of Bothwell, ii. 205
Sutherland, John Sutherland, tenth Earl ot
[1525-67 ; succeeded, 1538 ; Roman
Catholic ; accompanied Mary of Lor-
raine to France, 1550 ; a supporter
of Mary, one of the few nobles who
attended her marriage with Bothwell ;
died, of poison, 1567 — Scois Peerage,
viii. 339-42], sent by Huntly to Lords
to comfort them in their affliction,
though others whisper that his princi-
pal commission is to Queen Regent
(Jan. 1560), i. 276 ; wounded in
skirmish with French at Kinghorn
(7 Jan. 1560), i. 276, 277 ; carried
back to Cupar, i. 277 ; present at
Privy Council which passes Act relat-
ing to Thirds (22 Dec. 1561), ii. 326 ;
letters found in Huntly's pockei after
his death (28 Oct. 1562), reveal treason
of, ii. 62 and note 5 ; forfeited (May
1563), ii. 62, note 5, 77 ; leaves Edin-
burgh (11 Mar. 1566), ii. 181
Sweden, King of. See Erik XIV
Switzerland, Protestants of, mentioned,
i- 155
Syme, James, Knox lodges with (1555),
i. 119 ; delivers letter (10 Mar. 1557)
inviting Knox to come to Scotland,
i. 132
Tantallon Castle, James V at, i. 39,
note 3 ; Alexander Crichton of Brun-
stane eludes capture by Beaton's men
and escapes to (Jan. 1546), i. 71
Tarbot [Carvet], James, a priest, distur-
bances in Edinburgh centring round,
ii. 1 41 -2 ; Queen's letter to magis-
trates requiring them to punish chief
offenders (24 Apr. 1565), ii. 142-3 ;
he is released by the Queen, though
he is " a maififest whoremaster, and
a common fighter and blasphemer,"
ii. 143
Teinds, ought not to be given to ecclesi-
astical men, i. 8 ; Stratoun accused
of heresy for not paying (1534), i. 24 ;
Knox and Rough accused of asserting
that they do not appertain of necessity
to kirkmen (1547), i. 87 ; regulations
relating to, in the Book of Discipline,
ii. 303-4 ; petition from Brethren in
Edinburgh to Lords of Secret Council
relating to (27 May 1561), i. 360 ;
General Assembly petitions Queen that
the poor may receive share of (4 July
1562), h. 49-50 ; request from
General Assembly (24 June 1565) to
Queen that some order should be
taken regarding, ii. 150 ; remon-
strance from Kyle that they should be
given only to ministers, schools and
the poor (Dec. 1566), ii. 194
See also Ministers ; Thirds
Teith, River, i. 175
Templeland, Laird of [not identified], mans
Mauchline kirk to the exclusion of
George Wishart (1545), i. 62
Termes, Paul de la Barthe, sieur de [served
in the French campaigns in Italy
before coming to Scotland to take
over command of the French forces
in 1549 and 1550 ; subsequently
ambassador at Rome, 1551 ; Governor
of Corsica, 1552-55 ; died, 1562 ;
Mar^chal de France — Scottish His-
torical Review, xxvi. 158], one of the
commanders of the French army in
Scotland (1549), i. 102
Ternganoch, Lairds of. See Kennedy,
John, of Ternganoch ; Kennedy,
William
Tertullianus, Quintus Septimius Florens,
Teviotdale, Queen summons military aid
from (17 July 1565), ii. 155-6 ; Mary
and Darnley summon forces from, to
meet at Linlithgow (on 24 Aug. 1565),
Thirds, provision of two Thirds for the old
hierarchy of the Roman Catholic
Church and one Third for the Prot-
estant ministers and the affairs of the
Queen, ii. 28, 29, notes 2 -3 ; Knox
publicly preaches against, i. lix, ii.
29 ; Acts of Privy Council relating
to (22 Dec. 1561), ii. 326-8 ; (24 Jan.
1562), ii. 328-9 ; (12 Feb. 1562),
ii. 329-30; (15 Feb. 1562), ii. 331-
332 ; Wishart of Pittarrow appointed
Collector General of the Thirds
(i Mar. 1562), ii. 30 and note 2 ;
Supplication from General Assembly
to Queen (4 July 1562) in which it
complains of administration of, ii.
49-50, 51 ; sharp encounter between
Goodman and Lethington about, in
the General Assembly (Dec. 1563),
ii. loo-i ; withheld from ministers,
ii. 103 and note 6 ; promised by
Queen to General Assembly (1564),
ii. 103-4 j complaint to Queen that
ministers are deprived of their stipends
to be taken out of (1565), ii. 171 ;
Act of Privy Council (22 Dec. 1562),
cited by General Assembly (Dec.
1565), ii. 175, 176 ; and by ministers
in their Supplication to her (1566), ii.
186-7 > certain Thirds set apart for
royal expenses by Act of Privy Council
(22 Dec. 1565), ii. 175, note i ; Queen
blames Pittarrow for any mishandling
INDEX 493
of, ii. 177 ; she grants to ministers
" reasonable proportion " of (1566),
ii. 193 ; to be allowed for maintenance
of ministry resolved by General
Assembly (20 July 1567), ii. 214
See also Ministers ; Teinds
Thomson, James, elected Bailie of Edin-
burgh (8 Oct. 1 561), ii. 22, note 4
Thomworth, John, sent by Elizabeth to
Mary and not well received by her
(7 Aug. 1565), ii. 158 and note 8
Thornton, James [Scottish agent at Rome
during the Regency of Mary of Lor-
raine ; later an active and confidential
agent of Rome and of James Beaton,
Archbishop of Glasgow, after his flight
to France ; died, 1577], one of the
principal partisans of Queen Mary on
her return to Scotland (1561), i. 373
and note 4
Throckmorton, Sir Nicholas [151 5-71 ;
accompanied Somerset to Scotland,
1547 > Queen Elizabeth's ambassador
to France, 1560 ; friendly to Mary
Stewart ; sent to Mary, at Lochleven,
1567 ; imprisoned on suspicion of
sympathy with the rebellion of the
northern earls, 1569 ; died, 1571 —
Dictionary of National Biography] , reports
to Elizabeth a conversation he had
with Mary Queen of Scots (18 June
1 561), i. 365-9 ; comes to Mary at
Stirling with message that Elizabeth
disapproves of Mary's marriage with
Darnley and asking Mary to send
Lennox and Darnley to England
(15 May 1565), ii. 145^; reports
Knox's daily exhortation to the
people against Mary and Bothwell
(21 July 1567), i. Ixv
Tibbermore, Laird of. See under Murray,
Patrick
Tithes. See Teinds
Tod, George, a fracas berween Scots and
French in Edinburgh centres round
(1548), i. 105
Torphichen, James Sandilands, first Lord
[second son of Sir James Sandilands of
Calder ; Preceptor of Torphichen, head
of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem
in Scotland, and Lord St. John, 1543 ;
Lord Torphichen, 1564 — Scots Peerage,
viii. 386-7], signs ratification of Con-
tract of Berwick (27 Feb. 1560) at
Leith (10 May 1560), i. 308 ; sent to
France to obtain ratification of Acts
of Parliament ( 1 560) by Mary Queen
of Scots and King Francis, but is
unsuccessful, i. 342, 346 ; subscribes
Book of Discipline (27 Jan. 1561), ii.
324 ; present at Privy Council which
passes Act relating to Thirds (22 Dec.
1561), ii. 326
Tranent, George Wishart preaches at,
494
INDEX
i. 67 ; the Congregation complain
that the town is oppressed by the
French (1559), i. 222 ; joint Scots-
English army to assault Leith from,
if Edinburgh Castle proves hostile
(Instructions to Commissioners at
Berwick, 10 Feb. 1560), i. 309 ; Kirk
of, warned by public edict to be
present at election of John Spottis-
woode as Superintendent of Lothian
(9 Mar. 1561), ii. 273
Treaties. For treaties between parties in
Scotland, see Appointments
Treaties of Greenwich (1543), i. xxvii,
note 4
Treaty of Berwick (27 Feb. 1560), i. xlviii-
xlix ; Duke of Norfolk sent by Eliza-
beth to Berwick (before 20 Jan. 1560),
to assist the Congregation, i. 298 ;
Lords decide to meet Norfolk at
Berwick, i. 301 ; commissioners sent
by the Lords of the Congregation to
treat with him, i. 302 ; their in-
structions (10 Feb. 1560), i. 308-10 ;
text of the Treaty, i. 302^
Treaty of Boulogne (1550), contracted
between France and England, i.
xxviii, 113 ; the last of the " Castil-
ians " (the common servants in the
galleys) are released by, i. 1 1 1
Treaty of Cateau-Cambr^sis (2 Apr.
1559), i. xxxviii ; preliminary treaty
to (12 Mar. 1559), i. 158 ; the Treaty
itself, i. 158, note 3
Treaty of Edinburgh (6 July 1560), i.
xlix-1 ; ratified by Elizabeth but not
by Mary, i. 364 ; conversation
between English ambassador and
Mary on whether it should be ratified
(18 June 1 561), i. 365-9 ; Elizabeth
writes to Scottish Estates, warning
them that the non-ratification of the
treaty by Mary is jeopardising peace
between Scotland and England (i July
1561), i. 369-72 ; Council's reply
(16 July 1561), i. 372-3 ; Elizabeth
sends Sir Peter Mewtas to Mary to
require its ratification (commission
dated 17 Sept. 1561), but Mary
postpones ratification, ii. 25 and
note 3
Treaty of Haddington (July 1548), i.
xxviii
Tremellius, Emmanuel, befriended by
Edward VI, i. 1 17
TuUibardine, Lairds of. See Murray, Sir
William, of Tullibardine (i) ; Murray,
Sir William, of Tullibardine (2)
Tullibody, Kirkcaldy of Grange tries to
hinder French retreat by destroying
bridge over Devon at (26 or 27 Jan.
1560), i. 281 ; but the French make
a temporary bridge and pass over,
i. 281-2
Tweedy, — , hurt in attack by rioters on
Tolbooth, Edinburgh (21 July 1561),
i. 358
Two-penny Faith (1559), i. xviii, 139 and
note 4
Tyndale, William, copies of his translation
of the New Testament reach Scotland
in considerable numbers, i. xxiii ; his
and Coverdale's translations the ver-
sions used in Scotland in Knox's day,
i. 45, note I
Udall, William, his Historic quoted, ii. 202,
note 4
Universities, regulations for, laid down in
the Book of Discipline, ii. 296, 297-
302 ; request from General Assembly
(24 June 1565) to Queen that she
should ratify and approve in Parlia-
ment that none should be admitted
teachers in, but such as shall be tried
by the Superintendents, ii. 149 ; same
conditions laid down in Articles re-
solved by General Assembly (1567),
ii. 214
See also Colleges ; Education ;
Schools
Valence, Bishop of. See Monluc, Jean de
Vermigli, Pietro Martire [Peter Martyr ;
1500-62 ; Augustinian ; embraced
the reformed faith ; came to England,
1547 ; Professor of Divinity at Oxford
and Canon of Christchurch ; fled to
Strassburg, 1553 ; afterwards went to
Zurich, where he died — Dictionary of
National Biography^, befriended by
Edward VI, i. 117 ; quoted, i. 129,
note 2
Villemore, Bartholomew de, though a
Frenchman, holds office of Comp-
troller in Scotland, i. 140
Virgilius Maro, Publius, his /Eneid quoted
by Friar Arbuckle as proof of Pur-
gatory, i. 92
Wallace [or Fean], Adam [Laing's Knox,
i. 543-50], apprehended by Bishops
(1550), i. 114; tried for heresy,
i. 1 14-16 ; burned, i. 116
For his wife, see Livingstone,
Beatrice
Wallace, Hugh, of Carnell, Knox preaches
in his house (1556), i. 121 and
note 7 ; coming to aid Perth (May
1559). i- 175; signs Band at Ayr
(4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56 ; one of the
Protestant Lords who march on
Edinburgh (31 Aug. 1565), ii. 161
Wallace, Hugh, of the Meinford, signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
Wallace, John, of Craigie, coming to aid
Perth (May 1559), i. 175 ; signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 56
INDEX
495
Wallace, Michael [Provost of Ayr], signs
Band at Ayr (4 Sept. 1562), ii. 55
Walston, Laird of. 6"^^ Crawford, John
Wardis. See Leslie, William, younger,
of Wardis
Wark Castle, Scots with de Lorges march
on (1545), i. 58 ; but return " with
more shame to the realm than scathe
to their enemies," i. 59 ; decision to
besiege (Oct. 1557), i. 124-5
Warwick, John Dudley, Earl of, after-
wards Duke of Northumberland. See
Northumberland
Waterstoun, Laird of. See Cunningham,
Hugh
Watson, James, Wishart dwells in his house
at Invergowrie (1545), i. 64
Watson, John, supplies Knox with infor-
mation about George Wishart's
agonised devotions at Invergowrie
(1545), i. 64
Watterstoun. See Waterstoun
Wauchton, Laird of. See Hepburn,
Patrick, of Wauchton
Wedderburn, Laird of See Home, David
Wemyss, Darnley received by Mary at
(17 Feb. 1565), ii. 139
Wemyss, Sir John, of Wemyss [succeeded
his father, David Wemyss of Wemyss,
1544 ; taken prisoner at Pinkie, 1547 ;
released, 1547 ; supported the Queen
Regent against the Lords of the Con-
gregation ; supported Queen Mary
against the Confederate Lords ; died,
1572 — Scots Peerage, viii. 489—91],
French, after capture of Kinghorn
(7 Jan. 1560), lay waste his property,
i. 277 ; supplies sent to French by,
stopped, i. 281 ; arrested by Arran
and Moray, and released on conditions
which he " minded never to keep,"
i. 301
White Friars. See Friars, White
Whitelaw, Alexander, of New Grange
[supported the policy of the English
alliance ; forfeited, 1549 ; became an
active and confidential agent of Knox
and the Reformers ; rehabilitated,
1563 ; " a very honest, sober, and
godly man "], conveys letters from
Knox to Cecil and Queen Elizabeth
(20 July 1559), i. 294; and letter
from Balnaves to Cecil, i. 294, note 2 ;
returns with answer from Cecil (28 July
'559) '^o Lords of Congregation and
to Knox, i. 295 ; these negotiations
referred to by Knox in his letter to
Cecil (Aug. 1559), i. 297 ; pursued by
Lord Seton from Preston to Ormiston
(Aug. 1559), i. 214, 296 ; his negotia-
tions with English, i. 214, note 8 ; his
part in the skirmish with French be-
tween Leith and Edinburgh (6 Nov.
'559)5 i- 262 ; his forfeiture reduced
by Parliament (May-June 1563), ii.
77 and note 8
Whithorn, Priors of. See Dunbar, Gavin,
Archbishop of Glasgow ; Fleming,
Malcolm
Whitsome, Laird of. See Hepburn,
Alexander
Whittinghame, Laird of. See Douglas,
William
Wigton, John, " a desperate priest," makes
attempt on life of George Wishart at
Dundee at instigation of Beaton, i. 63 ;
Wishart protects Wigton from ven-
geance of the people, i. 63-4
Wilford, Sir James [?i 5 16-50], en-
courages the besieged at Haddington
(1548), i. 103
Willock, John [a friar of Ayr ; embraced
the reformed faith ; fled to England,
1539 ; presented to Loughborough ;
on the accession of Mary Tudor, fled
to the Continent ; practised as a
physician at Emden, in Friesland ;
visited Scotland, 1555, on trade
mission from Anne, Duchess of Fries-
land ; returned to Scotland, 1558,
and preached for some time in
Dundee ; minister in Edinburgh,
1559-60 ; Superintendent of Glasgow
and the West, 1560 ; four times
Moderator of the General Assembly ;
returned to his English rectory at
Loughborough, 1566 ; returned to
Scotland, 1568 ; again returned to
Loughborough, 1569 ; died, at Lough-
borough, 1585 — Fasti Ecclesia Scoti-
cana, i. 50-1], driven from England
by Mary Tudor, goes to Emden and
comes to Scotland on trade mission
from Anne, Duchess of Friesland
(1555), i. 118 and note 5 ; present at
house of Erskine of Dun to hear Knox
speak against Mass (1555), i. 120 ;
returns to Scotland, i. 125, 148 ;
comes from Dundee to Edinburgh
where he publicly preaches, i. 148 ;
denounced rebel and put to the horn
(10 May 1559), i. 161, note 3 ; comes
to Perth (May 1559), i. 177 ; with
Knox, accuses Argyll and Moray of
infidelity, i. 177 ; their answer, i. 177 ;
left in Edinburgh as minister when it
is too dangerous for Knox to stay,
i. 211 ; preaches in St. Giles', Edin-
burgh, before Chatelherault and some
of the Queen Regent's faction (27 July
1559), i. 211 ; states his opinion that
princes may be deposed (21 Oct.
1559)5 i- 250 ; departure to England
referred to, i. 265 ; his interview with
Queen Regent during her last illness
(June 1560), i. 321-2 ; nominated
Superintendent for Glasgow, i. 334 ;
appointed, with others, to draw up the
496
INDEX
Book of Discipline, i. 343 ; appointed
to confer with Lords who had with-
drawn themselves at General Assembly
(June 1564), ii. 108; delivers Supplica-
tion to Lethington from Brethren of
Edinburgh, praying for punishment
of adulterers and Papists who set up
their idolatry (1565), ii. 141 ; assured
by Queen in " fair words " of her
desire to satisfy men's consciences
(13 May 1565), ii. 147
Wilson, — [servant to Bishop of Dunkeld],
writes a railing ballad against the
preachers and Chitelherault, for
which he narrowly escapes hanging,
i- 43
Wilson, Steven, one of the prmcipal
partisans of Mary on her return from
France (1561), i. 373 and note 2
Winchester, Bishop of. See Gardiner,
Stephen
Winram, John [?i 492-1 582 ; educated,
St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews ;
Sub-prior of the Augustinian priory at
St. Andrews, 1536 ; embraced the
reformed faith ; Superintendent of
Fife and Strathearn, 1561-72, 1574-75;
Superintendent of Strathearn only,
1572-74], authorship of 'Archbishop
Hamilton's Catechism' (1552) tradi-
tionally ascribed to, i. xv ; has large
share in drafting the Confession of Faith,
i. XV ; an exception among the corrupt
Roman clergy, i. xix ; begins work
of Reformation among the novices of
his priory after martyrdom of Patrick
Hamilton (1528), i. 15 ; his sermon
on heresy at trial of George Wishart,
ii. 233-4 ; summoned by Wishart
after his trial, ii. 244 ; present at
Knox's first public sermon at St.
Andrews (1547), i. 86 ; rebuked by
John Hamilton for suffering Knox to
preach " such heretical and schis-
matical doctrine " at St. Andrews,
i. 87 ; he thereupon summons con-
vention of Black and Grey Friars at
St. Leonard's before which Rough
and Knox are called, i. 87 ; dis-
putation with Knox, i. 89-90, 92 ;
preaches at St. Andrews as part of
Papists' crafty plan to foil Knox, i. 93 ;
nominated Superintendent for Fife
(1560), i. 334 ; his election, ii. 273,
note I ; attends ' Reformation Parlia-
ment ' (1560), i. 335 ; appointed, with
others, to draw up the Book of Discipline,
i. XV, 343 ; presents Supplication of
General Assembly (4 July 1562) to
Queen, ii. 53 ; appointed 10 confer
with Lords who had withdrawn them-
selves at General Assembly (June 1 564) ,
ii. 108 ; votes that Nobility and Estates
may oppose Queen in defence ol their
religion, but doubts whether Mass
may be taken from her with violence
(June 1564), ii. 131 ; assured by
Queen in " fair words " of her desire
to satisfy men's consciences (13 May
1565), ii. 147 ; appointed by General
Assembly (Dec. 1565) a Commissioner
to seek from Queen redress of griev-
ances, ii. 176
Winter, Sir William [Master of the Ord-
nance of the English navy, 1557-89 ;
admiral of the English fleet in the
Forth, 1559-60 ; died, 1589 — Diction-
ary of National Biography], i. xlix, 281
and note 4 ; pledges under Contract
of Berwick (27 Feb. 1560) delivered
to, i. 310
Winton Castle, Adam Wallace appre-
hended at, by Archbishop Hamilton
(1550), i. 114 ^
Winzet, Ninian, on Knox's History, i.
Ixxix ; cited, ii. 321, note 5
Wishart, George [?i 51 3-46 ; possibly
educated at Aberdeen ; said to have
taught Greek at Montrose and, being
charged with heresy, to have fled to
England, 1 538 ; probably visited Ger-
many and Switzerland ; returned to
England, where he resided as a mem-
ber of Corpus Christi College, Cam-
bridge, 1 543 ; and thence to Scotland,
where he preached in Dundee, Ayr,
Kyle, Mauchline, Perth, Leith and
Haddington, 1 544-45 ; arrested ; tried
for heresy ; martyred at St. Andrews,
1546 — Laing's Knox, i. 534-7, vi.
667-70], returns to Scotland (1544),
i. 60 ; his character and learning,
i. 60 ; preaches first at Montrose and
then at Dundee, i. 60 ; driven from
Dundee by Robert Myll at instigation
of Beaton, i. 60-1 ; leaves Dundee
and goes to the West, where his
preaching is gladly received, i. 61 ;
at instigation of Beaton, Archbishop
Dunbar of Glasgow comes to Ayr to
oppose him and occupies the pulpit,
i. 61 ; Wishart rejects proposal of his
friends to resist and instead preaches
at the Market Cross, i. 61 ; preaches
at Galston, i. 6i ; frequents John
Lockhart's house of Barr, i. 61 ; pre-
vented from preaching in kirk at
Mauchline by Sheriff of Ayr, i. 61 ;
debarred from preaching in the kirk
of Mauchline, preaches outside the
town, i. 62 ; hearing that the plague
has broken out in Dundee goes to that
town from Kyle, i. 62 ; preaches, i.
62-3 ; attempt on his life there by
John Wigton, at instigation of Beaton,
i. 63 ; saves Wigton from vengeance
of the people, i. 63-4 ; after plague
subsides he leaves Dundee, i. 64 ;
from Dundee goes to Montrose where
he preaches, i. 64 ; escapes Beaton's
plot to have him murdered at Mon-
trose, i. 64 ; leaves Montrose and
returns to Dundee, i. 64 ; thence goes
to Invergowrie, i. 64 ; his agonised
devotions at Invergowrie and his
explanation that his time is drawing
near its end, i. 64-5 ; from Inver-
gowrie passes to Perth, Fife and Leith,
i. 65 ; preaches at Leith (13 Dec.
'545)> '• 66 ; stays at Brunstane,
Longniddry and Ormiston, i. 66 ;
preaches at Inveresk, i. 66 ; rebukes
two Grey Friars who interrupt the
sermon, i. 66-7 ; goes to Long-
niddry, i. 67 ; then to Tranent,
where he preaches, i. 67 ; his con-
gregations at Haddington are small
owing to warning of Bothwell, in-
stigated by Beaton, to the people not
to hear him, i. 67 ; stays at Hadding-
ton with David Forrest, i. 67 ; stays
at Lethington, i. 67 ; Knox has ac-
companied him since he first came to
Lothian, i. xxxii, 67 ; preaches again
at Haddington and vehemently re-
bukes the people and foretells punish-
ments which will befall them, i. Ixxi,
68 ; prophecy about Haddington
fulfilled, i. 113; taken prisoner at
Ormiston by Earl of Bothwell " made
for money butcher to the Cardinal,"
i. 68-70 ; bids farewell to Douglas
of Longniddry and Knox, from whom
he takes the two-handed sword, and
leaves Haddington, i. xxxiii, 69 ;
passes to Ormiston, i. 69 ; negotiates
there with Bothwell, who promises to
protect him from Chatelherault and
Beaton, i. 69-70 ; but who takes him
to Elphinston, where Beaton is, i. 70 ;
taken prisoner to Edinburgh and then
to Hailes Casde, i. 71 ; Bothwell,
bribed by Beaton and Mary of
Lorraine, breaks his promise and
agrees to remove him from Hailes
Castle to Edinburgh Castle, i. 71 ;
" that bloody wolf the Cardinal "
persuades Chatelherault to surrender
him into his power, i. 71-2 ; de-
livered into the hands of " that
proud and merciless tyrant," Beaton,
i. 72 ; imprisoned in Sea-tower of
St. Andrews (Jan. 1546), i. 72 ; his
martyrdom at St. Andrews (1 Mar.
1546), i. xxiv, xxxiii, 74 ; mentioned,
i. 77, 78 ; some think that Knox, after
his first public sermon at St. Andrews
(1547) will suffer the same fate as,
i. 86 ; Foxe's account of his martyr-
dom, ii. 233-45
Wisharl, Sir John, of Pittarrow [son ol
James Wishart of Pittarrow ; an early
INDEX 497
and active supporter of the Lords of
the Congregation ; Comptroller, and
Collector of the Thirds of the Benefices ;
opposed the marriage with Darnley ;
fled, with Moray, into England ; re-
turned, after the murder of Riccio, and
was pardoned ; opposed Mary and
Bothwell, 1567 ; Lord of Session,
1567 ; accompanied Moray to York,
1568 ; died, 1585 — Brunton and Haig,
Senators of the College of Justice, 137-8],
Knox writes from Dieppe to (1557), i.
136 ; replies to Queen Regent's
messengers on cause of convocation
of lieges at Perth (24 May 1559),
i. 173 ; invited to St. Andrews to
a meeiing for ' reformation ' (4 June
1559)' i- 181 ; sent by the Congrega-
tion as delegate to Queen Regent to
explain their aims and objects (July
1559), i. 195 ; one of a second delega-
tion to Queen Regent (12 July 1559),
i. 196 ; one of the delegates of the
Congregation at the conference with
the Queen Regent's delegates at
Preston (mid-July 1559), i. 197 ; again
sent as delegate to Queen Regent
(July 1559)5 i- 198 ; pledge for observ-
ing parts of Appointment agreed
upon at Links of Leith (24 July 1559),
i. 203 ; sent as one of the Commis-
sioners by the Congregation to Nor-
folk at BerWck (Feb. 1560), i. 302 ;
his instructions (10 Feb. 1560), i.
308-10 ; one of the Commissioners
who negotiated and signed Contract
of Berwick (27 Feb. 1560), i. 303,
307 ; identified with " John Wishart "
who signs " Last Band at Leith " at
Edinburgh (27 Apr. 1560), i. 316 ;
given in Knox's MS. as being present
at Privy Council which passes Act for
the Thirds of the benefices (22 Dec.
1561), ii. 29, note i ; appointed by
Privy Council (24 Jan. 1562) a Com-
missioner to deal with Thirds, ii. 329 ;
appointed Comptroller (16 Feb. 1562),
and Collector General of the Thirds
(i Mar.), ii. 30 and note 2 ; he and his
collectors called " greedy factors," ii.
30 and note 9 ; malice between Huntly
and, ii. 58 ; "a man both stout
and of a ready wit," suspects treason
of Forbeses, Hays and Leslies at
Battle of Corrichie (28 Oct. 1562),
ii. 60 ; the Queen accuses him of
inventing the dying advice of Lord
John of Coldingham to her, ii. 86
and note 3 ; summoned to Holyrood
by Madame Raulet to quell disturb-
ance between Papists and Protestants
(15 Aug. 1563), ii. 87; present at
Council before which Knox is sum-
moned (Dec. 1563), ii. 93 ; attends
498
INDEX
General Assembly (June 1564), but
joins group of Courtiers who sit apart,
ii. 107 ; one of the Protestant Lords
who march on Edinburgh (31 Aug.
1565), ii. 161 ; superseded by Murray
of Tuilibardine as Comptroller (1565),
ii. 171, note 5, 175, note 1 ; Queen
says that if there is any fault in paying
ministers' stipends then it is his, and
not Murray of TuUibardine's, ii. 1 77
Witchcraft, Countess of Huntly's witches,
ii. 61 ; Act against, ii. 79 and note 5 ;
two witches burned, ii. 85
Wittenberg University, Patrick Hamil-
ton becomes familiar with Luther,
Melanchthon and Lambert at, i. 12
(but cf. i. 12, note i)
Wole, Laird of. See Mure, John, of Wole
Wood, Alexander, informs d'Oysel that
ships (which he had mistaken for
French) were English, come to the
support of the Congregation (Jan.
1560), i. 281
Wood, John [son of Sir Andrew Wood,
of Largo ; educated, St. Leonard's
College, St. Andrews ; embraced the
reformed faith ; was considered quali-
fied for the Ministry, 1560 ; Lord of
Session, 1562 ; opposed the marriage
with Darnley ; Secretary to the
Regent Moray, 1567 ; was with
Moray at York, 1568 ; assassinated,
1570 — Brunton and Haig, Senators
of the College of Justice, 114-15],
mentioned, i. xc ; refuses " ever to
assist the [General] Assembly again "
(Dec. 1 561), ii. 25 ; Queen accuses
him of inventing the dying advice
of Lord John of Coldingham to her,
ii. 86 and note 3 ; letter from Knox
to (Feb. 1568), quoted, i. Ixxviii,
note 6
Wotton, Nicholas [?i497-i567 ; Dean
of Canterbury, 1541 ; Dean of York,
'544 > joint ambassador to Scotland,
1560 ; ambassador to the Nether-
lands, 1 565-66 — Dictionary of National
Biography], comes to Scotland to treat
for peace (16 June 1560), i. 322
Wycliffe, John, Paul Craw accused of
being a follower of (c. 1433), i. ^
Yair, Henry, servant to Lord Ruthven,
present when Riccio was murdered,
and so condemned to be hanged and
quartered (i Apr. 1566), ii. 189 and
note 5
Yarmouth, ships sail from Edinburgh and
other ports after ratification of
marriage contract between Mary
and Prince Edward, and arrive at
(1543), i. 47
Yester, William Hay, fifth Lord Hay of.
See Hay, William Hay, fifth Lord,
of Yester
York, proposed meeting between Henry
Vni and James V at (1541), i. 30-1 ;
proposed meeting at, between Mary
and Elizabeth does not materialise
(1562), ii. 46
Young, Sir Peter, his description of Knox's
personal appearance, i. Ixxxvii
Zurich, Knox at (1554), i. xxxv
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